 I turn to Bogdan Klitsch, who is former Defense Minister of Poland and of course who is particularly involved in the question of organizing the security relationship between Europe and the US. Bogdan. Thank you very much, Carl. I will not concentrate on the history, even the recent history between our meeting in Rabat and here, although so much happened that it would be necessary to mention that I will concentrate on the current threats and challenges per se, not going too far, not going beyond the traditional Euro-Atlantic area. So some words about Russia, NATO and the response of the European Union. Russia without doubts remains an aggressive and disruptive power that challenged the international order. In Ukraine, we were talking about that two years and three years ago, showing to be ready to use the force overseas, then in Syria, now in Libya and also in the Sahel. Let's remember about the presence of Wagner units in Sahel. Russia tries to reintegrate as big as part of the post-Soviet space as possible. We are witnesses of the soft annexation of Belarus that didn't begin recently, that began before the revolution of freedom in that country in Belarus, but accelerated according to those processes recently. No doubts Russia will interfere with political processes of the West, mainly with elections as it did in 2016 in the U.S. and 2015 in my country, trying to deepen in divisions in the West, both within NATO and within the European community. I am convinced that Russia will try to establish a dominant military position in the Arctic. Let's take it seriously into consideration, although this rivalry between powers and various actors is not so clear right now and will continue to set up new relationships in Africa, staying here in the Middle East an important and influential role. On the other hand, one should be aware of Russian disadvantages, I mean especially small economy that creates around 2% of global GDP and dependence on energy prices. Let's take into account also its advantages, that's important, large conventional forces, modernized weapons of mass destruction, energy resources and aggressive foreign policy that we can observe especially during last decade. So when China from the European point of view is a big challenge for Europe, Russia creates a threat for Europe, especially for Central Europe. What about NATO in such circumstances? We wait of course for a new strategic concept. The former, the current one is outdated. I took part in shaping this Lisbon strategic concept in 2010. So let's remember that among its three essential goals, essential tasks, the second, I mean the crisis management was put aside and will not be introduced in years or decades and quick withdrawal from both the ISAF mission before and recently the Resolute Support Mission shows that there is a crisis management fatigue and the Alliance will not return easily to this task. And the third essential goal, I mean the International Cooperative Security Model, doesn't exist anymore. Doesn't exist anymore because it was based on the assumption that dialogue is much better than confrontation, that cooperation is better than that confrontation. And frankly speaking, it was blown up by the invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine, both in the Crimea and in Donbass. And it was not replaced by any other concept of security. So we have from this existing current strategic concept only the first essential goal and this is deterrence and defense. The next strategic concept has to be extended and has to incorporate the current challenges and current tasks stemming not only from Russia but also from Chinese foreign security policy and should respond to current main threats like for example energy or cyber threats. The report NATO 2030 is a kind of indicator what could be and what should be according to my understanding introduced into this concept and into the practice of the Alliance. First of all, a real political unity of NATO. We witnessed during the President Trump's area a good military cooperation, absolutely a good military cooperation, but with a bad political dialogue within NATO. So such a political unity, such an improvement of the political transatlantic link should be the main task for all the Alliance. Secondly, what is important is the return to values, to those values that are important for both I mean for NATO and for the EU that were described in 1949 in the preamble of the Washington Treaty, democracy, the rule of law, human rights, public liberties, etc., etc., that should create the real basis for cooperation between nations. I don't exclude, of course, national interests and they will be the driving force of the Alliance, but this ethical basis should be reinforced. And thirdly, what was important part of the report, this is the cooperation with the European Union, not only the political but institutional cooperation with the European Union. I will try to continue this in the discussion because within the EU, right now, we are after the recovery from the crisis of political will as for the development of the common security and defence policy, with creation of European defence funds, with activation of PESCO, with a card mechanism and with implementation of the global strategy of the EU. But we are facing another crisis connected with financial challenges that we face right now because of the coronavirus consequences. Thank you. Mr. Bogdan, this question of reconciling Atlantic and European approaches to deal with security, we should really come back to that in the discussion because it's absolutely central in the wake of the present crisis between the US and Europe on the issues that were mentioned before.