 So let's switch a little bit. Let me ask you this. Why do you think, so let me just say something, because I'm seeing it on the chat. Let me just say something about generalization. So when Ilhan or I say the Arabs this, the Muslims this, it does not imply that every Arab or every Muslim. It implies that the dominant trend within those cultures, particularly when we talk about Islamists, the dominant trend among Islamists, and Arabs, the dominant trends in Arab culture. Of course not every Arab wants every Jew dead. Of course not every person who takes Islam seriously, and here I'll get a backlash, even every person who takes Islam seriously does not want to conquer and establish Sharia over the entire world. But you have to generalize. You have to talk in abstractions. And so it's what is the dominant trend within these movements or what is the dominant trend within the culture I don't know if you want to add something. So I haven't seen the questions, but I want to touch on this because I talk about it in the book in detail because one of the things I hope people will get, and I think your audience here on living objectivism might have a particular interest in it, is there are many ways in which the way we think about this conflict is colored by collectivism. And so we've used the term Arab a lot and we've even used the term Palestinian, both of which are inherently non-objective in the sense that, and even Jew has its own problems like how do you actually define it? And I talk about that, but let's take Arab. What does it really mean to be an Arab? Because my grandparents from Iraq are Arabs, and they were devout Jews. There are Arabs who are Christians. There are Arabs who are Muslims, and there are Arabs who are none of the above because they're atheists. And I know some so Arab is not objectivist. That's right. And you can get Arabs who are communist and many of the Palestinian leaders were communists. So Nasser was a nationalist and a religious leader. So these concepts are not helpful. And what I talk about in the book are positions and views and whoever subscribes to them. And I don't, it's very tricky to try to talk about Arabs or Palestinians. Now Palestinian is a sort of sub-issue under Arab and again there are many problems in how you define it. So I agree with your characterization. What we're talking about are arguments and positions and whoever is a follower of that view, whoever articulates it and supports it, it's not a way of, we're not dealing in collectives even if the people who are making these arguments and especially Palestinians want themselves, view themselves as members of a collective or want others to view them as a collective, which is definitely part of the Palestinian movement's agenda. It's like we have a collective part of it was hurt 70 years ago and we're still hurting because we're an organic being. Like you can't think in those terms. You can't evaluate and it's no way to reach moral judgments to talk about collective. So you need to talk about our individual human beings and then what are the ideas and trends in those cultures and societies? And I agree with you. I mean one of the things people don't realize is that in Israel there are Arabs who are Muslims who serve in the government, right? And so it's clear we're not talking about this as if it's you're born an Arab therefore you have these views. It's not that kind of, that's wrong. That's not at all the way to understand these issues. And there are atheists who work in Israel. There are all kinds of people. What we're talking about are movements and ideologies and the people who follow them and lead them and act on those goals and anyone who endorses them and supports them and there's gradations among this. So there's definitely Palestinians who would never become suicide bombers. But they also don't want to live under Arafat. They don't want to live under Hamas. But they still hate the Jews. But what do you say about that? Because they have a view of the Jews as a collective, which again is a wrong perspective. Because you know, migrant Jews, we can go for hours on how it's so corrupting of thought to talk about collectives. And part of what I talk and I want to get to this from a different perspective, which is is my book pro-Israel. That's not at all a helpful way to think about it. My book is not pro-a-country as a whole, including all the irrational people and all the rational people in it. Because again, you can't talk in broad terms like that in the same way that your book on finance isn't pro-business. It's pro-productive achievement and anyone who lives up to that. And my view is I'm pro-freedom and anyone wherever he is, whatever background who stands for that and wants to realize it in Israel, outside Israel, and throughout the region. It just so happens and it's important that in Israel there are a lot of people who value freedom and a society built on that premise. And that's a significant part of what one has to view in this conflict. And the region and the sort of flip side of that is in the region, what you have isn't just indifference to freedom, but outright hostility to it from people who are secular, nationalist, ethnic, religious, various sects. I mean that is one of the defining themes in the region, part of why it's in such a bad state. It's hostile to human life and hostile to freedom. And that doesn't mean every last person there is that because we know there are good people in Egypt and all sorts of countries and I met them. There's just the dominant views and the people who agree with them. It's unbelievably striking how difficult it is for people to think in terms of individualistic terms. I mean I'm seeing it on the chat here. Everybody's talking about their land, the Arab land, the Jews land, the Jews did this, the Arabs did this. It's not the way to think about the conflict at all. You have to think in terms of individuals. Individuals who moved from Europe to what was then called Palestine under the Ottoman Empire bought land and established a free country for individuals. That's what matters. Whether they were Jews or not is irrelevant to this. I mean it's relevant to other discussions but it's irrelevant to this discussion and whether the land was owned by Arabs before Philistines or Romans or Ottomans or fill in the bank is irrelevant. They label, they group affiliation does not matter. That is that is collectivistic thinking that is so entrenched in in our lives. Let me just give the book a plug. Those of you who've joined the conversation we're talking to Elan Juno. We're talking about his new book. Here it is on on screen I think, not yet. There it is on screen. It's on Amazon. You can see you can pre-order it. For those of you wondering why is there no Kindle version? The Kindle version is coming. It'll be loaded up sometime before the book is published, is available in June. The book is What Justice Demands? America and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflicts. It's very much taking an American perspective and the approach of what America's view or an American's view should be of this conflict. I encourage you all to pre-order it. You can pre-order it now. It'll be really helpful and I'd really appreciate that. It's got fantastic reviews. I mean if you look at the list you probably can't see it on the screen but if you look at the list of who has written blurbs for the book this is the who's who list of Middle East commentators from the rational perspective as I see it. People like Angelo Cotevila and Yoram Hazoni in Israel. Angelo Cotevila is a Catholic here in the United States. If I'm Koresh again in Israel, Daniel Pipes. But really the who's who list I think of a rational commentator in the Middle East. People I've admired certainly since 9-11 and we've done good work. Not everybody agrees with everything Ilan and I stand for. Not everybody. Not everything they do we agree with but these are some of the best people. I encourage you to buy the book. Go pre-order it and share it with your friends. Share the show with your friends and hopefully we can get the book up on the bestseller list.