 My name, let me introduce myself, is Matthew Sussex, and I'm the Academic Director here at the National Security College. And I know that I speak for all of my colleagues here tonight when I say that we're both delighted and also honoured to host the Foreign Minister of Poland, Witold Waszczikowski, tonight. And I'd like to begin by acknowledging the Ngunnawal people, the traditional custodians of the land that we're meeting on today, and to pay my respects to their elders, who have been asked and present. Now, ladies and gentlemen, shortly I will introduce the Vice-Chancellor, Professor Brian Schmidt, to formally welcome the Minister and to invite him to give his address. But before I do so, it's probably worth going over some housekeeping that Minister Waszczikowski will speak for about 20, 25, 30 minutes, well, as long as he likes, really. He's indicated also that he's happy to take questions after he finishes, but he does have to leave very promptly at 5.10, I think, 5.15. So please, if you do have questions, we welcome them, but keep them as succinct as possible. I should also thank in advance Ambassador Paweł Mielewski and also his Deputy Head of Mission Piotr Buszta for both their generosity and their very hard work in helping mass arrange this event, and also, of course, to our own Chris Farnham from the NSC for making it a reality. Also I'd like to acknowledge and welcome the distinguished visitors who are in the Minister's Travelling Party, Jan Pareś, Head of the Minister's Political Cabinet, Cezare Luszynski, his Chief of Staff, Michał Kolajewski, Head of the Asia-Pacific Department, Barbara Czwioro, Head of the European Policy Department, Maciej Falkowski, Deputy Head of the Department of Economic Cooperation, and Sławomir Marshluk, Policy Officer from the Asia-Pacific Department. Thank you to all of you for coming and welcome to the ANU. Now ladies and gentlemen, it gives me really great pleasure to introduce the Vice-Chancellor of the ANU, Professor Brian Schmidt. Professor Schmidt, of course, has been known to many of us before he took up the Vice-Chancellor's position at the ANU in 2016. He is, of course, one of the world's leading astrophysicists. He has master's degree and a PhD degree from Harvard University. He's a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science, the United States Academy of Science and the Royal Society. Brian was made a companion of the Order of Australia in 2013 and just along the way, he also managed to pick up the Nobel Prize for Physics in 2011. So we are, once again, very honoured to have him here with us tonight at the National Security College and I now invite Professor Schmidt to the stage to introduce the Minister. Vice-Chancellor. Ladies and gentlemen, it's great to see so many people here today to our many members of the diplomatic corps and to the delegation from Poland. Thank you all for coming along tonight. Poland and Australia have a unique relationship underpinned by a large and vibrant Polish community living across our country. In the decade after World War II, the Polish-born population in Australia grew from just over around 6,000 people to more than 56,000. Further 15,000 Poles immigrated to Australia in the 1950s and 1960s and then from the 1980s until the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, another 25,000 Polish people were granted entry to Australia many as refugees. As its political and economic situation has improved, many people have returned to Poland but our nation remains enlivened by the nearly 50,000 people of Polish extraction who continue to call Australia their home. Those influenced in Australia can be seen across some of our most famous landmarks. Mount Koziasko, which was named I think the Butcher, is only a few hours drive from here, 7,300 feet, one of the tallest mountain in Australia. And one of our famous exporters, Paweł Strzelecki, is just another name that we're familiar with. We also find Polish flavor in our cultural and sporting icons from Magda Szywanski to Michael Klim and Daniel Kowalski, swimmers here in Canberra that we would all know, all who claim Polish heritage. In the last 20 years, our bilateral trading relationship has grown well, especially in the resources and mining sectors. Australian investment in Poland has grown close to a billion Australian dollars and many of our leading companies, for example, the Macquarie Group and Amcor among them are active in Poland. That is the realm of security that Australians perhaps have the most to learn from our friends in Poland. Its location as a geopolitical pivot point between two historically major powers has taught Poland some harsh lessons about security. Today, Poland again faces significant security challenges in its immediate region, from old challenges of power politics to new ones such as cyber security and migration. In many ways, it is a testament to the resilience of the Polish people that their nation has not just endured a tumultuous history, but also is thriving in the process. And it's with that spirit that I welcome Dr. Witold Waszukowski, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland, to address us. I was just saying he has chosen a very interesting time to be foreign minister in Poland. With that, please come to the stage. Thank you, Minister. Thank you for the great action. Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished members of university students, distinguished guests, it's both a great honor and privilege to address one of the finest higher education institutions in Australia, an institution which with rich history and great heritage were the torch of knowledge, let me say this, has been passed to new generations for many decades. We need to acknowledge that in recent years, our world has entered a period of turbulence, a period of uncertainty. And you're right, I'm a chosen minister in such a period, a period in which the most fundamental tenets of high civilization which some of us may have taken for granted are being called into questions. It goes without saying that the unprecedented challenges we are now facing require concerted leadership of governments, politicians, public opinion leaders, civil society, and the media. In this context, the Australian National University and the National Security College are essential building blocks of expanding knowledge and public awareness about daunting challenges of our time. When we emphasize that this is a period of uncertainty, we have to remind ourselves that long time ago we already forgot about the notion of end of history, peaceful dividend, or strategic pause. So with this in mind, I do wish to emphasize that this is an excellent opportunity to share with you my country's perspective on the most pressing challenges facing our security. Looking at the map of the world, you immediately notice that Poland and Australia are almost half the world away. Some of you may agree that the sheer distance between us renders our perspectives on these issues quite different. And yet the truth is that we have a lot more in common that one may think at first glance. Let me start with the obvious. Our countries are both the proud members of the Western civilization. And maybe it's not politically correct to say this, but also the Christian civilization. And I have to emphasize as a post coming from the country of John Paul II. We are both active contributors to the Western world order, which we have built together with other nations. And both Poland and Australia are strong democracies with democratic ideas and institutions. Democratic values are the cornerstone of our freedom, forming the foundation of our vibrant economies, prosperity, and liberty of our citizens. However, we need to acknowledge that these values and freedoms are not given once and for, and then sometimes they require ultimate sacrifices in their defence. We all remember the great Australian contribution to the First and Second World War. We all remember that Polish and Australian soldiers fought shoulder to shoulder in Tobruk, today's Libya, during the Second World War. In name of values that cherished freedom and democracy. Today amid turbulent times, securing freedom, prosperity, and liberty remains as valid as a challenge as it was before, and should remain the top priority of our governments. A country like Australia is a close ally of the United States with strong bilateral, multilateral, political, economic, and security ties. Since 1999, we have been a member of NATO of which Australia is an important partner, and a member of the European Union since 2004. Let me remind you also that we are a member of NATO, a member of the European Union, because of the Struggle of Solidarity Trade Union in 1980s. The work we undertake to defend our values throughout our regions and beyond is important one. In Asia, we are witnessing dangerous tendencies where power politics, the use of military force, and disregard for international law become more and more apparent. Recently, we have witnessed yet another ballistic missile test by an unpredictable North Korea, which undermines regional and global stability by violating international law. The injuring maritime disputes between nations in the South China Sea pose a direct threat to freedom of navigation and global prosperity, as most of global trade passes through waters encompassing this region. In Europe, we have witnessed similar tendencies in the past couple of years. We have more witnesses to the violation of the basic foundations of the international order established at the end of the Cold War. For the first time since the end of the Second World War, a major power, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, used force against a smaller nation, taking its territory, instigating internal unrest, violence, and military aggression that continues to this day. In the coming years, we'll have to deal with predictable Imperial Russia, which, as we speak, develops an extensive, complex network of capabilities, both hybrid and conventional, building up modern military forces at our doorstep, in Kaliningrad, around the Baltic, in the Arctic, in Black Sea, and the Mediterranean. The power which deliberately conducts announced military maneuvers, and which includes nuclear strike scenarios against our cities and its military exercises. A power which is ready and willing to undermine the basic laws, norms and values, which guide international relations. This is the reality we are facing in Europe today. As these dangerous trends continue, it is becoming more evident that ensuring maritime and aviation security in our region, around the Baltic Sea and beyond, much as in Asia, is an ever-growing priority. In the last couple years, the number of dangerous incidents involving military aircraft and sea vessels has increased dramatically. These incidents bring danger not only to our men and women in uniform, but also to ordinary citizens who travel on a daily basis. They also contribute to growing instability, increasing the risk of conflict that may be caused by misperception, miscalculation, or the simplest of mistake. The annexation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine, about the symptom of the challenges to our security, to our democratic institutions, and to our values of free people. Whether we look at the north, the east, or the south of Europe, these challenges are there. It seems they will be with us for a long time, and therefore we need to act to address them in the most adequate way possible. Looking in another direction, we also see that Europe's security faces a number of threats stemming from growing instability in the Middle East and North Africa. Where unrest, radical ideology, and fraudulent states deprive ordinary people of their basic political rights, live and die population without proper conditions of living, pulling away the whole generation of young people from the opportunities offered by education and a stable, safe environment. In recent days, yet again, we have witnessed one of the most barbaric acts of violence in Syria, with the use of chemical weapons against innocent civilians. The instability and protracted conflicts affect, and will continue to affect, Europe in a very direct way. We have seen unprecedented numbers of migrants fleeing war, persecution, or lack of economic opportunities in their home countries. We have seen a growing number of deadly attacks against our people, most recently in London, Stockholm, Dortmund, Paris, Nice, Berlin, Brussels. Regardless of the country, community or people they target, terrorists seek to spread fear. Their aim is to divide us, to undermine public trust in governments, ability to provide their citizens with the basic security and tools to prosper. But most importantly, terrorists want to challenge and ultimately destroy our way of life. So what can we do as nations, as democracies, as vibrant economies, and as members of the same Western civilization to address these challenges? The short answer is we need to do everything in our power to preserve and restore the order we have worked so hard to build. The Western world as a whole, regardless of different priorities, perspectives or sheer geographic distance between nations, must protect in institutions basic norms and values. We must do more to reinforce our alliances, expand cooperation and challenge the actions that stand against the values we cherish, so as not to pay a much higher price later. And to this end, Poland has worked relentlessly to strengthen basic foundations of European security, which is NATO and the European Union. Last year, for the first time in 17 years of our NATO membership, Warsaw gathered the Allied leaders and NATO global partners at the Historic Summit, which laid ground for the long-term adaptation of the most powerful alliance of the world. Our priority remains to make sure that Poland and the countries of our region and the alliance as a whole are most secure through the implementation of the decisions we made in Warsaw. We will continue to highlight the importance of transatlantic relations and the role of the United States, as in bringing security and stability to Europe and beyond. Last month, we welcomed the contributions of the United States, the United Kingdom and Romania, who formed a multinational battle group as a part of NATO forward presence in Poland and the Baltic States. For Poland and our allies, it is an important event, as NATO troops are deployed here in the region for the very first time in history. As a nation which is both a host of Allied troops and a contributor of forces to the battle group in Latvia, we want NATO forces to secure our region as long as a threat to our security continues. In light of decisions we made at the Warsaw Summit, Poland will continue to advocate a realistic approach to challenges posed by Russia. I would like to be clear, this approach does not exclude dialogue. As we have said time and again, the dialogue should be conducted, but it should be based on respect of international norms, values and should be held in a good faith. Let us face these facts. This is not an impossible task, this is not impossible to meet these principles if you are generally willing to reduce tensions, restore mutual trust and stability. In order to secure our region, we also support and ascribe to NATO expanding cooperation with partners in its immediate neighborhood and throughout the world. Australia has been an excellent example in this regard. I would like to commend your country for your long-lasting engagement in global security and welcome your contribution to NATO missions in Afghanistan and the Alliance cooperation programs. We hope that our joint efforts remain as dynamic as ever, bringing stability to your region and the transatlantic area. It is our firm belief that in order to respond effectively to challenges facing security within and beyond Europe, the European Union must play a more active role. At the moment, our community is facing another important challenge, that is Brexit. We respect the decision made by the British people. At the same time, we would like the United Kingdom to remain engaged in the security affairs concerning our region, as its voice has always been important, whether in NATO or the European Union, and will continue to be so. Despite these diverse challenges, it is important to remember that the European Union holds a unique set of effective instruments. From trade and economic measures, through development aid, to civilian capabilities that are essential to dealing with societies married by instability. We believe that the European Union's common security and defence policy should be developed further to be able to respond effectively to novel threats such as hybrid warfare, cyber warfare and terrorism. This is also why we believe that bringing proper synergy to the unique capabilities of NATO and the European Union is so important. We have begun to strengthen the European NATO cooperation in Warsaw, during the Warsaw Summit, through a joint declaration signed during the Summit, and we pursue this major goal. To address regional challenges caused by war, unrest and terrorism, Poland advocates focusing on means and reducing migratory pressures, protecting our external borders. But above all, we believe that we should find ways to address the root causes of a migration, rather than deal with them only when the consequences are too hard to bear. We should find proper levels, the common areas of cooperation, and invest in them in order to develop effective tools of work with countries of migrants origin and transit ones. We should reach out to states that are regional leaders, facilitating the establishment of robust centres of growth in a long term as well as labour markets that provide opportunities. We should place development cooperation and humanitarian aid as a key component of our efforts. Poland remains active in helping countries in need on a bilateral basis. We are present in Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq, where we bring aid to refugees fleeing from Syria. As terrorists remains one of the most important threat to Western societies, we believe that only a truly global concerted effort can bring long-lasting security. Poland and the countries of our region are less threatened by terrorist attacks. But we fear belief in solidarity and therefore we refuse to stand by. We recognise that the main source of current terrorist threats comes from Daesh. And together with Australia and other countries we have actively engaged in efforts of the global coalition against Daesh. Our aircrafts are conducting reconnaissance flights while our military is providing vital training to Iraqi security forces. Furthermore, we support our partners in international organisations such as the United Nations, the European Union, the OSCE, where we are actively engaged in initiatives aimed at combating terrorists. These efforts, which both Poland and Australia have supported, have measurable effects as Daesh remains on the defence. Losing territory, it once captured, as we speak. The recent tragic events in Syria highlight the importance of global security institutions, such as the United Nations. Poland is commonly committed. A member of the United Nations and a signator of non-proliferation regimes, for instance the chemical weapons conventions. We are also an active member of our organisation for the prohibition of the chemical weapons. Each year in the first committee of the UN General Assembly, Poland's sponsors resolutions aim at a broader implementation of the convention. We would like to offer our perspective and experience to our partners while solving together global security problems. This is why we are currently seeking a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council for the term 2018-2019. We want the European Union to be stronger, and the United Nations also to be stronger, sorry. Still my mind is fixed on the European Union, which is under such a pressure of Brexit, other problems. So we want the United Nations to be stronger at its underlying laws and norms to be respected. If Poland is elected to the UN Security Council, our priorities and actions will be directly connected to the vision of a current global geopolitical dynamics that I have just outlined. We will join the Secretary General and current members of the Council in the efforts to enhance the role of the UN Security Council as a major actor in a preventive diplomacy. We will also include the fight against terrorism and the UN peacekeeping operations among our top-most priorities. Together with the other members, we will actively seek the resolution of conflict in the Middle East and other affected regions. And this brings me to the point. I believe that the only way to be heard and listened is to speak your mind both at the right time and the right place. We would like to use this unique opportunity, this unique two years in the Security Council to show our perspective, use our experience and contribute creatively to its work and to the global peace and security. We are eager to provide a counterbalance to the vision of the world that is dominating powers, sometimes try to impose by it in Ukraine, in Syria, or in another place in the world. We will stress the importance of the rule of law and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our activity and engagement cannot and will not be only a matter of forts. Poland has been present in UN peacekeeping missions since 1953. In the 1990s, we were one of the main troop contributing countries. We participating in missions in the Middle East, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, in Africa, Western Balkans. Currently, Poland seconds military and police observers to the UN peacekeeping operations. Within the forthcoming months, we plan to enlarge our contribution to these operations. Moreover, in our efforts, we pay particular attention to implementation of the UN agenda on women, peace and security. Indeed, the role of women in addressing parties and vulnerable victims of conflicts, especially other women at Schilden, is often irreplaceable. This is the record we bring to this table and the principles we will expose. Ladies and gentlemen, last September, President of Poland, Andrzej Duda, in his speech to the UN General Assembly, invoked one of the ancient Roman principles. The law is not born from lawlessness. As democracies, members of the Western civilization, close allies of the United States, and most of all, people truly committed to freedom, wherever we stand, whoever we speak to, and despite different challenges, different interests in perspective on the security of our immediate neighbors, first and foremost, we should be mindful of what binds us together. We need to be relentless in advocating respect for international law and the rules which prevented a global war in the last couple of decades. We must continue to reject politics of force, politics of aggression, as well as politics of fear. We have no other viable choice. Our security, the security of our institutions and prosperity of our people, demand and depend on our resolve in responding to these challenges in this week, months and the years ahead. I thank you for that. This week, now, as I promised, I'll be happy to answer some questions or maybe exchange debate on some of these issues I just mentioned. Excellent, thank you very much. Professor John Blackston from the Strategic and Defense Study Center, a close colleague of Professor Matthew Sussex here at the National Security College. Thank you for coming to Australia. Thank you for your remarks. Thank you for your expression of solidarity. It's very interesting to hear what you have to say about the challenges from Poland's perspective, from the other side of the globe that seem to certainly echo the challenges we are facing on this side of the globe. I wonder if you have something to say about the challenges we face, in particularly at the moment over North Korea and in terms of expressing solidarity in the face of other challenges in East Asia, South East Asia. We know Britain and France have sent aircraft and ships to train and exercise alongside Japan and the United States. We're likely to see Poland reach out this way as well. Thank you. And we can contribute to this effort because as one of the few countries we have Polish embassy in Pyongyang and North Korea has a embassy in Poland. So we can contribute using our diplomatic skills because before you start shooting and shelling North Korea I think that we're supposed to try diplomacy. We'll not be able to destroy all the military sites of North Koreans. So it's better to start talking to them first before we start shooting. We also are supposed to look at the example of other countries. Who used to have a nuclear arsenal and was promised to be protected by the national community and now a target of aggression. I mean, Ukraine. If we solve the Ukrainian case, which 25 years ago decided to get rid of nuclear weapons and instead of nuclear weapons, got the declaration signed by United States, United Kingdom and Russia that without nuclear weapon, security of Ukraine is protected by this declaration. And now this pledge, this promise is violated. So how we can convince the other countries which are developing nuclear problems like Korea, like Iran, that they are safe and secure. So I think although we are located in different places in Europe and the world, some of the issues, the security issues in our regions are connected. If we solve problems in Ukraine, we can probably advance in solving the problem of nuclear weapons in Korea and Iran. More questions, ladies and gentlemen. Does the mic come here? The mic is coming. Thank you for your remarks. I am Leszek Buszynski from the National Security College. And it seems as though Poland will not be able to escape the Russian embrace. It's a continual refrain in Polish history. I would like to know from you, what is Poland's relationship with Ukraine at the moment? And what are the possibilities of the Ukraine joining NATO? And also, what about your relationship with Belarus and the Baltic states and would it be possible for Poland to develop a closer relationship with those, particularly Ukraine and the Baltic states, which have similar fears about Russia? And we are talking about two different groups of the countries. The Baltic countries, Armenia, Latvia and Estonia are part of NATO, part of the European Union. The security of these countries is protected by the national law, by Washington Treaty and by deployment of troops by last decision of NATO summit. I just mentioned about this. There is a different situation in Ukraine than Belarus. And there is a different situation between those two countries. Ukraine is a target of aggression right now, the Moscow aggression. Belarus is a country which is trying to survive with a close cooperation with Russia, is accepting the large military exercise, Russian military exercise in the territory of Belarus. Last year, we tried to approach Belarus because there were signs of toll, the signs of openness. We tried to use this opportunity to give Belarus alternative, that there is other option not only to cooperate with Russia, not only to be subordinate to Russia. We will see. So far, Belarus acted cautiously and with suspicions. We are patient and we will keep this alternative open, provided there is no fight with democratic institutions or democratic society. So that's about Belarus. About Ukraine, where a few years ago, two countries in Europe, France and Germany, decided to formulate Normandy format and promised and pledged to solve this conflict so far unsuccessfully. So I think that Minsk agreement is never going to be implemented. We have to think about the new formula of solving the crisis and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Poland is open and cooperative to Ukraine. Last year, we issued more than 1,200,000 visas, half visas which were issued by Europe, were issued by Poland. And half of these visas issued by us, 6,150,000, were with the work permit. So what else we can do? In what way we can help Ukraine to survive this tragic situation, this tragic aggression? They are generating, working in Poland, generating up to five billion euro per year, sending back to Ukraine to support the Ukrainian economy and of course the families. Thank you for the presentation. I'm Paul from Public Policy. I've got two questions. What's the, in your own view, what's the role of international criminal court in terms of solving the Syria crisis? The second question is about the humanitarian support towards refugees, especially in Africa, whereby the humanitarian aid has reduced and thus we have, in Africa, especially along Kenya, Somalia border there, you find that there are challenges facing the refugees themselves in terms of being, going back to their home country and also being told to remain again in Kenya. And lastly, the role of participation of women and persons abilities in terms of security. It seems that these are groups which have been forgotten and you find that they are the most vulnerable or they are the most marginalised in terms of when insecurity takes place. Thank you. There are a number of questions. I tried to answer some of them. First, international tribunals. What role for them to solve the problem? There is a role for international tribunals when we solve the problem first. Otherwise, international tribunals have no access to the conflict zone. So first we have to pacify and solve the conflict and then find the people who committed the crimes and bring them to justice. International tribunals, they do not possess instruments to solve the international conflicts, but they have instruments to punish those who created this conflict. The problem of refugees, first we have to find the definition of refugees and separate them from the definition of migrants. Majority of people who are travelling from country to country in Africa and from Africa to Europe are migrants, mostly illegal migrants. So to stop this flow, first we have to settle the problems, the conflicts in Syria and Libya. I don't see any volunteers right now to be engaged in solving the problem in Syria and either in Libya. And then when we solve the problem we can start rebuilding some of these countries like Syria and Libya and some countries located farther in Africa, helping them to develop economy to keep the people from migration. I know this is a simple answer, but it's difficult to implement this. We have about 10 minutes left, folks, so plenty of time for questions. Yes, sir? Well, thank you very much, your accuracy for your comprehensive overviews. So obviously, as someone who is not born from this whatever the Western civilization, within this social context, as a student of Crawford, I was extremely interested in, you know, your delivering a speech in an education venue here. So I wondered what's your comment towards the next generation of the national security practitioners or who is willing to join the field like from a historical perspective, how do we properly contextualize the idea of the Western civilization, the Western values into the research, into the practice of national security? Thank you. Thank you, speaking sounds to me like a rather philosophical question. And for the diplomats, it's hard to answer. Maybe if you invite me for the seminar of the, which will last at least a weekend, so we can find the answer for some of these questions. But definitely it's not for practitioners right now to find the answer for this kind of a philosophical deliberation. Sorry. Yes, sir, in the right. Paweł Komędziński, postgraduate student College of Asia in the Pacific. And thank you very much for your presentation. You highlighted that Poland intends to focus on European Union in strengthening its security policy. But what some of us could observe in Polish foreign policy in Europe, it's something more close to self-isolation and increasing lack of credibility as evidenced by the failed support for Donald Tusk in the last re-election and also the problems with the army equipment bit in France as also cool down relations with Germany and focus on UK which suddenly left the European Union. So isn't it threatening Polish security preferences and interest now in Europe? And how would you relate what's happening on the political side and on the more security side of foreign policy of Poland now? Thank you. I understand that the young man is far away from the homeland. It's reading the incorrect newspapers and news coming from Europe, maybe from Poland because we are very intensively engaged in the international diplomacy. Well, what am I doing here? Am I isolated? Look at this, people are standing around the corners because there are no seats here. So we do not feel isolated. A few, couple weeks ago, I was invited by Rex Tillerson to Washington Sea to spend, sometimes we've been discussing international issues, although some of the issues we just discussed in the moment before, like North Korea. A week ago, Polish Prime Minister Bata Szydło was invited to Hanover Messe, one of the biggest industrial trade fair in Germany and Poland was a guest of honor invited to participate in this event. A few weeks ago, Polish Minister of Finance was invited to participate in a G20 meeting. So how many evidence are supposed to enumerate to tell you that Poland is not isolated but is a major country in Europe which is taking part in the major decision of institutions we do belong to, means NATO and European Union? Up and back would be very passionate. My name's Terry Henderson. You're looking for support for Poland to be a non-permanent member of the Security Council. Some people or many people around the room will recognize, be familiar with this because Australia was in the same position a few years ago. Now, from Australia's time as a non-permanent member, can you see any lessons or examples for how a non-permanent Security Council member can be productively used a year or two that it is on the Security Council? Yes, I understand you are referring to the notion that non-permanent member has no right to decide because everything which is decided by non-permanent member of the Security Council can be vetoed by five permanent members. But being for two years in the Security Council, even non-permanent member of the Security Council has a right to initiate number of discussions. So may, through these discussions, reach to the international public and to create the climate for future solution. And then of course everything depends on the skill of diplomacy. You remember tragic accidents which happened a year ago with a Malaysian plane which was shot down by Russian and Russian rebels from Donbas. And due to the skills of your excellent Minister of Foreign Affairs, the whole security country, including Russia, condemned these accidents, condemned these incidents. So even non-permanent member of the Security Council, using the skills, the brains can use this instrument to make a progress in international law or finding the important information about some mysterious situation. We have time for about two more, three if we're lucky. Yes? Thank you very much. Thank you, Minister, for coming to Australia. We do appreciate, represent Polish Chamber of Commerce and we are focused purely on economic and bilateral cooperation between Poland and Australia. We would like to ask, we would like to ask about the future measures from Polish government perspective about closing to making cooperation on the diplomatic level, economic level, of course security level much stronger between Poland and Australia. What are the specific measures on these three levels? Do you foresee a linear future? And maybe it will be further future as well, please. Thank you. The first measure is easier because we need to expand our presence. My predecessors were closing embassies, consulate and other Polish institutions abroad, about 40 of them, searching for saving costs and also closing activities. They were actually limiting foreign policy of Poland, pulling out troops from Piskibik operations and closing the embassies and consulates. We are trying to expand. We are trying to return to some other countries where embassies, Polish embassies were closed. Last year we returned to Baghdad, to Senegal. This year we are trying, we will open embassy in Tanzania, in Panama, in Filipinos. Next year maybe some other places. We will try to reopen, open new consulates because we have a growing number of Polish migrants living in United Kingdom, United States. We will reopen the consulate in Belfast, in Northern Ireland this year, in Houston, Texas. Next year, most likely in Florida and Seattle, Washington. And my colleague from neighboring ministry of development decided in the next few years to open 70 trade offices, 70 trade offices in different places around the world, hopefully also in Australia. So the first answer is presence, presence and once again presence. This will be the recipe for the successful cooperation with the countries also like Australia. I think we do have time for two more. Yes, ma'am. Hi, I'm Lisa from the Department of Immigration and Border Protection. I was just wondering what your perspective on border free travel and the implications for national security. Border free travel? Yeah, in the Schengen zone. Oh, Scheng, okay. And the future of that travel in the context of ongoing security concerns. Well, I'll be brief because this is very complicated discussion right now where it started of course with migrants. And refugees, which are trying to reach the Greek and Italian and Maltese shores from North Africa and Middle East. It has to do with Brexit because United Kingdom decided not to respect one of the basic treaty freedoms which is free movement of people. They are ready after Brexit to respect free movement of goods, capital resources and services, but not free movement of people. So these problems are together connected. How to protect Europe from one side and on the other side, how to keep the openness of the borders. So far, we do not have answers. We have more questions about this. For instance, what to do with those who are already on the territory of some islands like in Greece or Italy. You probably know that the idea of the Commission, European Commission is to relocate them by quotas. We think in our part of Europe's interior this is a bad ideas because relocation of quotas is an alchemist for resettlement by force. They don't want to go to, for instance, Poland. So why we have to sentence them to go to Poland? Why we have to, and how we are supposed to keep them in Poland if they want to live in Germany, for instance, or Sweden, or Austria, with countries which have much higher developed level of life. They are escaping from Africa. Sorry to say, I have to sorry to say because I'm trying to develop my country and I'm proud of the level of development but still is not as rich as the neighbouring Germany. They are trying to reach Europe but the most advanced and richest countries of Europe. So it's a complicated discussion right now. How to protect Europe, how to protect freedom of movement and how to solve the problem of migrants. And the final question. Yes, sir. Thank you for your speech today. My name is Saf Khan. I am one of the international relations students at the ANU. My question is in the context of Britain leaving the EU as well as US requesting its European NATO members to increase resources for the contribution of both financial and military for the contribution of NATO. Can we expect an emergence of European central command and would Poland support such initiatives? That's another complicated issue which I'm not kidding. It's a reality because we are discussing about the security of the continent which in the last century survived two major wars where dozens of millions of people were killed. Continent which went through the trauma of Nazi Germany, of Stalinist Soviet Union and things like that. So we need to protect ourselves and we need to discuss serious about that. In NATO, there is a concept that each country supposed to pay at least 2% of the GDP on the military budget. There are only of 20 countries, there are only five which are fulfilling this criteria. Poland is one of them. The others complain that we supposed to look right now from the broader perspective on the security issues, not only concentrating on airplanes, tanks, hardware but also we supposed to include to the security spending for instance international aid because if we spend money to help people in Mali for instance Senegal, Nigeria or other countries and they are stay there and they are not migrating. It's also a kind of a security spending. So it's a big debate right now how we can protect Europe by direct military spending or using also soft power of the European Union to protect Europe by creating a safe environment around Europe. Thank you.