 Let's go now to Falka Pertas. You're next. Sure. Thank you. Thank you, Terry. Let me first say I have to say that I'm speaking here in a purely private capacity. I have colleagues in the UN system who are working day and night on the conflict and they are the ones who should speak officially for the United Nations. But of course I'm a colleague of them and I support the great work they are doing both on the humanitarian and on the political front. When I thought about this panel, I thought that I hope that this great group of people would probably come up with two things. A, with lessons, which we always need, lessons from where we go from here, what we have learned from the current crisis and what went wrong before. And then of course avenues for diplomacy. Avenues for diplomatic actions blows both to protect civilians and to reach an end to the conflict and to open a new path to peace and security in the Middle East, which would include of course that Israel can live in recognized and secure borders and that the Palestinians can live in dignity in their own state and in peace with their neighbors. Maybe I should start with a comment what actually happened or how it looks to me. On 7th October we had an unprecedented, horrific terrorist attack targeting mainly civilians, more than a thousand killed, more than 200 abducted, taken hostage. And I think that not only in Jewish eyes this does not look like an act of resistance against occupation, but it looks like a pogrom, it looks like mass murder and nothing else. And it was followed by a horrific counter attack on the Gaza Strip, which has been creating a humanitarian disaster, unprecedented for the Gaza Strip at least. The victims again being mainly civilians and the order or the advice to one million Palestinians from the northern part of the Gaza Strip to evacuate to the south brings up for many Palestinians. The trauma or the memory of forced displacement, placement and exile. I can only underline here what my Secretary General, Secretary General of the United Nations has said, that nothing, not even the grievances of Palestinians over decades can justify the appalling attack by Hamas. But also that this appalling attack by Hamas cannot justify any collective punishment of the people in Gaza. Even wars have laws, we call them international humanitarian laws today and international humanitarian law has to be upheld any time. We need an immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. We need immediate, sustained humanitarian aid and we need at least a humanitarian ceasefire to make that possible. Let me add that the Secretary General of the United Nations also, and he was heavily criticized for that by some actors, he also spoke of context or he said that this horrific acts haven't happened in a vacuum. And yes, he was criticized for that, but let me make clear that if you speak of context and context as such does not justify anything, certainly not actions against our deepest human norms. But we do need to know the context in order to understand the chain of events and even more importantly we need to be aware of historical contexts in order to lay out a strategy and a path for the future. If we try to strategize without context we will not get very far. So let me come to the lessons. I think the main lesson and Nabil has basically said it in different words and Anwar Gargash spoke about it yesterday is that it is not possible to achieve peace and stability in the wider Middle East without an acceptable solution to the Palestinian issue. So I'll put it differently, we cannot substitute regional peace or peace between Palestinians and Israelis. I think the government of the United Arab Emirates was aware of that when it signed the Abraham Accords because it linked its signature at that time to Israel abstaining from annexing parts of the West Bank. So the link was very, very clear. I think the second lesson again and again and not a new lesson is that you cannot separate humanitarian political and security issues or put it differently again. If people are left in utter humanitarian distress also after this crisis then this will only breed more desperation, more hate and probably also new terror. So where to go? Are there avenues for diplomacy? I think we have to distinguish between the immediate and the midterm. In the immediate future, in the next days, in the next weeks, of course I repeat, we need a humanitarian ceasefire or humanitarian ceasefires and we need to prevent a wider war or sliding, as Dorotir said, into a wider war. Which means a lot of responsibility for regional actors, not only for the United States or United Nations or other international players, but particularly for actors in the region. Now speaking of Arab states here who have made peace with Israel at the same time and looking to this country here who have also normalized relationships with Iran which actually gives a chance to work for de-escalation region. For the midterm, I guess we should not ignore the date of the Hamas attack which was exactly 50 years after the October war or Yom Kippur war of 1973 and that I think raises a challenge to international diplomacy to, in a way, try to make this another 1973 moment. Now I know historical analogies only go so far and they are always limited in value, but the 1973 war with the effort of strong American diplomacy at that time led to peace between Egypt and Israel. And it led to a stabilization between Syria and Israel which held for decades. And it led the PLO, Palestinian Liberation Organization, to embracing political engagement and focus on statehood and statehood at the side of Israel and the West Bank of Gaza. Now of course I know that the history of Middle East peace efforts in the 50 years that passed was full of failures and setbacks and people who wanted to undermine it. I don't want to go through this history, it would also take us much beyond our panel time here. However, I would in this context say that diplomacy after this war needs to restart serious comprehensive peace efforts and I totally concur with my friend Nabil that if it doesn't look as very realistic or probable to achieve in the next couple of weeks or months or years we still have to make an effort. There is no alternative to that. And what does it mean? I think it means in the first place that diplomatic efforts to find a solution or find a series of interconnected solutions cannot be about recreating the status quo ante in Gaza. Which is about or has been about in the last couple of years managing or as Anwar Gargash said yesterday containing the conflict that has not worked. I think that the UN Security Council has to decide on security arrangements for Gaza rather soon. And if I take up what Nabil said about an Arab initiative or an Arab plan, I think security arrangements could or probably should include a UN mandated temporary Arab military presence in Gaza in order to maintain security and keeps a peace after this Israeli operation or war. And then we need a well prepared new peace conference, comprehensive peace conference that will certainly not be for 2024 because it needs time for preparation. It may arguably be cosponsored by the United States and China under UN auspices I hope and it should clearly define the two state solution as an outcome not sort of be too open on outcomes as some of the other speakers said the two state solution is back because the alternatives to the two state solution have not worked and it needs to include socioeconomic dimension which also builds on the Abraham Accords as well as normalization between Gulf Arab states and Iran. So looking at the conditions here we are actually in a slightly better place than we were in 1991. There are other dimensions where we are not in a better place but let us look to those conditions which we can use or exploit productively to actually go forward on a path out of this catastrophe and into a peaceful or more peaceful future of the Middle East. Thank you. Thank you very much. Focupete has some excellent points there both reviewing the where things are now and how it relates to what has happened in the past looking at wars in the past that have indeed led to opportunities windows for pursuing peace with at least some of Israel's neighbors. What I found particularly interesting that the point you made about the need for a UN mandated temporary Arab military presence in Gaza at some point to as a stabilizing temporary transitional period also is something I'm hearing more and more about also at this conference. So thank you also for the UN reviewing the UN perspective and also the importance of context that this is the context here is hugely complex and important. Very good.