 Rhaid i ddweud, mae'n fawr i'r gweithio'n ddysgu'n gwybwyng hwnnw, fel y byddai'r trofodol, a'r cydnod i'r ddefnyddio, maen nhw'n gwneud hynny fel y cyd-igwyr i'r phwladol. Mae'r hynny'n gweithio'r cyd-igwyr i'w ffryd. Ystod y byddai'r ffryddau gofdoira ar Brithn, fel y byddai'r ffryddau gofdoira ar Brithn, mae'n eitha fydda ar ôl. Mae'r 1st Goedwarra, y Calsa Jardd y British Isles, was formed in 1908 and it was opened in a residential property in Shepardsbush in 1913. It later moved in the 1960s to a former Salvation Army Hall only about a mile away where it has undergone several phases of redevelopment and you can see that building, the bottom centre picture is the current building of the Calsa Jardd of British Isles. So, prior to the 1960s and 70s there are only a handful of Goedwarras in Britain but migration, chiefly from Northern India and East Africa, has created a growing seat population. Seat communities initially gathered in houses or church halls before purchasing existing property which would gradually be made suitable for seat worship. So you can see some examples of the reuse of buildings in this slide so a couple of churches on the left, an industrial building on the top right and then a couple of purpose-built Goedwarras as well which have developed since the year 2000. So this story of development is familiar in general terms from other faiths and indeed from the previous history of the seat diaspora but less studied is a specific way in which Goedwarras are valued by those who use, manage and maintain them. As a result this PhD project focused on developing an increased understanding of Goedwarras and it commenced in October 2013 and was jointly supervised by the University of Leicester and Historic England. So in line with the aims of Historic England or English Heritage as it was then a narrative approach to this research was adopted whereby informal interviews have been undertaken with members of the Sangat or congregation at Goedwarras in Leicester, London, Birmingham, Bristol and elsewhere. The approach offered an alternative to the often perceived top-down assessment of heritage value and significance and aim to establish the everyday value of seat religious space and its continuing potential for evolution and adaptation into the 21st century. So semi-structured interviews were undertaken whilst walking around the Goedwarra which allowed the participants to freely recount stories related to their experience of the place. Whilst this research was national in scope 25 interviews were undertaken at 17 Goedwarras eight of which are in the city of Leicester so Leicester provided a local case study. Understanding how Goedwarras are meaningful was the focus of the research in the first instance allowing for the consideration of a range of values associated with their everyday use and then appropriate future recognition in the planning and heritage sectors. So discussion surrounding Sikhs in Britain up until this point of largely consisted of elements of wider debates regarding the development of a multicultural and multi-faith society. Accounts of the tenacity of Sikhs political activism and the tendency towards hard working values are often given as examples of a successful migrant community which has utilised Goedwarras for the needs of an expanding minority ethnic and religious group. There are now almost half a million Sikhs in Britain or 0.8% of the population according to the 2011 census. In some areas of the country this proportion is much higher with the highest Sikh density in regions of west London and the west midlands where Sikhs account for up to 10% of local populations. So although there is a long history of Sikh migration to Britain large scale migration occurred after the Second World War and partition of India in 1947 followed by the arrival of Sikhs from East Africa in the 1960s and 1970s prompted by the enforcement of Africanisation policies in states including Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania. Later migration has also occurred from Malaysia, Afghanistan and elsewhere in the Sikh diaspora and the development of Goedwarras has increased in line with this population growth. So you can see the current distribution of Goedwarras on the left. The research estimates that there are around 212 Goedwarras now in use about 200 of which are in England with other Goedwarras in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Cardiff and I think one in Derry. Largely these Goedwarras are in areas of Birmingham and the west midlands the cities of the east midlands and London and most do not share specific architectural characteristics huge diversity in the original purpose of Goedwarra buildings and in the design of those purpose built for use as a Goedwarra. Of the 212 in use in Britain reused property accounts for around three quarters of Goedwarras with 153 buildings originally designed for other purposes. 33 of these are in previously used religious properties largely Christian places of worship but also including synagogues and a Quaker meeting house. Others are resident in industrial or residential property civic buildings, pubs, schools and trade union halls. Seek identity is also diverse and is reflected in the independent management of Goedwarra nationally. Whilst some are affiliated to international spiritual organisations or religious practices many others exist in networks across the diaspora related to reform movements of the 19th and 20th centuries. Some also explicitly identify along cast lines which although dispelled in Sikhism are an ongoing presence distinguishing communities and migration histories. So in literal terms Goedwarra means gateway to the guru or house of the guru by which is chiefly meant to seek holy scripture the Guru Granth Saab. In 1708 this text was declared the everlasting and living guru by Guru Gobind Singh who was the last in a succession of ten human gurus. In each Goedwarra the Guru Granth Saab which you can see here on the left which is a throne or platform with a canopy within the prayer hall and it's placed above the level of the congregation who comes sit on the floor before it. The Guru Granth Saab is shown the utmost humility and respect and on entering a Goedwarra visitors remove their shoes, cover their hair wash their hands and sometimes feet and bow before it. Lange which is the preparation and consumption of blessed food and served by volunteers and in a statement of social equality it's consumed while seated on the floor of the Lange Hall. The focus on the Guru Granth Saab central to the role and spiritual character of the Goedwarra was consistently made clear with respondents stating that the Guru Granth Saab is the Goedwarra without it there is no Goedwarra then it is just a community hall the holy book is the pivot around which the whole Goedwarra operates. Alongside a recognition of such elements of the Goedwarra which they all share Goedwarras themselves were also related as equal to one another functioning in the same ways. Likewise in discussing the Lange respondents stated that at any temple anywhere in the world whether it's Canada, America, the UK, Kenya they've always got food 24-7 so as long as the temple is open there is food available. Often statements such as these related to the unifying functions of the Goedwarra were expressed alongside a comparison to the Golden Temple which is in Amritsar in India where one interview remarked that they feed 100,000 people every day and again it's all free no charge to anyone. You can see an image of the Golden Temple on the walls of the Guru Granth Saab Goedwarra in Bedford here. So the Golden Temple remains the preeminent Goedwarra in the Seed Consciousness and images of the complex are frequently present in Goedwarras in Britain. This complex itself is not explicitly emulated elsewhere the architectural style of it and guidance given to Seeds give no indication of a universally defined architectural style. Interestingly here on the right you can see images of newly built Goedwarras pinned up on the wall these are from the UK and act as inspiration in the design of a new facade in this particular community. Furthermore the dispelling of ego, greed and pride are sometimes related to the rejection of any embellished architectural form for Goedwarras. So then one kind of gets into grips with these values in the way that a Goedwarra is envisaged and used by communities it kind of raised the question then how we reconcile the religious social and communal values associated with Goedwarras with the understanding of them as a physical place. One way we can do this is to look at the principle of SEVA or selfless service in Sikhism which has many applications supporting bad gifts of money and materials or labour arranging social health and educational projects as well as the preparation of langa and it also has a significant impact on the fabric of a Goedwarra Members of the community may give money or materials towards maintenance or new construction Sikh architects, engineers and electricians may contribute voluntarily to the ongoing development and maintenance of the buildings. SEVA has also led to the development of a wide range of activities and services within Goedwarras including gyms, libraries and Punjabi schools. The spirit of SEVA also underscores the widespread creation of Sikh managed professionally run community services from secondary schools to pharmacies through committees based at Goedwarras. One of the largest Goedwarras in the country Guru Teg Bahadur and Heath Park Road in Leicester moved into its current home a former converted shoe warehouse in 1988. Larger than 7,000 square metres some felt at the time that it was too big for its intended purpose but members of the community went about stripping the interior of thousands of wooden racks. The work was carried out by volunteers and the wood was offered to anyone wishing to reclaim it and in exchange some left a contribution towards the cost of the project. So the industrial character of the exterior remains though with the addition of a porch at the rear entrance and the installation of double glazed stained glass windows. So there is no real desire in this building to actually kind of go on to build a new purpose built building. This building seems to serve the needs of the community well at the moment. At the Guru Nanak Nishkam Suwip Javar Goedwarra in Birmingham respondents too described how voluntary service is a big part of the seek faith. So you have to donate 10% of your time and your money and your skills to a good cause. They also explained that an important aspect of SEVA in relation to this building is that all of the renovation and building work was done by volunteers. So this building actually kind of gradually was developed from a series of terraced houses which were demolished one by one. So it kind of makes it quite difficult in some cases to understand what is kind of original fabric and what is new. So of course the community contribution to such development at Goedwarra across the country has often been necessary for financial reasons. But the ongoing willingness of communities continue to contribute labour and skills to development projects highlights the importance of participation in a religious and social sense as well. So narratives of equality and community engagement were also evident in some descriptions of the development and physical structures. In some cases these stories relate to the participation or generosity of non-seeks in the setting up of Goedwarras. For example the dome which you can see here in the centre of this picture the main dome of the Goedwarra. The interior of it is adorned with a mosaic decoration which was created by a Muslim crafts person who wanted to offer his skills. This particular story was told in numerous informal conversations with Sikhs at Goedwarras across the country. Not just at the site itself. In expressing the religious message of equality within Sikhism. So it's a kind of physical representation of those values. Interviews undertaken at Goedwarras with previous religious uses also consistently highlighted a specific appreciation of the earlier function of the building as a place of God and the continuation of that being the case. And despite the perceived suitability of the former use and the structure of religious buildings for use as a Goedwarra, structural alterations were also a commonplace. So in both the Liverpool Sikh Association Goedwarra which was once a Methodist chapel and the Singh Sabah Goedwarra in Southampton which was an Anglican church a mezzanine floor has been created which splits the buildings into primarily a langa hall on the ground floor and a newly created prayer hall on the upper floor. So the previous function of both buildings remains highly visible despite the removal of Christian symbols. At Singh Sabah Goedwarra you can see the church bell remains though it's strictly unused arches are visible on both floors which signify the holistic structure of the original interior and the original heavy wooden doors continue to welcome visitors to the building. And at the former altar mosaics were removed as part of the Covenants of Sale and replaced with plaster. Original features of a church school which is now Gorytek Bahadur Goedwarra in Nottingham also continue to be a feature of the great touristic property. The architect employed in the redevelopment of the building described the hammer beam roof which was hidden by a suspended Artex ceiling which he believes was installed as a hasty and cheaply done conversion in the late 1970s done by DIY and Goodwill. He said it had been forgotten about by the Goedwarra community who had no idea it was there until he surveyed the building. In a discussion of the alterations to the building a number of Sikh members of the Goedwarra described the joy that the redevelopment brings them. They say it's amazing the way it's antique you know people come a long, long way to come and look at our Goedwarra and when I asked if the community wished to make further changes to the exterior character of the building I don't think so because it's beautiful as it is and it's really nice. I mean why would you spoil something that's so nice and it's original and you don't get that anymore do you? Finally I think it's also important to stress that the aesthetic design of Goedwarras and the materials and techniques chosen in their development are significant. There is a desire to create traditional or authentic designs though what this means is not consistent across the country nor is it a definite desired end point for Sikh communities. At the Guru Singh Sabah in Southall which you can see here the building is glawded for its beautiful stained glass windows and visible demonstration of a Sikh presence and contribution to the UK. However it's also been criticised for being unfit for everyday purpose with a lack of sinks placed in convenient places and the distancing of management committee rooms from the serving congregation. Here and elsewhere participants have referred to mistakes in the design at which are perhaps less easily rectified in the multimillion pound developments of this kind. So just to conclude undertaking interviews at Goedwarras themselves helped to unlock narratives which assisted in the understanding of the ways in which social and religious practice and value is entwined with physical form. The consideration of Goedwarras as heritage places and current heritage policy statutory remits may not be suitable or appropriate in the recognition and potential protection of Goedwarras. However where on the one hand protecting the built fabric itself may not effectively recognise this value or perception of place it may be important for the visions and achievements of the Sikh community to be visible in the near and far future within the political climate of the UK. The research has also revealed that there is an appreciation of historic communal, social and religious values entwined in both purpose-built Goedwarras and those with previous uses. Though this may not be articulated in the language of significance and conservation which is espoused in heritage and planning sectors. Implications of this research include the necessity for new understandings of place and value and the creative consideration of how best actually to recognise significance by his heritage professionals and others involved in the study of the built environment. Finally there is undoubtedly an opportunity for greater engagement understanding and communication on all sides for all stakeholders. However implications of this research do not amount to enabling communities to learn about heritage significance or processes of management but rather to instigate new conceptions of place and value which may ultimately challenge current and past understandings of heritage management. We may not be aware of the positions that we hold as practitioners and researchers and the basis of our own understanding of place and value. Thank you.