 Good afternoon to you all, you're all very welcome. My name is Claudique Marfay. Could I ask you before we begin to switch off your mobile phones and thus avoid any embarrassment to yourself in the course of the meeting? It's a great pleasure for me to introduce the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Slovakia I'm here in Slovlaiček, a very eminent foreign minister of Slovakia and it just ended his period in office as President of the 72nd General Assembly of the United Nations while remaining Minister for Foreign Affairs at the same time, which was quite something. And European Affairs. And European Affairs. I first met Mr. Lijček some six years ago when he was managing director of Europe and Central Asia in European External Action Service. It was a pleasure meeting him then. It was enlightening for me and I'm sure you will all find his presentation here enlightening. His presentation is on the future of the EU 27, a Slovak perspective. We are particularly glad to get the point of view of another small country like ourselves. It's perhaps too often, as I just read, that the positions in this fix that we find ourselves in now of France and Germany and the UK are the only important ones. No, they're not. We are a community of 28, soon to be 27. And the positions of each one of us is important, each member state. I think that few can put forward the perspective of his country better than Minister Lijček. His presentation will be on the record. The question and answer session afterwards will be under Europe House rules. That's to say, you can use the information you get there, but not describe it to any person or to this place. So Minister Lijček, can I ask you to intervene? Sure, thank you. Thank you very much. Good afternoon, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the colleagues and friends. Thank you very much for taking time to be here this afternoon. My visit to Dublin today is my third bilateral visit since I came back from New York and resumed fully my responsibilities as Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of Slovakia. My first two trips took me to Kiev and Moscow and are related to our upcoming chairmanship in the OSCE that Slovakia takes over first of January. And today I just finished my meeting and very in-depth discussion with my partner, Foreign Minister Simon Kovni, about the same topic, which is the future of Europe. And I want to once again thank you all for finding time to be here and, of course, many thanks to the Institute of International and European Affairs for organizing this event. And I'm ready and willing to share with you our perspective of the future of European Union, but I have to say I'm not a fortune teller, so it will take a lot of guessing and it's a difficult job because when we speak about the future of the European Union, we have to admit that there is a very strong element of unpredictability, which is a common denominator of our discussions. But this should not bring us to skepticism because, as Eamon de Valera said, all history is man's effort to realize ideas. And that's exactly what we have started 60 years ago in Europe. Realizing ideals of peace, prosperity and purpose. And our Union brought us success, especially to smaller countries like Ireland or Slovakia. It allowed us to punch above our weight economically, politically, fiscally. And Ireland is a perfect example of fully utilizing the EU membership. And your country has been an inspiration for Slovakia for almost three decades. And I am confident to say that we were successful. Slovakia is a proud member and a supporter of European integration. European Union is the only realistic alternative for us. We are not looking for any experiments here. We are prepared to bear an adequate burden of responsibility in the European Union and also contribute to our discussions on its future. And to do so, I'll break down the issue into three main questions today. First, where are we now? Second, where do we want to go? And third, how do we get there? To deliberate on prospects of the future of anything, we must always start with self-reflection. So first we must ask, where are we now? We live in a world of dramatic and not always favorable changes. We are surrounded by challenges coming from all the directions, inside and outside. We are at a point in history described by a search for a new global balance and the reshuffling of the centres of power. The rise of unilateralism in international relations and attempts to resolve disputes by force, economic or military is alarming. The international order based on respect for written and unwritten rules is under threat. Sometimes we feel as if things do not make sense. Firstly, we are feeling insecurity and vulnerability, be it from terrorism or disinformation and hybrid threats. Secondly, isolationism and protectionism, hemp of free trade. We are facing new great power competition based on unhealthy winner-take-all approach. Thirdly, we see that alternative offer for governance are gaining on popularity, but we are unable to react. Trust in established institutions and rules decline. Empathy and aggressions grow. Sanctions, restrictions, proxy conflicts, information or psychological campaigns signal an increase in global tensions, at least in the short-term perspective. And no democratic country is immune to these developments. And we are facing many challenges coming from inside of the European societies. And challenges coming from inside are always worse. Practically since the outbreak of the European crisis or the Eurozone crisis in 2009 through the migration challenges in 2015, we have been struggling with internal crisis and problems. And we've survived them rather than resolved them. Monetary union is still unfinished. Single market is incomplete. And Dublin is not yet reformed. And I'm not referring to the capital city here. We were unable to find effective solution to migration crisis for several years now. And as you know, and as it has been mentioned, I've just returned from New York after serving as the president of the United Nations General Assembly. And here, 192 member states of the General Assembly were able to agree on the text of the document which is called Global Compact on Migration. It is a political document, but I have to stress, I felt the spirit of cooperation and search for common ground much more intensely there than I feel it in the European Union in the community of 28 like-minded countries when it comes to migration. So when our people don't see solutions, when the public debate is dominated by bickering, when what they see in media is mostly reporting on our internal struggle, we cannot be surprised that our people lose their trust. Many political leaders are further deteriorating the discourse presenting victories as national success and defeats as the responsibility of the European Union. We forgot to talk to our citizens. They do not feel the ownership enough. They do not feel the identity enough. And they do not feel the relevance and urgency. And when they do not hear the answers from us, they turn elsewhere. A striking example of this loss of confidence was Brexit. Brexit was definitely an alarm clock for the European Union. That people want different approach to solving problem and they want to see tangible results. Brexit is a British decision which we regret, but have to respect. Now we have to finish a good divorce with the UK. And we want us to have the best possible relations with Brits also after Brexit. However, it must be clear that a country which is not a member of the European Union simply cannot have better conditions than member states. And from this place I want to assure you that for Slovakia a deal on Ireland border remains the primary issue of any agreement with the UK. I do not think that any of us is satisfied with the picture I just painted, but here we are. So my second question is where do we want to go? And my proposed answer is we want to go towards realizing the ideals. We want to see the European Union which is first, united, prosperous and secure. And at the top of scientific and technological progress. Second, the European Union which plays important global role in world politics, including defence matters, adequate to its economic power. Thirdly, we want to see European Union as a community promoting values of freedom, democracy, human rights, open to international cooperation and forging partnerships, welcoming new member states and opening doors for the return of those that once left. Fourthly, we want to see the European Union where decisions are agreed on in consensus and mutual respect between the member states and also between the member states and European institutions. And fifthly, we want to see the European Union that provides an identity because there is something about the European Union that is also personal, but not to abolish nationhood or to make countries give up any part of their own national identity. Our unity must be a unity in spirit within the diversity of our national, regional and local cultures. And this brings me to my third point. How do we get there? Number one, we will get there only if we stay united. I think the unity member states have shown after Brexit is testament to the strength of bonds of the EU 27. It is quite a paradox that we show our greatest unity perhaps ever towards the one who is leaving us. I wish we could show the same level of unity externally. Point number two, we will get there only if we complete the main integration projects. We need to complete a single market in terms of energy, capital and digital. We know that the energy union is crucial for our security and for our ambitious climate policy. We need to protect the four freedoms and favorable conditions for consumers, employees and enterprises. We need to restore Schengen and that of course requires full protection of the external borders in order to keep internal borders without controls. We need to complete and strengthen the Eurozone to sustain other potential economic crises and to make Euro more resilient. It is obvious that fulfillment of these strategic priorities is not free of charge. We need an ambitious EU budget. By the way in an average state the national budget is on the level of 40 to 60% of the country's GDP. Today the EU budget represents only 1% of the European Union's GDP. Point number three, we will get there only if we are equal. We cannot preserve the political unity without reaching sufficient socio-economic convergence and cohesion in the European Union. As Sean Lema said, a rising tide lifts all boats. In other words, we should use the prosperity for the benefit of all. But for Europe to further prosper we must stay atop of technological modernization. Not just catch a train of technological innovations but to navigate it. European Union is the best example of human progress. But we must well embrace innovations, make them contribute to our industrial base. Otherwise we might find ourselves on the periphery in a new global order. Point number four, we will get there only if we provide vision outside of our borders. If we want to survive we must be able to build a strong union as a global actor in political and defence affairs. The European Union can build up lasting global respect only if it's able to stabilise its own neighbourhood. The European Union must invest maximum efforts in these regions, part of which is a credible enlargement process. Our economic power allows us to materialise this vision. The vision of Europe united and whole. Because we are facing global challenges and megatrends that no European nation will be able to withstand alone. Be it terrorism, climate change, hybrid threats or uncontrolled migration. Divided Europe is not only weak but it upsets the geopolitical balance. Global atmosphere today is defined by the rise of new economic and cultural powers and by leadership vacuums. We need Europe which is capable to fill them. We need Europe positioned alongside the United States, China, Russia and other emerging players, not between them. Only in this role can Europe do its job, not only for itself but also for equilibrium of international power. If we are pinned against each other within our own space, major powers are swift to seize the opportunity. And that will be detrimental not only for Europe but also to a global political balance. And finally, point number five, we will get there only if we speak honestly with our own citizens. We cannot promise our citizens a life without problems, hard work and challenges. But we can present them a credible vision of our future and also materialise it by tangible deeds. We need to make our citizens feel the ownership of the European Union. Make them understand that it is not us Dublin or Bratislava and them Brussels. EU is us. We are the European Union. And we need to confront the false prophets who tell them otherwise. Ignoring them or ridiculing them is not a solution. They need to be challenged by presenting a vision, by exposing the doomsayers, conspirators and populists, by showing that they offer no viable perspective. We have the European Parliament elections coming up next May. Elections are always an ultimate test of any leadership. This is the time we need to mobilise, to make people feel the urgency. Talk to them about the importance of the European Union for their everyday lives. Make them understand that the elections matter. That it's the only way they can steer the European Union. They should not let others speak for themselves. Before concluding, I want to bring just one more observation from the United Nations. In the General Assembly, it does not matter how big is the economic power or the population or geographical area of a state. Everyone has one equal voice. And I experience how loud and valuable this voice can be. That even smaller countries, like Slovakia or Ireland, have a big role to play in our multilateral architecture. And I know that Ireland has big plans when it comes to the United Nations running for its seat on the security council. So I want to end with one more appeal, which is an appeal for multilateralism. At the beginning, I described the state of international affairs as uncertain. And in change and uncertainty, it is tempting to go alone. To focus on one's own interests, on one's own prosperity. But we have a responsibility for the international community. And the best way forward is the system, which is based on rules. It has worked so well so far for all of us. So as I like to say, let us not try to fix what is not broken. Let's stand up and speak up for multilateralism. Thank you very much for your attention.