 We're all aware of the issue of the importance of Brexit. It's going to be central to the work of the Institute in the coming months and years maybe. We're very conscious that a Brexit has particular consequences for Northern Ireland. And we need some very creative thinking about how this is to be dealt with. It's fair to say that in terms of creative thinking about the economic and constitutional arrangements between these two islands, the SDRP, over since its foundation, has probably been the most creative force, particularly as I exemplified through its leader, John Hume. And so we're now at a moment where the same level of creativity is likely to be needed. And today, we have Colm addressing the issue. We plan to have all, at least we hope to have, all the major political leaders in Ireland, north and south, coming to this Institute to talk about the consequences of Brexit for this island and for these islands. Colm Eastwood is the leader of the SDRP, a position he's held since November 2015. In 2010, he was appointed Derry's youngest ever mayor at the age of 27. He was elected to the Northern Ireland Assembly in 2011 and was the party's representative on the committee of the Office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister. He's also sat on the Northern Ireland Assembly Environment Committee and was appointed to the post of Assembly Private Secretary to the Minister of Environment, Alex Atwood, in 2010. Various other things about him on the personal level, being a music lover and as a keen supporter of Derry City football. But what is not written here, but which I am told is true, is that you also have a black belt in Jiu-Jitsu. So I kept that quiet for a long time. Anyone who wishes to dispute his anything, he wishes to talk about later on perhaps just might bear that in mind as the disputation begins. Colm, it's a great pleasure to welcome you. Thank you so much. Party disciplines become less of an issue since that fact was released to the public by somebody. Thank you very much for the invitation and for the welcome. It's a real pleasure to be here. Looking down the list of past speakers, I'm told that there was a similar crowd here for the head of UN Peacekeeping a number of days ago. Hopefully will not need the services over the afternoon. But it's clear that the Institute has never been short of impact and influence. It's very welcome though and probably somewhat inevitable that the period ahead will bring this Institute into even greater prominence. Given the science of the times, I imagine you have a very busy period ahead of you. Let me begin with where I think we currently stand. The European Union is facing a prolonged and potentially defining crisis. Its foundation and founders are a distant memory to most. The connection has been lost. There is no exaggerating how stark the situation is. The EU's ethos and perhaps its very survival are now at stake. Stating this reality may well seem obvious, but I think it's a obvious reality we all now face. This crisis didn't begin with Brexit and there is no certainty that it will end with Brexit. In truth, the Brexit vote was probably a symptom of a wider problem rather than its original source. It is instead the layered challenges of globalization, which I believe formed the biggest question afflicting the Western body politic. Since the financial crisis and crash of 2007, Western electorates remain in the depths of uncertainty and vulnerability. Deindustrialization, unstable and insecure labor, the transactional and managerial nature of our public culture and services, the impersonal uniformity of modernity and the ever-increasing distance of political power from the lives of ordinary citizens have all fed into this electoral landscape. The verdict of that electorate has increasingly diagnosed that a more porous world of ever-increasing pace does not necessarily equate to a world of ever-increasing progress. Through their eyes, it has certainly not meant a world of ever-increasing purpose. These sentiments had boiled underneath the radar of popular opinion for some time until now and they can no longer be ignored. As we have seen on both sides of the Atlantic, visceral politicians spouting ever more visceral language have written that wave of emotion. I believe the heart of the Brexit vote was in large part a reaction to these swirling cultural themes and sentiments. As a result of one of the biggest errors in modern political calculation by the former British Tory Prime Minister, David Cameron, the European Union got caught up in that complex crosswind and it bore the brunt of all that anxiety and anger. For many, the referendum offered the perfect chance to retreat to the imagined comfort of an imagined past. In particular, that is because a reawakened English nation is finding it difficult to define itself in the modern world. The crisis of the English nation has probably been a long time coming and will probably take a long time to resolve. Since the dawn broke on the 24th of June, the British establishment has struggled to react and recover. As has been witnessed to all of us, they are still a long way from finding their feet. So to use that awful modern phrase, we are where we are. Here in this island, north and south, we have watched all of this unfold before us. However, as we all know, we are far from being an audience to the event. We are all active players. We have plenty of skin in the game to use another awful phrase. Brexit will affect every institution on these islands, political and civic, for many years to come. We are now desperately in need of an Irish solution to a European problem. We should not and must not be bound to the timeline of a largely English crisis. 56% of people in Northern Ireland voted to remain in Europe. That's a statistic I believe is worthy of repetition. 56% of people in Northern Ireland voted to remain in Europe. It was a decisive democratic decision on the part of people in the north. Just as in Scotland, ours is not the choice of England or Wales. We have not chosen huge constitutional change and a life outside of Europe. We have chosen to diverge from that future. We have chosen to remain loyal to the European Union's ideas and ideals. There's been ample talk about the potential for seismic, economic and social fallout from Brexit itself. No doubt that will continue and grow if the British government triggers Article 50 in the new year. We know the pitfalls that await in terms of trade and free movement. At the last count, the British government will be required to enter into six separate sets of negotiations. This will bring a new meaning to the phrase long and protracted negotiations. In recent weeks, I've been outlining the political dangers and difficulties ahead of us if the British government continues down the road of removing Northern Ireland out of the European Union against our will. It is this political fallout which needs to be aired much more audibly in the current period. In 1998, we voted on this island to determine from that moment on, the North would have control over its own destiny and future. It was deliberately designed to ensure that constitutional change could only be enacted if and when given the consent by people in Northern Ireland. An intrinsic part of that agreement was the European Union. For Northern nationalists in particular, common EU membership with the south of this island, with the anticipation of deeper integration, was a key part of our buy-in to the political institutions. The totality of relationships presented to us by Albert Reynolds and John Major on the steps of Downing Street at the start of our political process now faces being ripped apart. The seriousness of that reality should not be understated or undervalued. As I've said over recent weeks, a post-Brexit word could also mean a post-Good Friday agreement word. The British government has shown no understanding or even interest in the significance of this reality. Maybe that should be no surprise. The British Conservative Party have a long tradition of displaying a tin ear to Irish concerns. It is for this reason that it is now so important for the Irish government to represent the whole Irish voice in the time ahead. The Irish government is a cool guarantor to our Good Friday agreement. At times of change and crisis, they have a responsibility to act as our ultimate insurance policy. It must not be a neutral observer in the coming weeks and months. I'm now calling on the T-shirt to uphold that responsibility. We are calling in the North's insurance policy. We need the T-shirt and his ministerial colleagues to speak for all Irish citizens, unionists and nationalists alike, in the forthcoming negotiation. In that vein, I warmly welcome the announcement of an all-Ireland Brexit forum, which will be established in November. As we know, the First Minister, Arlene Foster, attempted to politicize this issue earlier in the year. I am pleased that her attempt at veto has failed. In truth, although it is important that politicians from both sides of the border are involved, it is primarily an opportunity to hear and garner the views of civic society. There is huge anxiety in our business community, in our agri-food sector, in our community and voluntary sectors about the impact of Brexit. This is not solely about a loss of EU funding, but also about access to markets and influence across the other member states. If used properly, the forum will be an important vehicle to formulate a coherent and comprehensive response to the challenges we all now face. I especially welcome this week the progress on our cross-party legal challenge to Brexit, which will now proceed to hearing in Belfast High Court next week. After the referendum, we pledge to use every parliamentary, legal and political mechanism at our disposal to defend the will of the 56% in Northern Ireland who voted to remain in the European Union. The Court has now recognised that particular issues for Northern Ireland risk being lost as part of a broader case in London, and that our own circumstances should be judged on their own merits. That principle is at the heart of our challenge. Let me be clear, all of these steps represent a phase process in our opposition to being dragged out of the European Union against our will. They are all measured and designed to protect the Irish national interest. While it's taking immediate steps to tactically fight the trajectory currently being pursued by the British government, Irish nationalism also has a responsibility to plan ahead for the medium and long term. Any political adviser or observer can see that this is a time of shifting sands. In the last number of years, if the last number of years has taught us anything, it is that political life can no longer afford to presume the permanence of anything. At the beginning of this speech, I talked about the many challenges of globalisation, and especially people's increasing sense of loss and alienation from political power. Those issues are not unique to the English nation, and it would be a mistake to imagine them as such. Ireland must find its own answers to all of these questions. That will require a replanting of the centre ground and securing people's rootedness in it. It will also be no surprise to anyone in this room that I firmly believe that those questions are best achieved through a reunited Ireland. That is the debate which now has a renewed momentum. It is vital, though, that that new momentum is directed in a modern context. We have to be honest with ourselves. Irish nationalism has thus far failed to provide a credible and detailed plan for what a new Ireland would look like. As SDLP leader, I pledged that my party will now begin that work. That will require putting in the hard yards of policy development, and will also require extensive public engagement and persuasion. And doing that work, we must abide by an important principle. A reunified Ireland must also be a reimagined Ireland. And embarking on this journey, Irish nationalism must avoid the trap of pitching our tent on old ground. The new blueprint for a new Ireland must be built on a green field site. It must not be a process imprisoned by the past. Let me also say this. I equally believe that Northern Unionism must also enter into their own process to determine the constitutional change which awaits. The United Kingdom, as Unionists know it, is no more. They cannot credibly continue to defend the disintegrating status quo. As Irish nationalism begins to develop its own vision and plan for the future of this island, I would equally welcome the development of Unionism's views as to how they see the future evolving. How do they imagine the future of a union, particularly when Scotland edges closer and closer to independence? This cannot be a one-way conversation between Irish nationalists. Unionism must involve itself as well. Although we may not always have the courage to admit it, Northern nationalists and Unionists have a lot more in common than we like to often say. Over the years, one has looked to London and the other to Dublin, with neither always feeling a warm glow of welcome, apart from the people in this room, obviously. We have always been two people's battling for belonging. The future we now build must map out a pathway whereby we are all welcomed and comfortable in that new Ireland before us. Friends, the referendum vote in June was a moment of true change because it was a moment of lasting change. A post-Brexit Ireland is an Ireland we must all now work to shape. It will require us to take control of our own future. When buying something, my grandmother used to say that she was too poor to buy cheap. Hers was a simple but effective formula. When entering into a deal, she would always maintain that you should make sure to buy something of quality, which would give you the best possible deal for the long term. She had it well drilled into. There's a huge amount at stake for this island in the time ahead. There is likely to be plenty of bargaining. All of us will be required to find the best deal possible for our citizens. That will require us to be resolute and if necessary, to be stubborn. It will require us to defend the single market, defend free movement on this island and defend the constitutional agreements we all signed up to in 1998. We can't afford anything less. Northern Ireland is too poor to buy cheap. Thank you.