 So welcome everybody. We've got people dialing in from all over the world, which is fantastic as always, and it's a pleasure tonight to welcome Andrew Elliott. He is actually one of our Japan Research Center visiting scholars this year from Japan. He's an associate professor in the Department of International Studies at Dalshisha Women's College in Kyoto. Unfortunately, none of us have been on campus since last March for almost a year. So we haven't actually managed to see Elliott in person, which is a shame. And when we were starting the seminar series last year, he purposefully selected a spring date tonight and we were both thinking at the time we'll be able to have it on campus and go to the pub afterwards. But here we still are in lockdown. So thank you for your patience, Elliott, and I'm afraid that it's just virtual tonight as the series has been all year. But it's a real pleasure to welcome you. Elliott's just had an article come out called Representations of the Perry Mission in Recent Japanese Pop Culture. So if anybody's interested in looking at that, that's in a book called Crossing Cultural Boundaries in East Asia and Beyond, published by Brill. But he's working also working on a book at the moment, which is the topic that he's going to be talking about tonight. He's working on a book about hospitality, international tourism, and Anglophone travel writing in the Japanese Empire. And I think now that we've all been sitting virtually here to hear about tourism tonight is just for curious anticipation, frankly, because none of us have any tourism for a year or more. So really looking forward to hearing about international travel and tourism tonight, even though it's a historic journey we're going to be taking. So Elliott's going to talk for about 45 minutes. I'm going to sign off during that time so that he can upload his presentation and then we'll come back at the end. And as usual, please type any questions you'll have for Elliott into the Q&A button at the bottom of your screens. And we'll collate those at the end and Elliott would be happy to answer them. So I'm going to hand over to him and let's get ready for a little international tourism over to you, Elliott. Thank you very much for the introduction and thanks to the Japan Research Center for welcoming me and hosting me, especially Helen and Charles. It's obviously been a very strange sabbatical year so far. I'm still holding out hope that I can meet everybody on campus before before I leave in August. And I don't know if this today's talk is really going to function very successfully as vicarious tourism or travel. But I'll do my best I guess. So let me just share my screen. Hopefully everybody can see that. Hello mentioned this but today's talk is part of a larger project about interimperial travel and travel writing tourism and the Japanese Empire from the 1860s to 1941. So my background is in literature. And this began a fairly long time ago as a study of Anglophone travel writing on the Japanese Empire and I was interested in how post colonial models of cross cultural encounter and so on how they fit the Japan case. More recently as I began contextualizing these texts it's morphed into something that intersects more explicitly with work by historians of Japan of modern Japan, and their work on tourism and also historical sociology as well of tourism. So I'm thinking of scholars like Kenneth Rove, Kate McDonald, David LaHenny, Ariyama Terio, Akai Shoji, Takagi Hiroshi and so on. But my approach, I don't know if this works as some kind of get out clause or not but it's still a literary studies one or at least I see it that way. So today I'm going to look at hospitality and I'll turn to this term soon in relation to international tourism or Kokusai Kanko in Japan and the Empire from 1912 to 1941. Now international tourism, this is a term in common usage in Japan in the 1930s. So today I pick it up here and I use it to refer to inbound tourism predominantly by visitors from Europe and many Britain and the USA, but also Australia and New Zealand and Canada as well. Now these tourists often referred to as Gaikyaku or foreign guests. So today I'll consider this topic of hospitality and international tourism through readings of text produced on the one hand by those offering hospitality to these tourists, and on the other hand by the foreign guests accepting it. So what I'll argue or suggest is that through this process of providing tourism hospitality to foreign visitors and the acceptance of it, a particular structure of host guest relations emerges, and this affirms a particular vision of nation of empire for both hosts and guests. So let me just just begin with a short background I want to go over all this information there just just some of the key points in bold. So in 1912 the Japan Tourist Bureau is established. It is the first. It's a semi governmental hand can hand min organization. It's the first official organization to deal with tourism in Japan. I'll refer to as JTB which is how it's known today but I don't know that's not used until until much later. The initial targets of JTB were European and American tourists. So attracting these tourists and promoting Japan and facilitating the travels. And this was primarily for economic reasons at the beginning to bring in foreign capital, but tourism also from the beginning operates as an important field in which Japan could position and project itself as a modern civilized nation and a great power. Now by the 1920s JTB was mostly focused on Japanese travelers and inbound tourism of the kind I'm talking about was a fairly small part of a massive empire wide industry. Because of arrival numbers and expenditure, international tourism's golden age was in the 1930s, and it continues to be of concern to policymakers as a means of national cultural propaganda. Kokujou Bunkatsenden, even after numbers dropped with the outbreak of war of full scale war in China in 1937. So within this context of the 1930s that the first central government agency for tourism is established and that's the board of tourism industry, Kokusai Kankou Kyoku. And the board operated from 1930 to 1942. And for most of that period it changes with the changing international situation, but the tourists from the Europe and primarily Britain, European colonies across Asia, Australia, are most consistent with the United States with the key targets and until 1940-41. And basically the start of the Pacific war brings an end to the type of tourists I'm concerned with. There's a graph here, hopefully you can see that. This shows foreign visitor arrivals just to give you an idea of 1910 to 1940. The orange line at the top is total arrivals. The grey line in the middle is from China. The green line is arrivals from USA and Britain, or at least those with nationality from those countries. Now, so as you can see, aside from China and Manchuria, also arrivals from Manchuria and Manchukuo, they're countered in later years. And they're the biggest single source of arrivals through this period. But other than those, the USA and Britain make up the most arrivals. And in contrast to Chinese data shows, this was BTI surveys which we've done, bold of tourist industry surveys which we've done in the mid 1930s. But most American arrivals came as tourists. Chinese did not. And that's probably true of British and other European arrivals as well. Let me start the main part of my talk with a couple of quotations. Let me start with a couple of quotes here. There's one from 1913 and there's one from 1920 here. And these show how, from the beginning, JTB was concerned with the treatment of foreign guests. So the first one is from the first edition of Suristo, which is JTB's trade magazine. And this is from a report by Bureau Secretary Sean O'Donnell who has just come back from a field trip to tourism centers across Europe. And he's very impressed with the kind treatment of visitors, foreign visitors, which he experiences there. In contrast, he argues that Japanese tourism operators focus only on making as much money as they can in the short term and the effects on the national image which rise from this. And similar worries are expressed fairly frequently over the next decade or so. And in 1920, this is the second quote here, the much stronger intervention is made by the chief executive of Nippon Sikyu Oil Corporation again in Suristo. I've had to translate this as closely as possible to be original. He talks about there was a need not only to raise the level of service offered to foreign tourists, but for all Japanese to improve their understanding of foreigners in general. I'm not skipping forward here, but from the viewpoint of a foreigner, I imagine the Japanese must appear at such moments like a squirrel or a sea cucumber, or an offensive race of people. So I start with his quotes, because they illustrate how hospitality can be and how it was by policymakers and industry leaders approached in two ways. The first one is that tended to be used in industry reports and guides and discussions in Japanese are service, or setai, or taigu, ootai, sekkyaku, setsugu, or osetsu. In particular, Gaijin no setsugu, this phrase comes up a lot welcoming or treatment of foreigners, and just as an aside, but the, you know, the recent buzzword omotenashi does not appear in these texts. In the katakana loan word sabisu, aside, the usage of these terms reveals a dual concern with one hospitality is the tourism and hospitality industry, and to hospitality as in the words of literary critic Paul Leon's meetings between peoples who are foreign to each other's social spaces. Now this second sense of hospitality is worth exploring some more. So in this ideal form, hospitality describes the offering of a welcome to a stranger, which is acknowledged and reciprocated in kind. In practice, new arrivals may fabricate a welcome when none was offered, or understand a welcome in a way that allows the appropriation of land by guests, dispossession of hosts, or conversely, and this is what particularly interests me today. And as Jacques Derrida has argued, the selection of guests to whom the right of visiting is granted is an act of power that for hosts affirms the sovereignty of oneself over one's home. And that's the second, the second quotation at the bottom there. So gaiji no sitsugu welcoming the foreigner was this not only a question about reforming tourism service standards, or using so tourism as a promotional tool that slipped quickly into questions about how and where to demarcate boundaries between Japan and its others, how to define national cultural attributes at home and abroad, and the real or imagined bounds of state sovereignty. And by the mid 1930s, tourism hospitality was being talked about in terms of a unique national resource, instead of a national deficiency, both in overseas promotions and there's just a quote, and exemplifying that here, and also for domestic audience as well. But the idea of tourism hospitality, something that needed work, something that needed attention, this continued right up until the eve of the Pacific war. There's lots of different strategies, which I discussed and some of them implemented, and these vary a lot in scale, and in quality. So many of them are connected with the material aspects of the tourist experience. Some of them are really big like building or investing in new resort style hotels, some of them concern things like opening times of cinemas or clubs. Others are about the provision of wine on trains or the color of bed linen, it's got to be white and clean, and the number of futons to be laid on the floor for foreign, foreign customers, foreign guests, the quality of souvenirs, and so on. So the close attention paid by government to the minutiae of the foreign tourist experience on top of large scale infrastructural investments and promotion is quite remarkable, and there's no real equivalent I think among European tourism agencies at the time. But hospitality reform also include intangible objects connected with social interactions, which were key to service encounters behavior posture language attitudes and manners. And it's this latter aspect of state attempts to manage the tourism hospitality encounter, I'm particularly interested in I want to focus on next when look first at the shaping of citizens or subjects as as hosts and then second shaping of workers and then the shaping of foreign visitors. So, throughout the period hospitality reforms were framed as a responsibility, not only a policy makers and providers, Sean O'Donnell Dan Roku again from 1913. We in the Bureau have an important part to play of course but so do the general public Sejin Ipan 1934 from the Board of Tourist Industry. Service also includes the hospitality of all citizens Koko Min Ipan towards foreign visitors. Now this molding of the touristic host nation took many forms and magazines like so this don't play their part. There's also radio programs tourism festivals departments or exhibitions and primary school textbooks, which are used to popularize the idea of tourism. Now these are not solely aimed at improving the inbound tourist experience but one proposal made in 1939 certainly was, and this was to open Japanese homes, a short term accommodation for visitors. And this was proposed as a unique way for foreigners to learn about the essence of Japan. Just like this were presented as strategies to attract and entertain visitors. They also positioned host citizens or host subjects perhaps in a particular relationship to both guests and the national cultural community as loyal welcoming subjects. Okay. Next, I'd like to turn to the question of shaping of front stage workers. So, they were in order to get to and to mold or manage or train workers in particular service styles, particular ways of working and interacting with guests. Particularly the board of tourist industry held guidance and training cantokushido sessions and these were seminars or lectures film screenings round table discussions. And which were particularly for front stage workers like guides or workers in hotels in Ryokan and the souvenir trade. And also professional qualifications, which are set up at this time as well. But basically these are for the for workers on the front line. Daichi Senita of the industry. And now on screen you can see a large number of training manuals that were published for workers. Again, most of these are published in the 1930s the earliest is 1928 that I've found so far although actually there are some translations and things which which are earlier than that. Now these are published by national organizations. So like JTB and the Board of Tourist Industry regional organizations like Kyoto's tourist association and also Hoku Riku Onsen Kyoukai, the onsen association in Hoku Riku. Kofu is somewhere there, Kankou Kyoukai and Harbin as well. And also these are published by private businesses like steamship companies, Ryokan owners and hotel management. Now some of these are aimed specifically at foreign guests or training, training workers to welcome and service foreign guests. But in almost all cases there's one chapter or two within them, which deals with the particular or what are seen as the particular needs of foreign guests. Now manuals like this are part and parcel of movements towards rational management in tourism that were occurring elsewhere in the world at the same time. And the BTI in particular is also translating a lot of particularly English language and training manuals from from around the world translating those into Japanese and also if you go to the JTB library in Tokyo, you can find a lot of English language and training worker training service worker training books with the board of tourist industry stamps suggesting that they were there in the library and therefore research purposes. But the amount of text also reflects an understanding that and this is a quote it is the kindness and joy of the staff more than the quality of facilities that lead to positive consumer experiences. It's also perhaps important that labor was relatively cheap and emotional and aesthetic labor is also far cheaper investment than than building or any Ryokan or renovating the facilities in any in any fundamental way. There's a great deal of repetition and between these texts and the kind of practical advice they offer and they do offer very practical advice as well as more general discussions about hospitality towards foreign guests. And some of the advice they give things like, you know, how you should laugh and with with foreign guests or when you should not laugh, and you shouldn't whisper in front of foreign guests to not leave foreign guests waiting to not be silent when they say and always always answer and and also things like who to let into a room first and a lot of other things and other things might be like don't stare at a foreigner as if a rare beast quote there and another quote and don't call them and use the actual family names like Mr. Caramel or Mr. Cabbage and Cabetsu-san and Caramelis-Sama and this makes them feel more at home. Now, generally, manuals advise against conversations about the state of the world politics or religion, but one important exception is JTB's Bureau Yomiho and the Bureau Reader in 1936 and this is quite a tome 600 pages of detailed advice and information about JTB's work and it calls itself the tourist professionals textbook at the beginning. Now, this gives all the usual kind of advice, but it also gives some explicitly politicized instruction to guides do not stop with the introduction of a landscape shrine and temple that progressed to an explanation about the spirit of Japanese culture and the national Kokutai. Also more generally, both the board and JTB recommended that tourism workers correct their own and apparently deficient knowledge about Japan as a necessary first step in providing information to foreign guests. One of the works they advise JTB workers to read were official English language promotional or perhaps propaganda literature, we might say, that aimed to provide correct ideas. That's Teki Kaku Nado Kanne from the BTA explanation of these about Japan to foreign readers, particularly the How to See and the Tourist Library series pictured here. This suggests how the process of shaping service providers into good hosts entail more than simply learning about their foreign clientele's tastes and customs. Rather it demanded self-fashioning as a national subject. Fundamentally in these texts, this host guest encounter is depicted dialectically in very broad oppositional terms as foreign customs and Japanese customs. So in that sense, any participating worker becomes relationally defined as Japanese. And a really nice example of this is from texts about the ryokan in Japanese and when they're discussing the ryokan in relation to Japanese guests, they refer to it as ryokan. But in the same book, but in a different chapter when it's discussed in relation to foreign guests, it becomes Nihon ryokan, Japanese ryokan. And so it emerges as Japanese only in relation to the foreign here. Now, so, but into the 1930s, we do see that tourism leaders were much more explicit in framing tourism service work as a form of national service. Workers are representatives of Japan and should act speak in line with national policy. Workers should be proud of themselves as Japanese and offer high class service to foreigners on those terms, etc. Now this process of national self-fashioning is neatly expressed in an essay within a BTI produced English dictionary for workers. The Gaikyoku Setsuru Eigo Kaiwa, 1937. And this says, before engaging with foreign tourists as international people, not Kokusai-jin, workers need to strengthen at the core their Japaneseness. And this is phrased very nicely, Uchi ni Nihonjin toshite no hara wo shikkari ano skute oku deki. My third category of hospitality reform is connected with the shaping of guests. So in discussions in the 1910s and 1920s, the onus for adaptation is on the side of hosts. So basically what do we need to do to meet and visit service needs and standards. In the 1930s sees a new assertiveness in the selection and shaping of foreign guests. And by 1940, this will be expressed by the BTI in terms of offering a warm welcome to, and this is the phrase which interests me, well-intentioned or perhaps bonafide foreign holiday makers, it's any norayu gaijin. And one way this took place was in the selection of guests for guided tours of the empire. And this is important and interesting, but there's not time to go into it here and Nakamura Hiroshi and Abe Junichiro and have also looked to have looked at this in more detail. But another way, and this is what I want to focus on here was through promotional literature and aimed at foreign tourists and some examples on the screen here. All produced by, all but one of them produced by the Board of Tourist Industry, JTB, the Inzan Hotels in Japan is produced by Fujiya Hotel in Hakone. Now, these kinds of texts, they might be approached or read in terms of a kind of depiction of the ideal visitor, and in that sense they worked as an instruction on how to be a tourist in Japan. But typically we think of tourist guidebooks and pamphlets, and we think of them that we think that they focus on, they tend to focus on what to see, right? But this type of literature focuses on what, on how to act, what to say, how to listen. Now English language guides that the Yorkan illustrate this well. And within the international tourism market, the Yorkan had pretty relatively low status until into the Showa period. So in the 1910s, the Yorkans are not promoted very much, and they were mentioned as in terms of as a backup basically accommodation for use only when there was no Western style hotels. Official advice for Yorkan operators continued along these lines, so you have to make changes for foreign guests to be able to comfortably stay at Yorkan. But there's increasing stresses laid on the role that foreign guests must themselves play in adapting their own expectations and behavior. So at the top quote here, as it says, if they are broad-minded enough, if they act as Romans do, then they will probably be able to turn inconvenience and discomfort into an interesting study and experience. By the 1930s, the demands of a Yorkan state are being promoted in a much more positive fashion. It's not just a comfortable place to stay, but it's a necessary part of any genuine trip to Japan. The bottom quote here, just I'll just read the final sentence, but the novel experience will fall upon the best opportunities to learn something, the real life of the Japanese. There's no date for that, but it's sometime in the 1930s. Increasingly, promoters suggested that staying at a Yorkan permits an embodied experience of national cultural essence for the foreign guests, so taking off one shoe at the entrance, following the maid to the sparsely furnished room, kneeling on a cushion by the hibachi stove, sipping green tea, changing into yukata, bathing lying on the fruton. So the Yorkan is presented here as a repository of traditional Japan, to which foreign guests, by progressing through each step of their stay, must themselves accommodate. And the corporality of this process seems important to me. So this is no disembodied tourist gaze surveying the landscape from up on high. Rather, these texts foreground a tourist body, not always, but often male, moving around in relation to other bodies, usually female, and objects, the bath, the fruton, the yukata, etc. Now, through these movements, the literature suggests the tourist is made at home in Japan, rather than Japan made home for the foreign visitor. And an essayist in a 1939 tourist special puts it like this, the quote at the bottom of the page, after you've taken off your European dress and put on a fresh smelling kimono, you would not think your room to be bare. So by giving oneself up to this experience, the tourist is transformed, acquiring new about the Japanese ways of thinking about aesthetics, space, time, nature, and perhaps international politics. Now a kind of official version of the ideal relationship between Japanese host and foreign guest is neatly depicted in Three Weeks Trip in Japan. This is a book published by the Board of Tourist Industry, sometime after the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War, so sometime after 1937. And this dramatizes a fictional summer holiday by an American couple, Herbie and Gertrude Bowles, and their interactions with their JTB guide, Mr. Settle. They travel the length of Honshu from Tokyo down to Kyushu. Now the American couple, as depicted in this, have a very uncritical, very naive interest in Japan. They're always willing to listen to Sato's explanations. But importantly as well, Sato's own travel experience is underscored and contrasted with the Americans. So he has firsthand experience and knowledge about the world. And he also has knowledge and experience of what it means to be a mobile and modern tourist consumer, able to go and take pleasure anywhere, golf comes up, drinking comes up, etc. Thus through the course of their travels together, it's Sato who teaches Gertrude and Herbie, not only about the real Japan, you know, real Japan, but about what it means to be a bona fide traveler. And mostly this means the willingness to listen and learn from Japan. And the top quote here is an example of that. At the end of their journey, it is described as a cosmopolitan transformation of Gertrude and Herbie. This trip has been a real education to us both. We feel internationally minded for the first time in our lives. So let me just review some of the main points at this stage. So from the early 1910s to 1930s, ideas of inbound tourism hospitality changed from a shameful national deficiency to a superlative national resource. You can see this in the guidance and given to front stage and training given to front stage workers in the mobilizing of subjects as host citizens and the selection and shaping of foreign guests. In the late 1930s host guest relations are articulated as mutual and equal, involving both shared accommodation to each other's different cultural traits and identification as a valid universal modern subjects of tourism. But the question remains then, what took place on the ground? How could the state or industry leaders ensure that the moment of service delivery worked as desired? How did individual workers follow or bend or resist the scripts laid out for them? How did tourists themselves participate in these service encounters? How did they represent these experiences? So in the last part of this paper, I'd like to turn from official policy and publications and attempt to recover some of the local and individual experiences providing and receiving hospitality in mainland Japan and colonial territories. This is a work which is still very much in progress and methodologically speaking, it's more difficult. So front stage workers, which I'm talking about here, they rarely make records of work themselves and these are even more rarely published. There's a lot of photographs and visual records of workers, but these are not self-commissioned. They tend to be official commemoration shots of hotel workers, for example, as the bottom one here from the Osaka hotel. Or the images for the souvenir trade as the top one there, a postcard for NYK line, and steamer line, and other photographs taken by tourists as mementos. If they show the encounter at all, they provide little sense how it took place on the ground. The exception, which I found so far, is a biographical narrative of Ryokan Maid life and work called Ryokan no Jochuniki Monogatari in 1921, and it's written by Fujikara Hisui. This purports to be a collection of written and orally transmitted episodes from a variety of different maids, and these are collated into a narrative formed by the author. This is a very sympathetic portrait of long days and serious efforts to please guests, often using a rhetoric of ninja, helpfulness or human feelings, and this is very common in discussions, official discussions of Ryokan as well. This memoir also reveals a private realm of sociability behind the scenes, which is detached from Maid's face-to-face interactions with guests. It goes unseen by the guests themselves. Guests appear out there in secret, they're laughed at, they're sympathized with, and they're also ignored. For example, ninja is invoked in such passages in more personal ways, as in the quote here, to explain Maid's curiosity about what guests are doing and how, in this occasion, they would go out into the corridor, patrolling the corridor, but in truth to get a look in a particular guest's room. Now this suggests a gap between totalizing rhetoric of service as personal sacrifice, you know, these kinds of exaltations you get, like always smile, however you're feeling, don't stare at guests, even if you want to, etc. It suggests a gap between that kind of rhetoric and actual practices. It's hard to read conscious resistance from this alone, of course. Now more readily than workers, tourists write of their meetings and interactions with hospitality workers of all kinds, with differing degrees of detail or individuation. Now, this is travel logs, basically I'm talking about travel essays, and these offer, of course, a highly mediated perspective from only one side of the encounter, but perhaps a reading of them against as well as with the grain offers a way to access aspects of this encounter. Now travel logs usually describe Ryokan service, much more than hotel service at length, and then mirroring Japanese service manuals, they pay close attention to Maid's as a sign of attentive and unobtrusive service. This is the kind of discipline, docile, often female bodies that modern tourism tends to front stage. And there's lots of sociological tourism work on this, but modifies such as young female kimono cloud bright tiny little smiling, also draw on long running tropes of often eroticized female hospitality, as particular resonance in the case of Japan. There's a complex exchange and interplay of signs here. We've got female bodies in kimonos which have been utilized at this time as national symbols in tourism promotions inside and outside Japan, got maids in kimono being framed as conduits for the transmission of national cultural essence in inbound tourism practices. And this draws on and perhaps feeds in the case of some male guests, single male guests, Orientalist fantasies of Japan, as well as the Ryokan's prehistory as site of sex work and sexual play. So the modern Ryokan Maid is captured as it were at the intersection of all these discourses. But travel logs also record encounters when Maid servants challenge attempts to use them, either as a national resource to promote Japan, or as an object of erotic Orientalist desire. So Maid servants are reported giggling in corridors at foreign tourists and inability to use chopsticks. They share gossip about foreign guests with other staff. They play tricks on inhospitable guests after they have left. And such examples correspond with episodes in the Maid diary narrative mentioned earlier. They also correspond with the repeated advice found in service manuals not to do just these types of things. You get the impression that they're having to repeat the same advice over a decade or so because it's necessary because the advice is not being followed. Now, of all the service encounters reported on in travel logs, by far the most important is guides, and they spend the longest time with tourists and they play the most prevalent role in accounts. They are named as Maid servants, the hotel staff typically were not, and they have the dialogue directly quoted. Many of the conversations reported with guides in travel logs are conversations about Japan in which the guide plays the role of a national speaking subject, a wee Japanese constructed against a tourist identified as American, British or Western. In this role guides explain the national situation in very positive ways, and they correct visitors ideas about Japan. And such accounts closely align the BTIs training of guides with tourists real experiences. It's of course worth noting that tourists wished often to speak and hear about these things and that's the reason they chose to employ guides in the first place. I think all of this is perhaps less significant than the intimate associations made between guide and tourists. So the relationship is typically described using a rhetoric of friendship. Travel books often present guides less as Japanese host than as a fellow traveler shared experiences of eating traveling and staying together are shown to bring travelers and guides together. But their shared desires for relaxed and comfortable accommodation, decent souvenirs, pictures, sites and interesting experiences are just as important. That is, visitors and guides are shown to have similar touristic expectations and understandings to be cultured and mobile in similar ways. On the basis of this shared touristic identity with visitors intimate associations are formed. Class and gender both play a key role in this ability to make an effective connection. All the guides are male and even perhaps especially for female tourists who write and who tend to adopt a travel and identity conventionally coded masculine and connected with unbeaten tracks solo travel adventure etc. And also guides are shown to be well educated humanistic often cosmopolitan, the well traveled just like for the foreign tourists and accomplished in English. And this is something we've seen in three weeks. We've seen in three weeks trip in Japan. So, the shared traveled object of guides and tourists alike, the travel II the person traveled as Mary prep puts it is positioned in opposition. They're often female as in the maid servants of York and rural lower class. In the case of traveling colonial territories, racially or ethnically different. The class and gendered identification and its exclusions, sex poses the inevitable limits of the board of tourist industries drive to popularize tourism across the nation. In accord with prevailing social hierarchies and prejudices and inequalities promoters framed certain groups as objects for other more privileged groups to observe. And take this idea and think about travel further field in the empire. So travel logs report on Japanese colonialism in various ways, some are critical others are indifferent, many are supportive, even when travel writers are openly critical. The acceptance of tourism hospitality provided by Japanese institutions and individuals tends to work implicitly to justify colonial intervention on the basis of touristic protection and comfort. And the first quote here from Neil James is petticoat vagabond in I know land from the traveling 1941 illustrates this well passages like this are particularly explicit in establishing an equivalence between the good guidance of tourism hospitality and good guidance or colonial rule. Now, as we see in the, the second quote here from Harold and Alice forts trip to Hokkaido and Taiwan. Even elements of tourism service that coded Japanese in mainland Japan, such as futons and baths foot or becoming the colonies sign of a familiar type and standard of tourism hospitality and travelers after. The adventuring in a strange place that led to return to these to the services to these facilities. So Japan is coded homelike and familiar in such passages. So similar to the guides to your can stays produced for foreign visitors I looked at before. It's through the body and bodily comfort that an effective attachment to Japan is made. I'm just going to turn to my conclusion now. And so I don't wish to suggest that on the ground encounters between service workers and tourists, and at least as they recorded in travel logs. And I don't wish to suggest these aligned precisely with how this encounter was mapped out or imagined policy or promotional literature. There are travel logs in New Zealand to James Bertrand, for example, or an issue would you make a self reflective and critical stand against the pull of the tourist. There are also structural blocks to the smooth operation of hospitality, the home ministry, the police and army restricted inbound tourist movements increasingly through the 1930s. And we can also wonder whether nationalist appeals to service workers to see all interactions as an exercise in cultural diplomacy made much real headway with staff themselves. Finally, even in the pages of JTB and BTI's own magazines, there are conflicting opinions and some of these critique the idea of inbound tourism and hospitality as a means to promote Japan in a prescribed totalizing way. But in conclusion, I do want to make a point about the power of touristic identities and relationships that perhaps overrides many of these concerns. The Japanese states approaches to inbound tourism was based arguably on a reasonable understanding of tourism's workings. Touristic perspectives, representations lean towards inductive readings of places and people where individual instances are generalized and essentialized as a side of national character. And this makes of course each encounter an important one. And the BTI was well aware and discuss this in its own reports that a single negative experience can outweigh a multitude of positive experiences on a trip. Furthermore, the nature of overseas travel meant that national or imperial comparisons could be were made. Tourism was thus an effective tool for both evaluating civilizational progress against a real and imagined West and projecting a positive national image. And the impact of tourism as propaganda was limited by the news and reports coming out of China, for example, from over the 1930s. But attempts to oversee and manage the touristic experience in Japan were generally quite successful I think. In many travel accounts they report on positive pleasurable experiences of traveling Japan in and empire right up until the eve of the Pacific war. And in these accounts, tourism service workers were often a claim for the hospitality. And this is understood, not individually as a positive reflection on on Japan as nation and imperial say it's not understood secular in terms of the tourism sector either it's instead nationally or imperial here or in terms of imperial state. Now Kenneth Rove in his work on imperial heritage tourism argues that tourism exemplified self administered citizenship training. And that is a voluntary engagement with an endorsement of prevailing imperial ideology through mass consumerism and consumption. And this is I have outlined today, we see something different. On the one hand, how practices are providing tourism to foreign guests, rather than touristic consumption worked on citizens, mobilizing them as loyal welcoming subjects in support of tourism policy. And on the other hand, how tourism hospitality led to the development of effective ties with the nation, individuals from outside Japan, many without any other significant attachment to the country or its people. Yet the reason for tourism's efficacy here, they not in control of the scripts, according to which these encounters took place. So what are the priorities of what service providers said to visitors, what information they imparted, just like the particularities of an itinerary, or the way particular sites were framed or experienced. I think all of this is much less relevant for foreign tourists than it was for Japanese imperial or imperial heritage tourism. And this is the kind of work by Kenneth Rother and Kate McDonald here. So tourists were directed to the Imperial Palace. They were directed to say grand shrines to model Aboriginal villages in Hokkaido and Taiwan to modern urban spaces in Korea to the Japanese war memorials in Manchuria, etc, etc. But the ascribed nationalist or imperial meaning of these sites is rarely accorded special significance in texts, even when it is mentioned. And as tourist attractions, these jostle with food with street scenes with shopping, the weather, sports, transportation, as just one more thing out there for tourists attention. Well, I argue that inbound tourism was effective because of something more fundamental to tourism hospitality ideals, that is prevailing ideas about what it means to be a good tourist or good guest, not overstaying one's welcome, not imposing one's values, being sensitive to and respectful of difference. Now these admittedly and perhaps for good reason are not characteristics that immediately perhaps come to mind when thinking about the history of modern Western travel or travel writing to Japan, especially in the wake of decades of post colonial studies analysis. However, travelers chose to interpret what it means to be a good guest or how they put this into practice into the 20th century, at least, their encounters and interactions are underpinned by a fairly strong commitment to basic principles of hospitality that could change and at least temporary incorporation of the guest within the cultural and social norms of the host society, but what version of vision of the host society from whose perspective, by being a good host, drawing on and developing a vision of a truly touristic that was shared with guests, international tourism providers from policymakers to front stage workers, positioned foreign visitors in a particular relationship to Japan to lower and upper classes to colonial territories and subject to peoples. And that's the end of my talk. Thank you very much. Brilliant. Just a reminder to type your questions into the Q&A function I see there's some coming in there's some sitting there so we'll get to those in a second. But thank you that was brilliant. I just have one, just to get the ball rolling while people are typing in their questions I have one sort of very broad question myself and then a comment. It's really fascinating to see you trace this history of inbound tourism or Japan is hosting tourism back to as early as you know the 1910s as you did. And we know that, and you said at the very beginning that you know the JTB was, was sort of set up to, to, you know, promote Japanese going abroad or Japanese going to outbound tourism. And inbound tourism has been much, you know, much less significant than that but it's interesting the history that you've got there and the meticulous investment in that. But it's only in the last five years I believe it was 2014-15 where inbound tourism for the first time in Japanese history overtook Japanese outbound tourism in terms of numbers. I just want, I mean I've got some theories myself but I just wanted to get your view on why is it to make in a century for inbound tourism to really take off in terms of numbers of inbound tourists coming into Japan I just welcome your view on that. And second, it's more of a comment really but I've done a little bit, I'll be doing a little bit of work on tourism and its relation to sport recently and there was a, there was a basic act on sports promotion in 2011 and and, you know, promoting Japan as a sports tourism, both domestically and internationally and that's why that's one of the reasons why Japan has been hosting mega events like the Ruby World Cup and unfortunately the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics won't be the same tourism hosting opportunity that it could have been. But it's interesting that to see in your history, little bit sports were there so you mentioned golf, there was some pictures there of fishing and hiking. And these are the types of things that Japan is really focusing on in terms of connecting specific sports activities to to tourism so it's interesting to see that that perhaps started off much earlier than than I realized for example so I don't know if you want to comment on that to what degree those kinds of activities were being encouraged and the regional span of that because you said people were being directed to specific places, which even now you can say that inbound tourists to Japan as directed to specific places or sites in Japan but to what extent do people go off the beaten track maybe is another question. So if you want to think about those while I start to relate some just from the chat as well. Thank you very much. Yeah, I'm about this the sports question I'll comment first. Yeah. So, I mean the, the, I mean there's two kind of approaches to how these tourist bodies like JTB or a Board of Tourist Industry approach sport as an activity for tourists in Japan. And it was also for domestic tourist actions a lot of overlap here but one sense. I mean the surveying, of course, Western tourists all the time, in particularly 1920s and 30s. But that's what the foreign tourists want basically because they want them to stay longer is is is is a big thing by the 1930s. And they also want them to spend more money. So, what do foreign tourists like to do and of course things like play tennis golf. I mean all of these these come up a lot right. The other thing which is important is trying to get tourists to come at different times of the year, because most tourists come in April for cherry blossoms much like still today of course, and they came in on summer, you know, not for summering off when summer holidays and many, many, but are coming from Shanghai or Hong Kong right on summering vacations. So, they also want to attract people and throughout tourists throughout the year so skiing of course winter sports and skating. These become I mean there's a lot of promotion of this in 30s. This is an attempt just kind of spread and tourism numbers across the year to raise raise it across the year, but this is something they're also doing with domestic tourists as well. It's not something I've looked at but others have worked on this where the Ministry of Railways and JTB. I mean, people travel at the same time so they have all these like tourist tickets for the trains, for example. But I mean there's massive peaks at certain times of the year, and then there's no use of these other times of the year so trying to trying to not just spread out tourist numbers but increase tourist numbers at all times of the year so I think sports plays plays plays a role in that. But also in the 30s and you also have the recreational, I think that's right recreational health movement, which is, and there's an overlap here with the German strength to enjoy tourism and leisure movements here, where there's an attempt to frame and promote tourism and leisure activities as wholesome and healthy, and as opposed to being kind of Goraku, like being kind of uncontrolled or low or, you know, involving drinking and this kind of thing so I think sports play and hiking, like getting people out in groups into the countryside. The Japanese countryside is a part of this and foreign tourists are kind of embroiled in this as well. I mean, you know the surveys, I know I'm talking quite a long time on this maybe but the surveys, I mean foreign tourists are saying things like, we want to go out later to clubs and cinemas close to a heavy right. But the BTI this is 1937-1938 is like, well, but you know that may well be so but we have to think of the laws and customs of Japanese who like to go to bed early, so instead we'll give them a recreational sports facility. So they won't go out late and so I mean there's a negotiation going on here, inevitably. And just in terms of your first question about why inbound tourism took so long, I mean distances and technology play presumably a huge part in this right that I mean, compared to the Meiji period when you having I mean there's not many much data about, not much data about the Meiji period but you can there's data about not tourism tourist arrivals, but about people who entered the interior. And we're talking about like a thousand or so foreign entrance to the interior in the 1880s or something like that. And that might be more residents as well, foreign residents than short term visitors. So when you get in 10,000 people from the US or 9,000 people from Britain or British citizens coming in the 1930s, I mean those numbers are quite high, of course. Yeah, relative. Yeah. And that's partly because of changing technologies right and it's much the steam ship ride is relatively quick by the 1920s and comfortable. We've got the Trans-Siberian Express as well, bringing people in by train is through tickets which are which round the world through tickets. So, so technology combined with tourists and transport facilities and just make it a lot easier to get in there and of course, the airplane. But I mean, I mean, what you know why now in the post I mean, presumably because most of the recent tourists are Chinese, Korean, I think, South Korean. And most of the, I mean, there's a lot of the tourists who are coming in and are mostly not entirely but mostly coming the ones coming from outside the Empire, especially the Japanese Empire coming in from Europe, from North America, and from increasing the Australia actually in the late 1930s is is a push towards promoting Japan as a tourist destination in Australia. They have an excessive power. Yeah. Yeah. Brilliant. Okay, let's go to some questions. There's a quick one here. Did museums, galleries and exhibitions play an important role in that time period that you're looking at in terms of international tourism. I mean, yeah, so they guidebooks of course they do. Museums are mentioned exhibitions are mentioned and you've got the expositions, of course, which the one off or annual and expositions play an important part in inbound tourism from a very early point. So, I mean, 1872 has the Kyoto, I was to call the arts and arts and industry industrial exposition exhibition. 1872 I think is the first one. And that's the first time that normal foreigners are able to apply for a passport to enter Kyoto. And that is set up partly to revive Kyoto after the major after the, you know, the capital moves to Tokyo, but it's also the part of that revival strategy is bringing in foreign tourists to do that so from a very early point of the exposition is there. And of course Japan's is sending out through the 1930s is sending out pavilions to the world. Well, I mean, sending out pavilions from a very early point right but the 1930s tourism and tourism promotion plays a big part in the Japan pavilions and in say New York in and in 1939 40 and the San Francisco and exposition in 1939 40 where bought a toast in G JTB, they, you know, they put a lot of money on a very beautiful very nicely designed work to try and use use expositions to attract tourists. Yeah. Thank you. And a question here that this, you know, the shaping of the front stage workers or that meticulous investment and how they were to host, you know, foreign visitors. Thank you. And Tracy asked whether guides already for you know Japanese to Japanese guest interaction or was there something that was accelerated this this investment and service design was that accelerated by having to deal with foreigners and foreign tourists or was it there already that they were building on. Yeah. Yeah, I mean, the, I mean the guide emerges. As a, I mean, from the foreign tourist perspective the guide emerges like an interpreter guide in the in the major period and this for early period of modern inventory, modern travel to Japan. And that's a that that position of the interpreter guide, because they know English and later French and German perhaps. So that that is a very specific kind of, you know, job for foreign tourists, and they would travel around with the with them around the country, typically. But it becomes harder and I mean it supposedly I mean from what I've read it becomes harder and harder for guides to find enough work because there's not the need for a guide in the 1920s or 30s you certainly don't need someone following. I'm going around with you all the time. So guides become more localized and you know you employ a new guide in Kyoto, for example, but but JTB have their own guides and on the guided tours but also you can get your own JTB guide. And they're the ones which of course the, which, which is the focus of many of these efforts by BTI and you need professional qualifications by this point, you need to be registered with the police, for example, to be a guide. In terms of what Japanese tourists are doing. Yeah, I mean, there is. Yeah, I mean there's 1910s all JTB is all the discussions are really about inbound focus but inbound tourists. But, but very quickly I mean the domestic tourist market in the 1920s is just, I mean, it's huge it becomes huge and and and and it's it spreads across the Empire right and and that is not connected with with with with foreign tourists. So foreign tourists are using facilities, which, for the, for the most part, designed and used by Japanese tourists, domestic tourists themselves, and that's transport and that's hotels, for example, and things like that. So actually that links to a question here from Nicole about the Empire so she's asking, how often did tourists who also visited Japan also visit one of the colonies or explore all of the Empire, and was the itinerary for the colonies, particularly politicized in any way. So, I mean, from a, again, a very early point. I mean, in the already in like 1916 or something like that. JTB is talking about tourism to the new territories of Korea, for example. So I mean tourism is expanding with the Empire there. And, but, but there's not from what I can gather I mean one one problem is I'm basing a lot of this, unfortunately, or necessarily on travel logs. So, you know, how representative are they etc etc. It's important questions right, but there's not much, there's not until the 1920s you begin to see foreigners travelling to Japan and then travelling to other places in the Empire or travelling through colonial territories to get to Japan. And of course the key ones here are Korea and Manchuria and then Manchukuo because of the transport links basically. So people are coming down by train or they're leaving Japan by a moji or to go to Pusan and then going up and around, perhaps doing round trips. A lot of people coming out of China of course doing these and much larger kind of Asian East Asian tours as well which which go through the Japanese Empire. Again, from the 1920s into the 1930s, there's a lot more promotion of Taiwan as a tourist destination, but Kara Futo for example. I mean, I think there's JTB have an office up there or something, but there's no talk about going. I mean, I haven't found any examples of that. And again the South Pacific Mandate Islands, the Nanyo. Again, there's, it's, I haven't found, there's, there's Willard Price's quite well-known book called Japan's Island of Mysteries from 1938 or 1939 or something. But he has real trouble getting into the Nanyo at that point, because they think he's, I mean, I mean it's all based on his but I think he's a spy, it's hard to get permission to travel around it. And he's there on a kind of fact-finding mission, he's a journalist and writer. So tourists going there, I've not found any examples yet. But it's that. Now, sorry, colleague of JSC colleague Fabio asked a question about the now ubiquitous on Watanashi. And you mentioned lots of different words there at the beginning. So he's asking, you know, the origins of a Watanashi, which is now commonly used, you know, so he's asking what were more pragmatic words basically replaced by, so did, did sort of high culture notion of a Watanashi descendant to common usage is basically what he's asking. Sorry Fabio, you said it very eloquently and I've paraphrased it, not so eloquently, but the origins of a Watanashi. Yeah, I mean, I did have a quick kind of Google search or Google Trends search for a Watanashi usage recently, and just to see like when uses of it. Internet searches peaked in Japan and of course it's all connected really with Crystal Takigawa is at her 2013 speech in Brazil, when she was a bid ambassador for the Tokyo Olympics, when she did this, you know, I mean, so on Watanashi she did and then on Watanashi she did. And this, I mean, I remember from my own students like, you know, for the next two years, this was suddenly a buzzword which they, which they all talked about knowing that I wasn't a word which was in common parlance really before then as far as you know, I mean it hasn't this longer history right connected with Japanese hospitality through, you know, the Edo period and, and beyond which has a different, I mean, similar in many respects but has its own history right as a, as a practice and as a word, and why it's not being used in the 1910s, 20s and 30s. I'm not sure, but, but there's certainly some, I don't know, you don't want to make too much of these parallels like this, of course, but the way Watanashi has been used today I mean it's in terms of like representing a kind of essential and, you know, contiguous or continuing Japanese hospitality which is, which is opposed to notions of a modern Western idea of service for example. I mean, you see this in the 1930s with the way in which hospitality in Ryokan is, is contrasted with hospitality in a Western style hotel and, you know, I mentioned Ninja I mentioned before but Ninja comes up a lot in discussions of Ryokan's idea that the Ryokan service is not about monetary exchanges, it's about, you know, feeling from the heart and whereas the Western hotel you get efficient, very functional service there which is really about tipping for example and tipping comes up a lot. But I mean, of course it's very ironic because these service manuals are really attempting to professionalise and rationalise the Ryokan in the same way as a Western style hotel. The guidebooks, the training manuals often, you know, they approach the Ryokan and practically they approach the Ryokan and the hotel in very similar ways when it comes to service styles really. And actually that leads quite nicely into a question we have here from Gordon who said he was struck particularly by your this integration of responsibility of the host as sort of a national citizen, in terms of, you know, how they should behave and the opening up of their homes and he's drawing parallels with modern day Airbnb as part of our mainstream global tourist experience and how Airbnb hosting is that kind of performance of, you know, opening up and collaboration but at the same time it's competition, isn't it? So he's asking what part competition played, you know, how much is sort of enacting the hospitality of Japan but how much is driven by economic participation which I think you were hinting at there. Economic competition, sorry. Yes, and yeah, and I think that's the kind of significant factor throughout all this, right? I mean, while the board of tourist industry is, and JTB are kind of shifting how they position tourism from the 1910s and into the 1930s, I mean, at the end of the day that their job really is to increase tourist numbers to bring in more money. Now, how you choose to frame tourism as whether it says like wholesome, you know, recreational kind of national get the numbers of people in the mountains or whether you frame it as kind of modern individuals enjoying themselves in the 1920s perhaps. I mean, I think these businesses on the one hand and also these official state agencies are just kind of working within the kind of framework and pressures of the times they're living in in some ways, right? And yeah, I mean, things like service, they become ways to sell your business as a business in itself, but the rhetoric of this is not in terms of tourism as a sector particularly, it's not in terms of individual businesses, the way they frame it is, you know, is really in national terms from a relatively early point. There's a comment here from Quinton. Your talk seems to contrast with the account by Jennifer Weisenfeld about the magazine Nippon, where she described tourist promotion as an invocation for the foreigner to colonize the country with the tourist gaze. So, he asked to what extent were publications or tourist promoters themselves aware of this danger, while at the same time trying to shape the foreign guest. Good question there. So, yeah, what I'm into, I mean, there's been there's been a lot of great research, including Jennifer Weisenfeld's essay on on the tourist gaze, right, as in focusing on representations and images, promotions of Japan in magazines like Nippon or, you know, tourist or travel travel in Japan or the BTI magazine and, and there's a lot of crossover in the types of things they pick up and the types of designs, and they types of places they pick up and how they frame them for example. But what I'm into, I mean, I'm kind of interested in, and this is following a lot of, right, recent sociological research in tourism, looking more turning like moving away from tourists as a kind of disembodied gaze and thinking about, you know, the gaze as an embodied practice, for example, or different senses of touch of taste of feel to China, and see that the tourist as a, as a body moving in space around other bodies and in relation to other bodies here. And this is, but this is quite difficult to do historically, I think. So like, you're working with, you can't interview tourists, for example, you can't do the kind of ethnographic research methodologies which which a lot of tourist sociologists are doing are using today. So, but it's kind of trying to. Yeah, I mean, I'm kind of interested in these in these representations, also in how, how the industry and things like Nippon, how they represented in encounters, and can we in some way kind of recover that encounter from these documents. And this slide which actually the, the, the, the images were from Nippon, one of the, one of the great articles in Nippon, which looked at, like a month's tour of Japanese culture, I think, and this is, you know, I mean, as, as, as the, those Nippon articles are just like wonderfully designed really glossy, in fact, of Japan which showed little insets of the tourists going around and doing different activities. But she's with a guide, right, I mean it's a female tourist that she's with a male official guide I would say, and but they the way they interact together in these insets kind of gives us a sense of how it was this, this relationship that intimate interaction between these, the guide and the tourist that you can see even within this kind of representation within Nippon. I mean, I mean, it gives, I mean, it's, it's a they, I mean, I mean, are you, I mean this, the idea, are you colonizing Japan with the gaze I mean Japan is, I would say, like, working with, with signs and symbols in very, I mean the Japanese agencies who are designing these things. I mean, they're, they're taking and using like very orientalist imagery, for example, imagery which you find in tourism around the world, and they're using this and they're negotiating this I think sometimes the meaning of these things changes it has to change I think with the context and change with the reader. So perhaps how they're using I mean, you know, exoticist orientalist imagery to attract tourists to Japan. Does that mean though that tourists are colonizing Japan well I think I think it's more complicated than that actually, because, you know, I mean, the postcolonial studies stuff on non travel writing and, and, and kind of panoptical gazes and stuff I mean it has to be some kind of political order, which the spatial order and representative order of the text that if that doesn't align, then all of a sudden that it's not, it can't just be read as a colonization of, of a place for example so you know this it's a, I think it's quite a complex negotiation of, of signs and exchanges of signs and, and, and, and the meaning of these signs can changes I think with the context so I'm kind of interested in how these different impulses and uses of these signs and tourism and travel how they, how they work in, in like a very different political space right to, to travel in, in, in, to European traveling the European colony at the same time, for example. There's quite a few questions here. Continuing that theme of, you know, colony and colonies and empire etc so I'll just pick up a few of them perhaps and I know we've talked a little bit about Japan being an empire at this point in time. So Oli Moxham asks, you know, when Japan was actively promoting tourism overseas as, as in the international relations were essentially worsening between Japan and Western countries is just wondering about that sort of the influence of an increasingly, you know, nationalistic militaristic government at home, what impact did that have on the sort of JTB rhetoric promoting, you know, Japanese tourism abroad. And then Ron asks about JTB. You know, when they were operating in Taiwan and Korea, you know, was this considered domestic tourism and you know how was, how was tourism in in Japan and sorry Taiwan and Korea approached in terms of the types of cultural sites that were being connected to the empire as domestic tourism or not. What was the encouragement of tourists from Taiwan to Japan, for example, so the colonies into Japan and then finally Janet Hunter asks, have you found any ways in which the policy towards hospitality and tourism was shaped by the experiences of them, there's themselves being tourists elsewhere. And then, and then obviously coming back so a lot of a lot of the sort of global interaction that's going on both, you know, within the Japanese Empire of the time. How was that maybe shaping the change in the policy and rhetoric going on. So lots, lots of questions there. Not surprising given the time frame that you're looking at. I mean, in answer to Oliver's question, I mean, definitely. Yeah, I mean, and explicitly, I think that, but I mean into the 1930s, to some extent, after the invasion of Manchuria, and certainly after the beginning, after 1937 and the out for out of a full scale war in China. So tourism is specifically being used to as a means of soft power of cultural diplomacy to offset negative coverage of military expansion in on the continent. Yeah. And so, and, and these, what I mentioned before about the pavilions in New York and San Francisco, I mean, these are, these are designed specifically to, to create a positive image of Japan as as peaceful as as benign as modern as just like you. And then the hope is that this will, yeah, change public opinion, basically. And this is the same for the tours, which they organize of first Americans, but then Latin America, then the first North Americans, US Americans and then Latin Americans, Australians, but also people from Philippines from from India as well Canadians as well. So they targeted teachers, they targeted students, they targeted writers as a long list of different categories that basically people with with a platform of whether that's a public platform as an essayist or a lecturer, or whether like within schools to teach to to discuss with the next generation but it was very targeted these tours to basically yeah who, how, how can we best use limited resources economic resources to change the most people's mind, basically. Yeah, so I'm just going to look at the other one. Yeah, I mean Taiwan and Korea, yes. How did jtb operate in Taiwan and Korea yeah, and there's Yeah, there's, it's not. Yeah, this is kind of Rofus talked about this that what we really need is like a history of jtb across the empire. But it would take like, you know, no one person can ever do this because of the number of languages involved and the scale of it. I mean it had them officers 130 officers I think, including officers in New York and elsewhere in the world. I mean jt, yeah, I mean they did operate in, yeah, outside of the Japanese mainland they provided guides, and they were involved they had a Nigel information booths that provided tickets. Yeah, all of this. The generals of career and Taiwan were involved in this South Manchurian railway company was also involved in Manchuria so you had different agencies who were involved and participate and some, you know, obviously there's negotiations and different groups have different objectives sometimes but at least in the 1930s you have. I mean the board of tourist industry set up to oversee the tourism industry as a whole in many ways right and then there's, there's, there's organizations connected with it which are dealing with all the regional tourism associations in Japan for example so there's a, as you see, I think you know that aspects of what social and political life in Japan in the 30s you see like a greater and greater and top down control over and tourism. Yeah, I mean it's such a massive project isn't it I mean you're focusing on specifically inbound, but lots of questions here about outbound as well. And the question here from Heather who saw us along now. She's talking about the book petticoat vagabond in I knew land thinking about the pictures and passages from that and so she's asking, were there any particular instructions or guides given to people who were ethnically I knew. You know, what, what, how is it asking them to mobilize their identity even their identity was actively sort of, you know, discriminated against or regulated and Japanese national culture policy. Yeah. Yeah, so, so I mean, the, the, the, the tourists, foreign tourists who are taken, who go to Hokkaido or taken to Hokkaido. I mean they're usually taken to the, you know, the kind of model, I knew tourist village and should I should I is it. I'm forgetting I'm sorry. And this was, you know, I mean this is a place which Isabella bird had visited in the 1880s, right, but it becomes this this. I mean, and she's been recommended to go there as well as like the place where you'll find kind of I knew authentic I knew culture, etc, but it becomes more and more touristy fried that. And, and when, when, when Neil James is going though right in 1940 or something I mean by that stage it's, it's, it's a site which domestic Japanese tourists are visiting in huge huge numbers. But some, there is a great article on this and quite remember the author or the title of it quite now, but he looks at the production of I knew as a as a tourist resource, and looks at the discussions that were happening within. And, and within I knew communities about this, and also with I know communities and the, the larger waging or whatever community, or people outside that and the I know lives are saying quite specifically, we don't want to be used like this, like, there's all this. I mean, there's all this pressure on the I need to community to be, to be, you know, so called progressive to become modern and Japanese and things and this village is, is, is a, you know, it's an obstacle in these, in these attempts to this is because the village is, you know, traditional I knew life it's, you know, as it suppose it was has been lived until, until colonization basically. And so they're very involved in the I need community and the leaders that very involved with, with how they were being represented but had relatively little power. Right. I mean, to change that to affect that representation. So yeah, I mean, it's, it's interesting. I'm not sure if this is the case with Japanese tourists that, but almost always the foreign tourists, they want to build this, this close relationship with the I knew, like, I mean, I guess maybe this is part of like seeing behind the scenes in some ways of tourism. But I mean, from Isabella bird onwards, I mean, she's not necessarily the first but yeah there's attempts to build close intimate relations with the idea which is somehow perhaps in opposition to to to the Japanese guides, for example, or on a larger scale Japanese colonization perhaps and. Yeah, but there's a lot of difference depending on on individual differences there of course. There's an interesting comment and an offer here from Pamela, who says her American family lived in Yokohama from 1945 to 1962. And were not treated as residents but were rather treated as honored guests and of course that was during the occupation as well. So she said if you'd like some photos of some handbooks that she's got on how to be a GI or how to be an American family in Japan at that time. Perhaps we can link you up but are you aware of those types that's not really inbound tourism as such as it is sort of short term residents but you know how to help that's a sort of reverse how to be a foreigner while in Japan guidebook which is an interesting comparison to what you've been very interesting. Yeah, thank you very much. Yeah, well we can we can link up afterwards Pamela link you to because she has another specific question about your one of your references as well so perhaps we can link you up afterwards that would be great. If you contact me at the JRC Pamela. My colleague Verity is picking up on adding to my sports question I think you did speak about this but any insight into winter sports and connection to tourism hotspots in Japan I mean Hokkaido is an obvious one and has really taken off in recent years as well but I don't know back then to what extent, you know winter sports and winter based tourism hotspots in Japan. Yeah. Well, yeah, like I said there is the huge push and a lot of the JTB ads and through the 30s have skiing focus on skiing basically like come in winter and, you know, great snow and great facilities just like Europe. So, you know, with an onset afterwards is one of the kind of key and promotional phrases or slogans that just kind of picking up like the guidebook from 1940s to see if I could quickly find something on winter sports. Again, we can we can connect you up afterwards. Maybe just one last question because I'm aware of the time but I think you did mention this but I don't know if you want to add a bit more Julia asks. Thank you. Well, so thank you for the fascinating talk which many people have said, wondering whether you could compare the experience of the major period visitors and the hosts with those visiting in the later time period you're looking at so for example did they have access to guide books and was there any investment in acting as a host and that period I think you did mention that briefly that perhaps if you want to add in. In terms of guidebooks. Yeah, you I mean the big shift that occurs into the 20th century is that Japanese organizations take over basically promotional strategies and guidance strategies for Japan. Right, I mean there are Terry's guidebook to the Japanese Empire which continues into the 20s, perhaps 30s, but the Murray's handbook I think the last edition of the Murray's handbook is 1913 maybe or something like that. But I mean the first one being sometime in the 181870s I think so. Yeah, but it but it's it's it's foreigners, particularly resident foreigners in Basel Hall Chamberlain right. I mean I'm a Japanese Japanologist and professor and of literature Japanese Tokyo University I mean he's he he's the author right of one of you know the Murray's handbook from many years and earn a Sato writes guidebooks to Nicole and because if I want to Tokyo I can't remember. But yeah I mean it's it's foreigners though and it's and it's a lot of foreigners in the treaty ports who own and set up the hotels for example things like that. And I yeah and I think that the tourists are they have they come with different expectations and they come with. You know, I mean speaking very generally but with different types of stereotypes and different different sense of their own. You know there's many exceptions to this but sense of their own superiority sense that they can, they can, you know they have the right to go wherever they want to. I mean, you know there's plenty of examples of, you know, of of foreign tourist groups in Meiji with people, you know, seeing a temple with a with a with a service going on inside the guide saying, you can't go in now and there's like well, we're going in that right we want to see this and they just barreling in there and stuff when there's lots of examples of not of course of tourist not but I think, yeah there's a there's a different relationship to Japan and a different image. I mean, you know the same things Fujisan, etc. I mean they continue throughout but but a different, yeah sense of, of, of, of, like, and relation I mean relations as as as modern subjects as, as, as, as, you know, yeah as as participants in in in the modern I think and that in the 30s is much more prevalent and you, you know you don't see that in the same way I think in the early and mid Meiji period in particular. I'm not sure there's a lot more could be said but great. Well, thank you to everybody who who posed questions we had over 100 participants here tonight so really grateful and sorry if we didn't get to answer your question but we will be giving. There's a full chat there so if anybody wants to connect with me or earlier via myself please please do send on your, your question or comment and thanks so much. It was fascinating when when can we expect the book to come out I'm sure like the rest of us locked down and having children at home is kind of put a little bit of a dampener on the writing but when when might we expect the book on this topic to come out. Yes. That's a legitimate question. We can all look out for the book. Yeah, a year or two or three. In the meantime, thank you very much. So lots of comments saying it was fascinating and yeah thank you very much. So brilliant. So we're back next week and the week after. So do tune in again if you've enjoyed this seminar but once again thanks to Elliot for a fascinating insight and have a good evening everybody or morning wherever you are in the world. Thank you.