 Yn y blynydd i chi'n gweithio ystafell i a I'm sure this will be a really interesting day where we'll learn lots and I'll let you learn lots and reflect far more also about our practices and relation between democracy and evil. So I'm going to just introduce our speakers now. They will have 20 minutes and then we'll have plenty of technical discussions after that. I'r ffocws yw'r ystyried twfodbaeth sydd â'i busrif yn eni nhw i'r ffrwyffolol, felly yn ymgyrchau'r funwr a'r wathchawch yn ffordd i'r farcheeor, ac y'r ffordd sunggu nhw sydd wedi'i busrif yn enw. Y panel ymlaen i'r ysgrifennu'r cyfrych chi yn ardiwr a'r ysgrifennu, dwi'n ffoelio'u prosiecteb ar hynny. Yn ymwneud, mae gennym eitembwysig yma i'r newydd honno. Efallai yna'r unigwyl ynghylch i rampon yng Nghymru, a ydych chi, Llywodraeth Mwyaf, A dyna'n gweithio, yn ymgyrch ar y cyfle, ddim yn ei ddweud, a dyna'n gweithio, i'r ysgolwyd yma, yn ymgyrch ar y gyfnod, a'r unigwyl yma, i'r unigwyl yma, i'r unigwyl yma, i'r unigwyl i'r unigwyl, i'r unigwyl i'r unigwyl, a sut yw'r ysgolwr ffordd o Peisio Fforydd Ysgolwyr Cyngor Hiphlywgol yw ein gyfrannu neu Eynethiogaeth, rwy'n bobl anodd dweud mewn am y sefydliad i'w meinigol, felly bywb yn unrhyw unrhyw gyrdd rydw i wedi'i gweldoli'r cywrs. So, dwi ddau ysgolwyr yn defnyddio'r ysgolwyr, Mi-athlade-y-y-y-y-ggrwg? Feidli wrth hyn ymddwn ni ddweud. Os cwestiynau yn ei weld i chi wedi am rhyf, Thank you very much everybody. I'm really glad to have such a good opportunity to present here at the launch of the Deep Indian Democracy Project. So this morning my topic is the challenges of local legislatures in Myanmar. So in may be probably you all noticed that Myanmar is currently in a political transition towards democratic society. again in 2010. So in 2010 all these like local legislature at the sub national level are formed at the same time with the formation of the national level legislatures. So these are like, all these like local legislatures are made up of both elected MPs and appointed military representatives. So two elected MPs are selected in every five years by the general elections and the one-fourth of the seats of each and every local legislatures are filled up with the appointed military representatives. So currently like in 12 out of 14 local legislatures like members of NLD members are leading as speakers of like in these local legislatures. But in the previous terms in all these local legislatures the USDP the, by the way like NLD is the National League for Democracy, maybe everybody know and which is the party led by Afsansuchi. And so like a previous term like which is between like a 2010 and a 2015 in all these local legislatures like the USDP party dominant. So like a despite the fact that all these like a local legislatures sub national legislatures are the very important federal entities of the country they have been paid very less attention and also they are they don't really receive like the proper and enough support and for their empowerment. So in late 2015 I think like a right after the 2015 general election MREF conducted the performance analysis studies on these local legislatures. So like here we I want to show you a quick look there. This is the view of the mentally region legislatures like the members of the NLD member which are in the red and then they are sitting this side and then you maybe see that like some of the military representatives they are sitting alongside like at the other side of the parliaments. So like in terms of like a methodology like the study tried to answer like a two broad research questions. First is how effectively did the state and region parliament perform between 2010 and 2015 and how their performance was varying and another question is what challenges constraints and opportunities influence the legislative performance of these parliaments to become strong institutions contributing to democratic state building of Myanmar. So we use the qualitative methods through like two main approaches. One is the in depth studies which cover like four states in four regions and we conducted key informant interviews which are like about 120 interviews in total with different key stakeholders and another approach is the data collection based on the performance the identified performance indicators so that approach like we covered or like 14 states and regions. So the key findings so in terms of key findings the study identified three like a determinants of the performance performances of all these local legislatures. Structural barriers, sub-national level power dynamics and limitations of institutional and individual capacity. So due to the time limitation so I'm going to focus only on the first two. So the structural barriers so we can say that like the current constitution permits taking the dual role by the local the elected members of the local legislatures so that means that like these members of the local legislatures can take the cabinet position so specifically the ministerial position in the the cabinet of the local government and at the same time they can also keep their representative role in the legislatures. So like like maybe we see that like this is this kind of system we can also like like see in like a different countries also in the US UK but and also like this kind of like a system may have like both positive and negative like impacts most of the respondents stated that that kind of like a dual system limits the role and the limit the role of the legislatures and the kind of the dilute the role of the legislatures and also create and the representations in some constituencies. So like we can see the data here so data shows that like a significant portion of like elected MPs they took the dual position. So in a smaller like parliaments like Ceryn, Morn and Tanindai like the number is like seems much more like obvious and also like all these effects of the system are more obvious in these smaller like parliaments. So like let me show you some of the codes the said by the WD Speaker of KN State Lutto and then like here is the by the WD Speaker of Tanindai region. Have you all seen the the first one? Okay yeah so this is it and another issue another like a structural issue is like the the the role and the authority granted by the current institution the current by the current constitution is very limited current constitution to the the the states and regions is very limited. So in mid 2015 the the law amending to the constitution is approved and according to that law several like more sub sectors are added to the legislative list of the the states and region parliaments. So like these like in it like in terms of like like power sharing like these local legislatures feel that like these even though like a despite like a lot of the like area the the legislative areas the power the authoritative areas like expanded by the by the that law they seem that there is like no difference at all like a before the law amending and then like after the law amending the constitution. So what is the result? The result is that like there is like a lot of like significant limitations in the legislative efforts of these local legislatures. So and you can also see like some like a confusion in between the legislative list of the union legislative list and then like a sub national legislative list. So all these like constraints limits the legislative effectiveness of these local legislatures. So the data shows that and the sector the important sector like economic and then like an industry like we have in economic sector we have a no law yet approved and then like a some of the codes here but like I need to skip and then do quick. So the I really need to go this topic the sub national level like a power dynamics which is really important. So we can see that in all these local like states and regions actually like have a similar like a power dynamics in both like a previous and current government terms. So you can see the the power mapping here. So the USDP party like this is the previous term in the parliament the USDP the military so they are quite closer with the executive and then like a lot of like legislative members take took the position in the cabinet. So and then like at the time the NLD is the other side and then like it is actually like a very limited role for the smaller parties and most of the smaller parties are the ethnic minority parties and then the same thing like NLD and then very like close to with the executive side and then like most of the executive most of the legislative members took the taking the like a position in the cabinet. So it's not really like like different like a similar structure. So that kind of structure actually like create some kind of like a power imbalances and like limitations for the local legislature especially in the like a oversight effectiveness. So this kind of like codes the comments reflect the situation there. So I think like I skip this part so this is it from me today. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you. Perfect. Thank you. I have a scope of public agrarism and my objective today is to focus on public agrarism, the IE Parliament and different civil society organizations interact and the impact of such interaction on especially the budget scope. My main focus is on how such interaction allows the piece to have better scrutiny of the budget policy. But I spend three issues on the scrutiny of the legislation. We have these scrutiny of the budget and the Parliament includes some policy. Today I will focus on the on the budget policy. Public law, public authority, public health, and the principles to the civil society process. So it's a two-wire process. So it's a two-wire process and it can be done through two wires, through directly or through CSO. My colleague will focus on roi ddifwesion fwrdd i'r hubau o'r byw, ac i'r achもしn ychydig o'r bwrpl ymlaenwyr yw eich pleidwyr. Efallai efallai eich bwrdd i'r bwysig i'r bwysig i sut yn dod o bwysig. Mae'r rhaglen, maen nhw fel ymlaen. Mae'n meddwl tистod o maen nhw, mae fydd cwιαu. Mae'n meddwl ymlaen o'r rhaglen. Yn gyffredin i. Mae'n meddwl i'r llei gyfle yma, mae'n meddwl fan hynny. Efallai mae'n meddwl. Efallai, mae'n meddwl fan hynny. Felly yw'r hwsc moist, bydd gynnig i'n bwysig i drefnyddur yng Nghymru'r Rangosol Feidliadol. We have two houses of Parliament, the House of Federation and the House of People's Representatives. As diverse as the country is, the House of Federation represents the different ethnic groups in the country. The House of representatives is a many local people. We have a single party controlling both houses of harmony, a single party, which means that there is very little taxing balances in the system that is weak legislating oversight. Why do you also say few words about Ethiopia, which many of you may be aware of? Ethiopia is a very big and diverse country, and more importantly, it is a country situated in one of the most border-high regions of the world. We have Somalia on the east, we have thousands of gowns on the west, we have Eritrea in the north, and just across, the rest is Yemen. All the countries we are in, you know, we are very turbulent people, which makes the issue of democracy, the issue of democracy in Ethiopia all the more important. Over the past 20-25 years, we have had a series of elections, where by five elections, since 1995, the President's government gave power, and in all the elections, as you can see, the electoral landscape has been dominated by a single party. For example, in 1995, with the current 45-year power, there were 89% of the seats of thousands, and in 2087-2009, 2005, as you can see, was a white-washing moment. It was during this election that the opposition, people enthusiastically, went out to their left, and the opposition had some means, some significant means. There was, however, that hope that will, you know, have some kind of multi-party confidence. Unfortunately, our hopes were Dutch in 2010, when the ruling party won 99.96% of the votes. It was even worse in 2015, which ended with the ruling party winning all the seats in town. This is not by any standard, it was signed. Now, as you can see, this was how people enthusiastically voted in 2010. Everybody went out to vote, and that made the difference. After the 2005-50 elections, which means the ruling party won 100% of the seats, this is what we had to look at, if we went out against the government. The government, because, you know, as the government has asked, was elected by me. This is ironic. How do you say a few words about how panoramenterious in Ethiopia it is, how they listen to the voices of the people? In Ethiopia, panoramenterious are nominated by the ruling party for reaction, but the government is the ruling party. This has created its own problem. When you talk to panoramenterious in the sense of doing this research, when you talk to panoramenterious, because they are nominated by the ruling party, they said, they told us that they are doing this. They are responsible for the party, and they are also responsible for the elected. This is what they have. Unfortunately, the public does not accept this. The public has not by this. They view panoramenterious because they are nominated by the ruling party as representatives of the party, as representatives of the people. And this has created a confidence gap with the panoramenterious in the citizens. For it was, in a way, because of this research, we talked to a large group of people, panoramenterious, opposition members of politics, civil society, academics, researchers, and what we wrote was that the involvement of panoramenterious, the involvement of the public in the policy process was very restricted, and not everybody was happy with this. And they wanted their panoramenterious to be more responsive to the needs and concerns of the public. And they point now that this limited party participation in the Romani process, in the policy of taking public involvement in the process, was their nature of concern that they were not able to participate effectively in the development of the politics of the country. And they were also very concerned, they were also very concerned about the restricted political space that came out of a series of looks that restricted the role of civil society, the role of the media, and they might have also been draconian under terrorist law. The government, for the past eight or nine years, have come with these restricted rules, and according to many people, the intent of these rules has been to stifle dissent in the position and independent political activity. And at the end of the day, when you talk to people at the table, the end result of all this has been the entrenchment of one party rule, an authoritarian single party rule. Now, we ask the people what is to be done to strengthen democracy in the day, because as I said earlier, there is no alternative. There is no alternative. They are a complex country. They are a complex society. As it would be easy to strengthen democracy for people in the stability of both our country and real estate in society. People pointed out that there was the need to strengthen our democracy in the day. The parliamentary case must be more responsive to their death. They also wanted more kind of participation, the government respect the country's space. They also demanded that there should be more freedom of expression in the organization. They also are very interested, they want, for us, how the society can resist it. More party conflict with the democratic party of the authorities. And they insisted that the government must conduct a electoral reform to enable opposition parties to actively participate in the political process. Now, you know, as a person coming from a kingdom, a research organization, a policy organization, I should show some ideas for further debate of the discourse. I am not trying to explain it, but I am showing these ideas to stimulate debate, to stimulate debate on how we can strengthen democracy in Europe. As I said, there is no better option. I have said this before, and I will continue to say it. There is no better option to strengthen democracy for people in stability in a very fragile and complex country and society in Europe. One, over the years, Ethiopia is one of the major recipients of foreign assistance in learning from the UK. Over the years, much of the assistance that has come to the country has been for humanitarian requirements. In the relative terms, there has been very little by way of democratic assistance. I think it is time to reconsider that agenda. There should be more support for democratic assistance and to the same level as much as the humanitarian assistance requirement is important. So, we need to revisit the end agenda. These demonstrations in Ethiopia, these political discontent in Ethiopia, as we have observed in the past one, can, in the aftermath of unprecedented economic growth in the country, can, in the aftermath of success in reducing poverty, increasing incomes in the country. This one is the conclusion, I think, that sustainable economic growth cannot be guaranteed under an authoritarian political empire. We need to do a democratic political model, as I said before, for sustainable economy, because it depends on stability. We have to have a stability and peace to guarantee our economic growth. Finally, I want to emphasise the point that we cannot view democracy and economic development as separatism. It is difficult to sustain economic growth under electricity and government in political environment. Thank you very much. Speakers for keeping to time perfectly, which gives us about 25 minutes for questions, communications and discussions. We have looked at an introduction into the three very different countries, at the same time we have faced some of the challenges, very different times of political and historical culture environments, but at the same time, we have got some common themes throughout the three countries, in terms of access to the institutions, in terms of how does that then lead to the structure of the institutions, and then, I think we have ended really well in the picture, in terms of how can we look at democracy, and how does that look in terms of comparison with economic growth? Can we actually take this in time on the two of them? Actually, a lot of those things have been very much true to the UK, Portugal, France, any country that I work on. Again, it just shows I'm looking at different realities. We've come back to the same key questions about democracy. We're open for questions. I want to ask, but when you ask a question, if you could just say who you are, which organisation, you've probably all had an idea, and then you'll move on and see how many questions are out, whether we've done it in groups or not. So, this question, can we go over that lady first? There's two microphones around, so... Thanks very much, we're really stimulating conversation for the staff on it. My name's Helen Pankhurst, and I work for Cairns National. A question to all of you, really, is the issue of party. How, perhaps, found is the party? How can one analyse the party? Because it seems that we're focusing on Parliament, but the major constraint to me seems to be located in that party structure. And if I may, another question. The influence of China. Maybe I'll just leave it at that. Thank you. Miatha, do you want to start with that? Yes. You can say from there, that's fine, yeah. I would say that, currently, how can I say that? The NLD party, they don't really, can make a good strategy, to what extent a party can influence the political agenda. And the party, to what extent, should encourage the individual leadership that really require the political transition and building the democratic society. So, this is really meta. So, that kind of situation, that kind of dynamics will keep going until at least 2020. So, we have a kind of slip-hope, both for the major political party which should have a significant strength and building the democratic agenda and also should encourage the individual political leadership, especially women and also the ethnic minorities political leadership. But that party, how can I say that, influence the dominant party position, actually again kill the individual leadership and also the ethnic parties' representations especially in these ethnic regions, local levels like administrative and legislative areas. So, that's really an important area which is very close to the public, to the community, to the constituency. But in this area, that one party domination, that party influence, too much like over influence of the one party is like killing that opportunities. In fact, one of the, can you hear me, one of the important reasons for the decline of the parliament is the lack of agreement between the two main parties in Maratheys to abide by the rules of the game. One doesn't, one doesn't give the constituency the other. There is some kind of, any of this course you can see between the two parties. So, one party, once the election, the other party by quotes the parliament. So, we have had a long culture of by quoting the parliament by the opposition party. At that point, there was a respectable number of opposition MPs in the parliament. So, that is the most important problem that comes around in Maratheys. Lack of agreement between the two main parties and as long as that disagreement exists, no institutionary function properly, not only parliament. Other institutions of governance will also not work properly. So, that's our main problem. In Ethiopia, as I said earlier, we have a single party system. It's very authoritarian. This party, given its historical background, the way it came to power, is a coalition of five or six major ethnic-based parties. It's a leftist party at the end of the day, given its historical background. To this day, despite being in power for the past few years, the principle of the party is democratic centralism, which is typical of leftist parties. So, that's very telling of the authoritarian nature of the parties that we are having. The Chinese factor. At present, China is a major investor in the Ethiopian economy and it provides considerable assistance in building our infrastructure in social facilities, as you may be aware. One thing about the Chinese approach, which is very attractive to the Ethiopian government, is that they don't bother the Ethiopian government with issues of democracy or human rights. That is the Chinese style. I'm not saying I'm in full agreement with that, but that's what the government prefers. So, the Chinese factor is an important factor, which is also indirectly influencing the behaviour in the West toward the Ethiopian. Because they are saying there is a Chinese factor. We don't have to bother these guys with democracy and human rights. Very interesting. May I ask what you want to come back on the issue of China? Yes. I think that the main point is really the common issue for Myanmar. We have both a negative aspect and a positive aspect. Because our economy and some of the political stability of the country really depends on the China influence. In terms of ethnic issues, maybe you can also see that recent crisis in Rakhai issues. China has both the interest of stability in the region and also a strong influence in the ethnic or ethnic politics of Myanmar. China plays a role in the politics, socio-economics aspects of Myanmar. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Julius Sen from the London School of Economics. A question about Myanmar, your plan in. You described the system as being in a formative process. So, the question is what direction is this going to take over the next few years. The second part is, we hear about the structural power of the army. What about the Buddhist clergy and their influence on the system? And the third refers to Emma's article or note, which was included, and fragility. I think civil society organisations are typically fragile system. Is this changing? Yes. So, what direction in the coming years? So, we are pretty sure that in at least 2020, the leading body, the NLD and also the government will be quite busy with all these issues. Most importantly, the peace with ethnic peace issue and also the ethno-religious issue, is the crisis in the up north in the Rakhine state. But in the local level politics, they cannot really make a significant room for the local level, and I say that political space for civil society, for other ethnic minority parties. So, they cannot create that kind of inclusive, political inclusiveness. So, at that front, the hope is slim. But I'm not really sure the negotiation with ethnic groups in the aspect of the peace, maybe we can hope some kind of progress, because at this point, it really needs to have the progress. Because they are crisis, they are like challenges. And other front is now they realise that enormously like challenging, much more challenging. So, they really need to create the outcome in the ethnic peace process. So, that is like in the things, and then in the army and the Buddhist clergy, the influence. So, traditionally like the army and the Buddhist, how can I say the monks, they don't really go well. So, they are just kind of like, they do like stand like a different position, because like in the past, like all these like a Buddhist, like a monks, and then all these Buddhist like religious organisations, they really take the stamps in the democratic efforts. Like what they did in 2007, they all like came up to the street, and then like they all do the like peaceful like a demonstration. But once the political like changes happening, like seems like what we observe is the Buddhist that interest group, the religious interest group have a very limited role in a political like a decision making. And they don't, because they don't really have the right to vote. They don't really have the right to participate in the political like decision making. So, that kind of like interest is the political interest so is kind of getting high. And also they create a lot of like contentious like issue and attempts in that like, how can I say that the religious problems and the ethno-religious problems. Thank you. Look, we are actually coming back to more of these issues in the next panel, so I think there will be more discussion. Yes. Yes, that's great. Thanks very much for the very interesting kind of issues. I'm kind of a pleasure at school, really, from that kind of studies. I had a question on Bangerdeish, and as you said that you said one of the key constraints about, the floor-crossing restriction. I was quite intrigued by that because, at least in the land we grew up, which I know best, it's often seen to be the opposite. But the supply about me, the floor-crossing restriction, the strengthened parties in some ways, it also stops, you know, creating MPs, jumping around a group of which I know a party is offering them the best deal. I was just wondering if, following on that, what the floor-crossing restriction is, and having thought that it can't, in terms of strengthening the parliament, I also was wondered on Myanmar. I was intrigued by this, which I speak in my position, in three different ways on Myanmar, of a quarter of MPs being from the military. I was just wondering what an effort they do. I mean, they presumably don't have constituencies. I mean, it must be a very, very different job. I mean, I'll be just complete military students, if they take anything at all in their role seriously. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. It is hard enough for not having two eyes. It has because it is the MPs to become more locally-oriented, rather than nationally-oriented, because they don't really have freedom to speak out their mind, or to take part in worries and other sorts of things. And the government doesn't really immediately stand out that bureaucracy is an important factor. Neither the bureaucracy or not, the main priorygeun that ac ydych chi gynhwys i'r wneud yn ysgrifennu cyffredinol? Mae'r ysgrifennu oedd y cyffredinol, ma' arall, yn cyffredinol, mae'n cofyddiad, gyda'r gael ar gyfer ddweud y taith, mae'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r llunio'r cyffredinol o'r ddweud yn y clywedd. Mae'n meddwl y ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud, ac mae'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. The other than these two things, MPs should be giving more freedom in other cases. But the main parties don't agree to any of these propositions because, as what you said, that is the function of the parties other than allowing MPs something like that. So we are in an eye level. The parties don't allow them, rather than parties want to compensate, the MPs by allowing them to spend more funds and others spend more time at a local level. So that is a risk to local government and other institutions also. So like military representation in all like legislatures, like both national level legislatures and also local legislature. So that actually issue like easily create the face value of that constitution and also the current democratic transition and also the constitution is the not democratic constitution. But one positive thing I see is that it is I think it is a good way of socializing like these like a undemocratic group of people, you know, which has been through the like the country for over 60 years. So like they know like a starter C in the value of the democratic system and also they do the check and balance. Like and so also like if you see like a current efforts of NLD party, which try to create the supervisory body of the parliaments, which try to control the freedom of the local legislatures. Actually the local legislatures and the local government are in terms of like a federal like a setting. They can be seen as independent bodies, which there are no point could control by the legislatures of the national level legislatures or national level government. But NLD try to create that supervisory body controlled by the national level legislatures, which try to limit the initiation and all these legislative efforts of the local legislatures was disapproved by the military representatives. Together with the some of the ethnic MPs, ethnic MPs from the some of the ethnic parties and also like some of the ethnic MPs of NLD also not really supportive that kind of idea. So they somehow like go like at some point, go like some kind of like a slight right derision in terms of like a check and balance. So I really see that kind of like a socialization, you know, chance we have like having these military representatives in parliaments. So I think this is. It's actually quite a few other parts to do that. I'll try to. We were sort of running out of time. So I'm going to collect your questions now and then there's more questions. So Aileen and then the lady. That's a good name. I'm Aileen Walker. I was previously honest on the mind that side. Aileen Walker previously directed a public engagement at the House of Commons. I'm now working as an associate with global partners governments in parliaments strengthening overseas. In relation to the lessons from Ethiopia. Relating to the link between sustainable economic growth and democratic order. I was assuming these lessons came from within civil society rather than from the executive within the legislature. But I'm just wondering what levers are available to activists or researchers in Ethiopia to help try and persuade the executive of this. And I'm thinking for example of things like are internationally much useful. The achievement of SDGs, sustainable development goals or I'm just interested what levers might be out of disposal. Thank you. And the lady, this is a matter of time. Zuneta Herbert, with the Mies Foundation, the fucking me. I wanted to go back to the question about the political parties because there is, there are, in one of the problems in Myanmar is that the MLD was really a movement before it became, and then in government before it was a political party. It's great feeling that the party and democracy within the party is going to be a section we don't want to end up like in a government in Ethiopia. But it's very difficult for, in every country there are rules about the parties receiving money from foreign people organisation. And then also donors also have very tight restrictions on how much you can engage with political parties. You're not allowed to do lobbying work under US rules and so on. So there's a need, but there is clearly, there are so many countries in which this kind of transition is not a transition. Because I think of the failure of really democratic parties and popular participation as a party level. I mean, I just think, you know, maybe this is something that could come out of this work or something that needs to be broadened and highlighted. And I just wonder if in Bangladesh where you've had stronger parties for a long time, if there are any sort of lessons that could be learned from that. I mean the fact that you mentioned that CSOs are able to support MPs that are overseeing the budget, for example. I mean that would not be allowed in Myanmar. I'm certainly not an idiot here. How has that come about and is there other recommendations to be made from this thing about political parties? There's one question from the leader at the back, I think this will be our last question. Was there a question there here? And I think everyone will be happy. So the last question and then we'll give the first part. I was just wondering, I know this will be addressed in the next part as well, but I was just wondering what role we could play deeply in democracy. And in particular, I mean, particularly without having to cut the cultural ties that seek to reinforce the position of society. And you don't have to answer this, but I was particularly interested in any of our sort of rules of living in the box. So exercise our own kind of rights, but has it seemed to have slipped back into the sort of female position that you've been to? That's really impressive for us to say we'll be addressing that on the second panel. So what I'll ask is if America can address any question on if you're in the MISA, can address the constitutional parties in Bangladesh and what lessons can we learn from that, and then mind that if you could finish and address the issue of women representation in the MISA and the effects of that recently, and then you can finish that. To your question, Ethiopia has achieved some success in attaining a CDG and a MDG box. It's not only the government effort. The civil society sector is very much involved in providing services and providing the schooling, health, education to the poor and mostly marginalized groups. There is in place a law on civil society, which in a way allows services in the social areas, but does not allow civil society organizations to be involved in human rights issues, democracy, election or conflict studies. So to the extent that the law, there are both local and international leaders who are doing a great deal of work to help the poor and providing services. So it's not only the government effort, but the contribution of civil society must also be recognized in this. I agree with you. We are not talking about the demandings that the government should have in civil society law. We are not saying that foreign money should be given to our political parties. That's not our position. We are saying that there should be freedom of action for civil society to be more involved in society rather than with political parties. That's our position in Ethiopia. In the Bangladesh case, the government doesn't worry much because of the constitutional restriction. The government doesn't face any problem in passing the budget in the following. So the government can allow some kind of activities by CSOs and MPs collaborating with each other, something like that. That is probably the most important reason that we have that kind of thing, collaboration between them. In Bangladesh compared with many other developing countries, CSOs are more, have better support base, better organized and have historically contributed a lot leading the anti-democracy movement and after the democracy has been established in the country also. So even the government has some kind of, not always as positive attitude towards CSOs. But it cannot always control the CSOs because it seeks support sometimes, some kind of give and take sort of things. The government tends to see a source for different kinds of support also. So it's some kind of situation like this there. It's productive. So the women representation in Myanmar currently is kind of, we can see that in a transition. So comparing to the previous terms and the current terms under the leadership of NLD government, we can see that women representation previously is only 3%, in the legislature is only 3% and now it's like 30%. So when we see the number is increased, but we don't really received that national level support or the government support of women representation, at least like one-third representation in either like legislatures or the political parties, like when they do the nomination, if they have that one-third quota, then women will have more chance to represent in the legislatures and also in the government. But seems like the government not really supported that idea. But like the political openness and the space that created by that political openness already creating some kind of like space for the women leadership especially in the local legislatures. Like even like in recent issues like we have in more local legislatures, women, one active women MP, she stand out for the very important like a gender, like a violence issue to have the public hearing in the parliament. So that kind of like a space is like a very rare in like a previous government terms. So now it's like that kind of space and that kind of leadership is like is possible in this term. So we can see that it's kind of changing, but we really still need the effective support from the government, the national level support from the government. Thank you very much. Well, I think we had an excellent presentation of really interesting presentations, really pleasant news sites and really good discussion, which I'm sure will carry on in the second panel. I'll have a short break now if you can copy. But thank you very much and can you join me at each one of our panel?