 Volume 3 Part 7 of Herodotus' Histories. So the spies were sent back after they had seen all and returned to Europe. After sending the spies, those of the Greeks who had sworn alliance against the Persian next sent messengers to Argos. Now this is what the Argives say of their own part in the matter. They were informed from the first that the foreigner was stirring up war against Helus. When they learned that the Greeks would attempt to gain their aid against the Persian, they sent messengers to Delphi to inquire of the God how it would be best for them to act. For six thousand of them had been lately slain by a Lachodemonian army, and Cleomenes, none of Anaxandrides, its general. For this reason, they said, the messengers were sent. The priestess gave this answer to their question. Hated by your neighbors, dear to the immortals, crouch with a lance and rest, like a warrior fenced in his armor, guarding your head from the blow and the head will shelter the body. This answer had already been uttered by the priestess when the envoys arrived in Argos and entered the council chamber to speak as they were charged. Then the Argives answered to what had been said they would do, as was asked of them, if they might first make a thirty-year's peace with Lachodemonia, and if the command of half the Allied power were theirs. It was their right to have the full command, but they would nevertheless be content with half. This they say was the answer of their council, although the Oracle forbade them to make the alliance with the Greeks. Furthermore, they, despite their fear of the Oracle, were eager to secure a thirty year's treaty, so that their children might have time in those years to grow to be men. If there were to be no such treaty, so they reasoned, then after the evil that had befallen them, the Persians should deal them yet another blow. It was to be feared that they would be at the Lachodemonian's mercy. Then those of the envoys, who were Spartans, replied to the demands of the council, saying that they would refer the question of the truth to their own government at home. As for the command, however, they themselves had been commissioned to say that the Spartans had two kings, and the Argives but one. Now it was impossible to deprive either Spartan of his command, but there was nothing to prevent the Argive from having the same right of voting as their two had. At that, say the Argives, they decided that the Spartans' covetousness was past all-bearing, and that it was better to be ruled by the foreigners than give away to the Lachodemonians. They then bade the envoys depart from the land of Argos before sunset, for they would otherwise be treated as enemies. Such is the Argive's account of this matter, but there is another story told in Helus, namely that before Xerxes set forth on his march against Helus, he sent a herald to Argos, who said on his coming, so the story goes, Men of Argos, this is the message to you from King Xerxes. This our forefather had, as we believe, Perseus' son of Dane for his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus for his mother. If that is so, then we are descended from your nation. In all right and reason we should therefore neither march against the land of our forefathers, nor should you become our enemies by aiding others, or do anything but abide by yourselves in peace. If all goes as I desire, I will hold none higher in esteem than you. The Argives were strongly moved when they heard this, and although they made no promise immediately and demanded no share, they later, when the Greeks were trying to obtain their support, did make the claim, because they knew that the Lachodimonians would refuse to grant it, and that they would thus have an excuse for taking no part in the war. This is borne out, some of the Greeks say, by the tale of a thing which happened many years afterwards. It happened that while Athenian envoys Calius' son of Hipponicus, and the rest who had come up with him were at Sousa, called the Memmonian, about some other business, the Argives also had, at the same time, sent envoys to Sousa, asking of Xerxes' son, Artoxes, whether the friendship which they had forged with Xerxes still held good, as they desired, or whether he considered them as his enemies. Artoxes replied to this, that it did indeed hold good, and that he believed no city to be a better friend to him than Argos. Now whether it is true that Xerxes sent a herald with such a message to Argos, and that the Argives envoys came up to Sousa and questioned Artoxes' about their friendship, I cannot say with exactness, nor do I now declare that I consider anything true except what the Argives themselves say. This however I know full well, namely, if all men should carry their own private troubles to market for barter with their neighbors, there would not be a single one who, when he had looked into the troubles of other men, would not be glad to carry home again what he had brought. The conduct of the Argives was accordingly not utterly shameful. As for myself, although it is my business to set down that which is told me, to believe it is none at all of my business. This I ask the reader to hold true for the whole of my history, for there is another tale current, according to which it would seem that it was the Argives who invited the Persian into Hellas, because the war with the Lachodemonians was going badly, and they would prefer anything to their present distresses. Such is the end of the story of the Argives. As for Sicily, envoys were sent there by the Allies to hold converse with Gelen, Syagrus from Lachodemon among them. The ancestor of this Gelen, who settled at Gela, was from the island of Telos which lies off Triopium. When the founding of Gela by Antifemus and the Lindians of Rhodes was happening, he would not be left behind. His descendants in time became and continued to be priests of the goddesses of the underworld. This office had been won, as I will show, by Telene, one of their forefathers. There were certain Geloans who had been worsted in party strife and had been banished to the town of Mactorium, inland of Gela. These men, Telene's, brought to Gela with no force of men, but only the holy instruments of the goddesses worshiped aid him. From where he got these, and whether or not they were his own invention I cannot say. However that may be, it was in reliance upon them that he restore the exiles, on the condition that his descendants should be ministering priests of the goddesses. Now it makes me marvel that Telene should have achieved such a feat, for I have always supposed that such feats cannot be performed by any man, but only by such as have his doubt heart and manly strength. Telene's, however, is reported by the dwellers in Sicily to have had a soft and effeminate disposition. At the death of Kliandris, son of Pentaries, who had been tyrant of Gela for seven years, and had been slain by a man of that city named Sabilis, the sovereignty passed to Kliandris' brother Hippocrates. While Hippocrates was a tyrant, Gelen, a descendant of the ministering priest Telene's, was one of Hippocrates' guard, as were Anasidemus' son of Patekis and many others. In no time he was appointed for his worth to be captain of the entire cavalry, for his performance had been preeminent while he served under Hippocrates in the assaults against Calipolis, Naxos, Zancla, Leontini, Syracuse, and many other of the foreigners' towns. None of these cities, with the exception of Syracuse, escaped enslavement by Hippocrates. The Syracusans were defeated in battle on the river Eloris. They were, however, rescued by the Corinthians and Corsairians, who made a peace for them on the condition that the Syracusans should deliver up to Hippocrates' Camarina, which had formerly been theirs. When Hippocrates, too, after reigning the same number of years as his brother Kliandris, came to his end near the town of Hibla, from where he had marched against the Thistles, then Gelen made a pretense of serving the cause of Hippocrates' sons, Euclides, and Kliandris, whose rule the citizens would no longer bear. When he had defeated the men of Gela, however, he deposed the sons of Hippocrates and held Sway himself. After this stroke of good fortune, Gelen brought back from the town of Casmina to Syracuse both the so-called landed gentry of Syracuse, who had been driven into exile by the common people, and their slaves, the Cilerians. He then took possession of that city also, for the Syracuse and common people surrendered themselves and it to Gelen at his coming. When he had made Syracuse his own, he took less account of his rule over Gela, which he gave in charge to his brother Hiro. Over Syracuse he reigned, and all his care was for Syracuse. Straightway that city grew and became great, for not only did Gelen bring all the people of Camarena to Syracuse, and give them its citizenship, raising the township of Camarena, but he did the same thing to more than half of the townsmen of Gela, and when the Magarians in Sicily surrendered to him on terms after a siege, he took the wealthier of them, who had made war on him and expected to be put to death for this, and brought them to Syracuse to be citizens there. As for the common people of Magara, who had had no hand in the making of that war and expected that no harm would be done to them, these two he brought to Syracuse and sold them for slaves to be taken out of Sicily. He dealt in a similar way with the Yuboans of Sicily, making the same distinction. The reason for his treating the people of both places in this way was that he held the common people to be exceedingly disagreeable to live with. By these means Gelen had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows. The Lachodemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Helus, how he proposes to bridge the Hell's Pond and lead all the hosts of the East from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Helus to his will. Now you are rich in power, and as Lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Helus. Therefore we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Helus and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Helus is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aedus, and you champion your own cause, in general, a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue. This is what they said, and Gellon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this, Men of Helus, it is with the self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners, yet what of yourselves? When I was at odds with the Carcadonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Doreus, son of Anachsandrides, on the men of Augusta, and when I promised to free those trading-ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you, then neither for my sake would you come to aid, nor to avenge the slaying of Doreus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. Let that be, for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gellon. Despite the fact that you slided me, I will not make an example of you. I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men at arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others. When Cyagress heard that, he could not contain himself. In truth he cried, loudly would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, when hearing that the Spartans had been bereft of their command by Gellon and his Syracusans. No, rather, put the thought out of your minds that we will give up the command to you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you must obey the Lacketimonians. But if, as I think, you are too proud to obey, then send no aid. Thereupon Gellon, seeing how unfriendly Cyagress's words were, for the last time declared his opinion to them. My Spartan friend, the hard words that a man hears are likely to arouse his anger, but for all the arrogant tenor of your speech you will not move me to make an unseemly answer. When you set such store by the command it is but reasonable that it should be still more important to me, since I am the leader of an army many times greater than yours, and more ships by far. But seeing that your response to me is so haughty, we will make some concession in our original condition. It might be that you should command the army in either fleet, or if it is your pleasure to lead by sea, then I am ready to take charge of the army. With that you will surely be content, unless you want to depart from here without such allies as we are. Such was Gellon's offer, and the Athenian envoys answered him before the Lachodemonian could speak. King of the Syracusans, he said, Hellas sends us to ask you not for a leader but for an army. You, however, say no word of sending an army without the condition of your being the leader of Hellas. It is the command alone that you desire. Now, as long as you sought the leadership of the whole force, we Athenians were content to hold our peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to answer for both of us. But since failing to win the whole, you would gladly command the fleet. We want to let you know how the matter stands. Even if the Laconians should permit you to command it, we would not do so, for the command of the fleet, which the Lachodemonians do not desire for themselves, is ours. If they should desire to lead it, we would not withstand them, but we will not allow anyone else to be admiral. It would be for nothing, then, that we possess the greatest number of seafaring men in Hellas, if we Athenians yield our command to Syracusans, we who can demonstrate the longest lineage of all, and who alone among the Greeks have never changed our place of habitation. Of our stock, too, was the man of whom the poet Homer says, that of all who came to Illian, he was the best man in ordering and marshaling armies. We accordingly cannot be reproached for what we now say. My Athenian friend, Galen answered, it would seem that you have many who lead, but none who will follow. Since then you will wave no claim but must have the whole. It is high time that you hasten home and tell your Hellas that her year has lost its spring. The significance of this statement was that Galen's army was the most notable part of the Greek army, just as the spring is the best part of the year. He accordingly compared Hellas deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its spring. After such dealings with Galen, the Greek envoys sailed away. Galen, however, feared that the Greeks would not be able to overcome the barbarian, while believing it dreadful and intolerable that he, the tyrant of Sicily, should go to the Peloponnese to be at the beck and call of Lachitimonians. For this reason he took no more thought of this plan but followed another instead. As soon as he was informed that the Persians had crossed the Hells-pont, he sent Cadmus, son of Scythus, a man of coasts, to Delphi with three fifty orge ships, bringing them money and messages of friendship. Cadmus was to observe the outcome of the battle, and if the barbarians should be victorious, he was to give him both the money and earth and water on behalf of Galen's dominions. If, however, the Greeks were victorious, he was to bring everything back again. This Cadmus had previously inherited from his father the tyranny of coasts. Although the tyranny was well established, he nevertheless handed the government over to the whole body of the Coens of his own free will. This he did under no constraint of danger but out of a sense of justice, and then he went to Sicily, where he was given by the Sammians the city of Zancla, which he colonized and changed its name to Messina. This is how Cadmus had come, and it was he whom Galen now sent because of his sense of justice. What I will now relate was not the least of the many just acts of Cadmus's life. He had in his possession great wealth entrusted to him by Galen, and might have kept it. He nevertheless would not do so, but when the Greeks had prevailed in the sea-fight and Xerxes had headed home, Cadmus returned to Sicily with all that money. There is, however, another story told by the Sicilians. Even though he was to be under Lachodemonian authority, Galen would still have aided the Greeks had it not been for Tyralus' son of Crenipus, the tyrant of Himera. This man, who had been expelled from Himera by Theran, son of Inesidemus, sovereign ruler of Acragus, at this very time brought against Galen three hundred thousand Phoenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Lighys, Eliske, Sardinians, and Cyrnians, led by Amilcus, son of Anon, the king of the Carcadonians. Tyralus had induced him to do this partly through the prerogative of personal friendship, but mainly through the efforts of Anaxelus' son of Cretines, tyrant of Regium. He had handed over his own children his hostages to Amilcus, and brought him into Sicily to the help of his father-in-law, for Anaxelus had as his wife Tyralus' daughter, Cidipi. Accordingly Galen sent the money to Delphi, because he could not aid the Greeks. They add this tale, too, that Galen and Theron won a victory over Amilcus, the Carcadonian in Sicily, on the same day that the Greeks defeated the Persians at Salamis. This Amilcus was, on his father's side, a Carcadonian, and a Syracusan on his mother's, and had been made king of Carcadon for his virtue. When the armies met and he was defeated in the battle, it is said that he vanished from sight, for Galen looked for him everywhere but was not able to find him anywhere on earth, dead or alive. The story told by the Carcadonians themselves seems to have some element of truth. They say that the barbarians fought with the Greeks in Sicily from dawn until late evening. So long, it is said, the battle was drawn out, during which time Amilcus stayed in his camp offering sacrifice and striving to obtain favorable omens by burning whole bodies on a great pyre. When he saw his army routed, he cast himself into the fire where he was pouring libations on the sacrifice. He was consumed by this and was not seen any more. Whether he vanished, as the Phoenicians say, or in the manner related by the Carcadonians and Syracusans, sacrifices offered to him, and monuments have been set up in all the colonist cities, the greatest of which is in Carcadon itself. End of Volume 3, Part 7. This is how the campaign in Sicily fell out. As for the Corsareans, their answer to the envoys and their acts were, as I will show. The men who had gone to Sicily sought their aid, too, using the same arguments which they had used with Galon. The Corsareans, straight away, promised to send help and protection, declaring that they would not allow Helus to perish, for if she should fall, the very next day would certainly see them also enslaved. They would accordingly have to help to the best to their ability. Now this answer seemed fair enough, but when the time came for sending help their minds changed. They manned sixty ships and put out to sea, making for the coast of the Peloponnese. There, however, they anchored off Pylos and Tenerus in the Lachodemonian territory, waiting like the others to see which way the wars should incline. They had no hope that the Greeks would prevail, but thought that the Persian would win a great victory and be Lord of all Helus. Their course of action, therefore, had been planned with a view to being able to say to the Persian, O king, we whose power is as great as any and who could have furnished as many ships as any state save Athens, we, when the Greeks attempted to gain our aid in this war, would not resist you nor do anything displeasing to you. This plea, they hoped, would win them some advantage more than ordinary, and so I believe it would have been. They were, however, also ready with an excuse which they could make to the Greeks, and in the end they made it. When the Greeks blamed them for sending no help, they said that they had manned sixty triremes, but that they could not round Melea because of the Aetesian winds. It was for this reason, they said, that they could not arrive at Salamis. It was not cowardliness which made them late for the sea-fight. With such a plea they put the Greeks off. But the Cretans, when the Greeks appointed to deal with them were trying to gain their aid, acted as I will show. They sent messengers to Delphi, inquiring if it would be to their advantage to help the Greeks. The Pithia answered them, Foolish men, was not the grief enough which Minos sent upon your people for the help given to Menelus, out of anger that those others would not help to avenge his death at Comicus, while you helped them to avenge the stealing of that woman from Sparta by a barbarian? When this was brought to the years of the Cretans they would have nothing to do with aiding the Greeks. Now Minos, it was said, went to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search for Daedalus, and perished there by a violent death. Presently all the Cretans except the men of Polycnae and Precius were bitten by a god to go with a great host to Sicania. Here they besieged the town of Comicus, where in my day the men of Acragas dwelt, for five years. Presently, since they could neither take it nor remain there because of the famine which afflicted them, they departed. However, when they were at sea off Ipegia a great storm caught and drove them ashore. Because their ships had been wrecked and there was no way of returning to Crete, they founded there the town of Heria, and made this their dwelling place, accordingly changing from Cretans to Mesapians of Ipegia, and from islanders to dwellers on the mainland. From Heria they made settlements in those other towns which a very long time afterwards the Tarantines attempted to destroy, thereby suffering great disaster. The result was that no one has ever heard of so greatest slaughter of Greeks as that of the Tarantines and Regions. Three thousand townsmen of the latter, men who had been coerced by Missithis, son of Chorus, to come and help the Tarantines were killed, and no count was kept of the Tarantines slain. Missithis was a servant of Anaxilus and had been left in charge of Regium. It was he who was banished from Regium and settled in Taghia of Arcadia, and who set up those many statues at Olympia. In relating the matter of the Regions and Tarantines, however, I digress from the main thread of my history. The Pracians say that when Crete was left desolate it was populated especially by Greeks, among other peoples. Then in the third generation after Minos the events surrounding the Trojan War in which the Cretans bore themselves as bravely as any in the cause of Minolus took place. After this, when they returned from Troy, they and their flocks and herds were afflicted by famine and pestilence until Crete was once more left desolate. Then came a third influx of Cretans, and it is they who, with those that were left, now dwell there. It was this that the Priestess bade them remember, and so prevented them from aiding the Greeks as they were previously inclined. The Thessalians had at first sided with the Persians, not willingly but of necessity. This their acts revealed, because they disliked the plans of the Allude. As soon as they heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent messengers to the Isthmus, where men were chosen from the cities which were best disposed towards Hellas, were assembled in council for the Greek cause. To these the Thessalian messengers came and said, Men of Hellas, the pass of Olympus must be guarded so that Thessaly and all Hellas may be sheltered from the war. Now we are ready to guard it with you, but you too must send a great force. If you will not send it, be assured that we will make terms with the Persian, for it is not right that we should be left to stand guard alone and so perish for your sakes. If you will not send help, there is nothing you can do to constrain us, for no necessity can prevail over lack of ability. As for us, we will attempt to find some means of deliverance for ourselves. These are the words of the Men of Thessaly. Thereupon the Greeks resolved that they would send a land army to Thessaly by sea to guard the pass. When the forces had assembled they passed through the Euripus and came to Allas and Achaia, where they disembarked and took the road for Thessaly, leaving their ships where they were. They then came to the pass of Tempi, which runs from the lower Macedonia into Thessaly along the River Peneas, between the mountains Olympus and Asa. There the Greeks were encamped, about ten thousand minute arms altogether, and the cavalry was there as well. The general of the Lachodimonians was Eunatus, son of Carenus, chosen from among the polymarchs, yet not of the royal house, and Themostocles, son of Neocles, was the general of the Athenians. They remained there for only a few days, for messengers came from Alexander, son of Amintus, the Macedonian. These, pointing out the size of the army and the great number of ships, advised them to depart and not remain there to be trodden underfoot by the abating host. When they had received this advice from the messengers, as they thought their advice was sound and that the Macedonian meant well by them, the Greeks followed their council. To my thinking, however, what persuaded them was fear, since they had found out there was another pass leading into Thessaly by the hill-country of Macedonia, through the country of the Perhebe, near the town of Gonus. This was indeed the way by which Xerxes's army descended on Thessaly. The Greeks accordingly went down to their ships and made their way back to the Ythmsmas. This was the course of their expedition to Thessaly, while the king was planning to cross into Europe from Asia, and was already at Apidos. The Thessalians, now bereft of their allies, sided with the Persian wholeheartedly and unequivocally. As a result of this, they, in their acts, proved themselves to be most useful to the king. When they had come to the Ythmsmas, the Greeks, taking into account what was said by Alexander, deliberated as a body how and where they should stand to fight. It was decided that they should guard the pass of Thermopylae, for they saw that it was narrower than the pass into Thessaly and nearer home. The pass, then, which brought about the fall of those Greeks who fell at Thermopylae, was unknown to them until they came to Thermopylae and learned of it from the men of Trakas. This pass they were resolved to guard, and so stayed the barbarians' passage into Hellas, while their fleet should sail to Artemisium in the territory of Histia. These places are near enough to each other, and each force could therefore be informed of the other's doings. As for the places themselves, their nature is as follows. Artemisium is where the wide Thracian sea contracts until the passage between the island of Scyathus and the mainland of Magnesia is but narrow. This strait leads next to Artemisium, which is a beach on the coast of Euboea, on which stands a temple of Artemis. The pass through Trakas into Hellas is fifty feet wide at its narrowest point. It is not here, however, but elsewhere that the way is narrowest, namely in front of the Thermopylae and behind it. At Alpani, which lies behind, it is only the breadth of a cartway, and it is the same at the phoenix stream near the town of Anthilla. To the west of Thermopylae rises a high mountain, inaccessible and precipitous, a spur of Osha. To the east of the road there is nothing but marshes and sea. In this pass are warm springs for bathing, called the basins by the people of the country, and an altar of Heracles stands nearby. Across this entry a wall had been built, and formerly there was a gate in it. It was the Phocians who built it for fear of the Thessalaeans, when these came from Thesprosia to dwell in the Aeolian land, the region which they now possess. Since the Thessalaeans were trying to subdue them, the Phocians made this their protection, and in their search for every means to keep the Thessalaeans from invading their country, they turned the stream from the hot springs into the pass so that it might be a water-course. The ancient wall had been built long ago and most of it lay in ruins. Those who built it up again thought that they would in this way bar the foreigner's way into Helus. Very near the road is a village called Alpani, and it is from here that the Greeks expected to obtain provisions. These places, then, were thought by the Greeks to suit their purpose. After making a thorough survey they concluded that the barbarians could not make use of their entire army, nor of their horsemen. They therefore resolved that they would meet the invader of Helus here. Then, when they heard that the Persian was Imperia, they broke up from the Isthmus and set out with their army to Thermopylae, and with their fleet to Artemisium. So with all speed the Greeks went their several ways to meet the enemy. In the meantime the Delphians, who were afraid for themselves and for Helus, consulted the god. They were advised to pray to the winds, for these would be potent allies for Helus. When they had received the Oracle, the Delphians first sent word of it to those Greeks who desired to be free, because of their dread of the barbarian. They were forever grateful. Subsequently they erected an altar to the winds at Thea, the present location of the precinct of Thea, the daughter of Siphisus, and they offered sacrifices to them. This, then, is the reason why the Delphians to this day offer the winds sacrifice of propitiation. Xerxes's fleet, however, set forth from the city of Therma, and the ten swiftness of the ships laid their course straight for Scythus, where there lay an advance guard of three Greek ships, a Trozanian, and a Genitin, and an Attic. These, when they sided the foreigners' ships, took to flight. The ship of Trozan, of which Prexinus was captain, was pursued and straightway captured by the foreigners, who brought the best of its fighting men and cut his throat on the ship's prow, thinking that the sacrifice of the foremost and fairest of their Greek captives would be auspicious. The name of the sacrificed man was Leon, and it was perhaps his name that he had to thank for it. The Agenitin trireme, of which Assenides was captain, did, however, give them some trouble. On board the ship was Pythias, son of Iscanus, who acted heroically on that day. When his ship had been taken he would not stop fighting until he had been entirely hacked to mince-meat. When he finally did fall he still had life in him, and the Persian soldiers on the ships took great pains to keep him alive for his valor, tending his wounds with ointments and wrapping him in bandages of linen cloth. Upon returning to their own station they showed him to the whole host and made much of him and treated him with kindness. The rest of those whom they took in that ship, however, they used as slaves. Two of the ships then were made captive, and the third trireme, of which Formus and Athenian was captain, ran aground in her flight at the mouth of the Pythias. The barbarians took her hull but not the crew, for the Athenians, as soon as they had run their craft aground, leapt out and made their way through Thessaly to Athens. The Greeks who were stationed at Artemisium were informed of these matters by beacons from Sceathus. They were frightened by this and accordingly changed their anchorage from Artemisium to Calcas, proposing to guard the Euripus and leaving watchmen on the heights of Uboa. Three of the ten barbarian ships ran aground on the reef called the Ant, which lies between Sceathus and Magnesia. The barbarians then brought a pillar of stone and set it on the reef, and when their course was plain before them the whole fleet set forth and sailed from Therma, eleven days after the king had marched from there. It was Pemen of Skyros who showed them where in the strait the reef lay. After sailing all day the foreign fleet reached Scepius in Magnesia and the beach between the town of Castania and the Scepiod headland. Until the whole host reached this place in Thermopoli it suffered no hurt, and calculation proves to me that its numbers were still such as I will now show. The ships from Asia were twelve hundred and seven in number, and including the entire host of nations involved there were a total of two hundred and forty-one thousand and four hundred men, two hundred being reckoned for each ship. On board all these ships were thirty fighting men of the Persians and Medes and Sase, in addition to the company which each had of native fighters. The number of this added contingent is thirty-six thousand, two hundred and ten. To this and to the first number I add the crews of the ships of fifty ores, calculating eighty men for each, whether there were actually more or fewer. Now seeing that, as has already been said, three thousand of these vessels were assembled, the number of men in them must have been two hundred and forty thousand. These then were the ship's companies from Asia, and the total number of them was five hundred and seventeen thousand, six hundred and ten. There were seven hundred thousand and one hundred foot soldiers and eighty thousand cavalrymen. To these I add the Arabian camel riders and Libyan charioteers, estimating them to have been twenty thousand in number. The forces of sea and land added together would consist of two million three hundred and seventeen thousand six hundred and ten men. So far I have spoken of the force which came from Asia itself, without the train of servants which followed it and the companies of the grain-bearing craft. I must, however, take into account the force brought from Europe, and I will rely on my best judgment in doing so. The Greeks of Thrace and of the islands off Thrace furnished one hundred and twenty ships, and the companies of these ships must have consisted of twenty four thousand men. As regards the land armies supplied by all the nations, Thracians, Paonians, Ordee, Bochiae, Calcidians, Brighi, Perians, Macedonians, Verhabe, Aeneans, Dullapies, Magnesians, Acacians, Dwellers on the coast of Thrace, all of these I suppose the number to have been three hundred thousand. When these numbers are added to the numbers from Asia, the sum total of fighting men is two million six hundred and forty one thousand six hundred and ten. This then is the number of soldiers. As for the service train which followed them and the crews of the light corn-bearing vessels and all the other vessels besides which came by sea with the force, I believe to have been not fewer but more than fighting men. Suppose, however, that they were equal in number, neither more nor fewer. If they were equal to the fighting contingent, they made up as many tens of thousands as the other. The number, then, of those whom Xerxes's son of Darius led as far as the sepiate headland in Thermopylae was five million two hundred and eighty-three thousand two hundred and twenty. That is the number of Xerxes's whole force. No one, however, can say what the exact number of cooking women and concubines and eunuchs was, nor can one determine the number of the beasts of Draft and Burden and the Indian dogs which accompanied the host. So many of them were there. It is accordingly not surprising to me that some of the streams of water ran dry. I do, however, wonder that there were provisions sufficient for so many tens of thousands, for calculation shows me that if each man received one chonix of wheat a day and no more, eleven hundred thousand and three hundred and forty bushels would be required every day. In this calculation I take no account of the provisions for the women, eunuchs, beasts of Burden, and dogs. Of all those tens of thousands of men there was not one, as regards looks in grandeur, worthy of the Xerxes himself to hold that command. The Persian fleet put to sea and reached the beach of the magnesium land between the city of Kassene and the headland of Sepia. The first ships to arrive moored close to land, with the others after them at anchor, since the beach was not large. They laid anchor in rows eight ships deep out into the sea. They spent the night in this way, but at dawn a storm descended upon them out of a clear and windless sky, and the sea began to boil. A strong east wind blew, which the people living in those parts call Hespantian. Those who felt the wind rising or had proper mooring dragged their ships up on shore ahead of the storm, and so survived with their ships. The wind did, however, carry those ships out into the open sea against the rocks called the Evans at Pelion or onto the beach. Some ships were wrecked on the Sepian headland, others were cast ashore at the city of Melaboa or at Kassene. The storm was indeed unbearable. End of Volume 3 Part 8. Volume 3, Part 9 of Herodotus' Histories. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Histories, Volume 3 by Herodotus Apalachanarsis, translated by Edie Godly, Part 9. The story is told that because of an oracle the Athenians invoked Boreus, the North Wind, to help them, since another oracle told them to summon their son-in-law as an ally. According to the Hellenic story, Boreus had an attic wife, Orithia, the daughter of Erechtheus, ancient king of Athens. Because of this connection, so the tale goes, the Athenians considered Boreus to be their son-in-law. They were stationed off Calcas in Eboa, and when they saw the storm rising, they then, if they had not already, sacrificed to and called upon Boreus and Orithia to help them by destroying the barbarian fleet just as before at Athos. I cannot say whether this was the cause of Boreus falling upon the barbarians as they laid anchor, but the Athenians say that he had come to their aid before and that he was the agent this time. When they went home they founded a sacred precinct of Boreus beside the Elysis River. They say that at the very least no fewer than four hundred ships were destroyed in this labor, along with innumerable men and abundant wealth. This shipwreck proved so useful to Aminocleus' son of Cretans, a man of Magnesia who owned land around Seppia, for he later picked up many gold and silver cups cast up on shore, found the Persian treasures, and acquired other untold riches. Although he became very rich from his findings, he did not enjoy luck in everything, for he suffered greatly when his son was murdered. There was no counting how many grain ships and other vessels were destroyed. The generals of the fleet were afraid that the Thessalians might attack them now that they had been defeated, so they built a high palisade out of the wreckage. The storm lasted three days. Finally the Magi made offerings and cast spells upon the wind, sacrificing also to Thetis and the Nerids. In this way they made the wind stop on the fourth day, or perhaps it died down on its own. They sacrificed to Thetis, after hearing from the Ionians the story that it was from this place, that Pellius had carried her off, and that all the headland of Seppia belonged to her and to the other Nerids. The storm then ceased on the fourth day. Now the scouts stationed on the headlands of Euboea ran down and told the Hellenes all about the shipwreck on the second day after the storm began. After hearing this they prayed to Poseidon as their saviour and poured libations. Then they hurried to Artemisium hoping to find few ships opposing them. So they came to Artemisium a second time and made their station there. From that time on they called Poseidon their saviour. The barbarians, when the wind ceased and the waves no longer ran high, put to sea and coasted along the mainland. They sailed around the headland of Magnesia and sailed straight into the gulf which stretches toward Pagosae. There is a place on this gulf in Magnesia, where, it is said, Heracles was sent for water and was left behind by Jason and his comrades of the Argo, when they were sailing to Aea in Culcas for the fleece. Their purpose was to draw water from there and then to put out to sea. This is the reason why that place has been called Ephete. Here Xerxes's men made their anchorage. Fifteen of those ships had put to sea a long time after the rest, and it chanced that they sided the Greek ships off Artemisium. Supposing these to be their own fleet, the barbarians proceeded into the midst of their enemies. Their captain was the Viceroy from Cime and Aeolia, Sandoses' son of Themysaeus. This man, who was one of the king's judges, had once before been taken and crucified by Darius because he had given unjust judgment for a tribe. When Sandoses had been hung on the cross, Darius found on consideration that his good services to the royal house outweighed his offenses. The king then perceived that he had acted with more haste than wisdom and set Sandoses free. In this way he escaped from being put to death by Darius. Now that he was taken into the midst of the Greeks, however, he was not to escape a second time. For when the Greeks saw the Persians bearing down on them, they perceived their mistake in putting to sea easily took them captive. In one of these ships they took Aritalus, the tyrant of Alibanda in Caria, and in another the Pafian captain Penthilus, son of Deminus. Of the twelve ships which he had brought from Paphos he had lost eleven in the storm off the sepiaed headland, and was in the one which remained when he was taken as he headed down on Archimisium. Having questioned these men and learned what they desired to know of Xerxes' force, the Greeks sent them away to the isthmus of Corinth and Bons. So the foreign fleet, of which, with the exception of fifteen ships Sandoses was captain, came to Afate. Xerxes and his land army marched through Thessaly and Achaea, and it was three days since he had entered Malus. In Thessaly he held a race for his own cavalry. This was also a test of the Thessalian horsemen whom he had heard were the best in Helus. The Greek horses were far outpaced in this contest. In the old Thessalian rivers the Onoconus was the only one which could not provide enough water for his army to drink. In Achaea, however, even the greatest river there, the Apidinus, gave out, remaining but a sorry trickle. When Xerxes had come to Alas in Achaea, his guides, desiring to inform him of all they knew, told him the story which is related in that country concerning the worship of Lafistia and Zeus. Namely, how Athymus, son of Aeolus, plotted Xerxes's death with I know, and further, how the Achaeans, by an oracle's bidding, compel Xerxes' descendants to certain tasks. They ordered the eldest of that family not to enter their town hall, which the Achaeans called the people's house, and themselves keep watch there. If he should enter he may not come out, save only to be sacrificed. They say as well that many of those who were to be sacrificed had fled in fear to another country, and that if they returned at a latter day and were taken, they were brought into the town hall. The guides showed Xerxes how the man is sacrificed, namely, with Philips covering him all over and a procession to lead him forth. It is the descendants of Xerxes's son, Cytisaurus, who are treated in this way, because when the Achaeans, by an oracle's bidding, made Athymus, son of Aeolus' scapegoat for their country, and were about to sacrifice him, this Cytisaurus came from Aea and Colicus and delivered him, thereby bringing the God's wrath on his own descendants. Hearing all this, Xerxes, when he came to the temple grove, refrained from entering it himself and bade all his army do likewise, holding the house and the precinct of Athymus' descendants alike in reverence. These were Xerxes's actions in Thessaly and Achaea. From here he came into Malus along the gulf of the sea, in which the tide ebbs and flows daily. There was a low lying ground about this gulf, sometimes wide and sometimes very narrow, and around it stand high and inaccessible mountains, which enclose the whole of Malus and are called the Rock of Trachas. Now to the first town by the gulf on the way from Achaea is Antachira, near to which the river Spurcius flows from the country of the Aneni, and issues into the sea. About twenty furlongs from that river is another named Tiderus, which is said to have risen from the ground to aid Heracles against the fire that consumed him, and twenty furlongs again from there is another river called the Black River. The town of Tachas is five furlongs away from this Black River. Here is the greatest distance in all this region between the sea and the hills on which Trachas stands, for the plain is twenty-two thousand plethora in extent. In the mountains which hem in the Trachinian land there is ravine to the south of Trachas, through which the river Asapus flows past the lower slopes of the mountains. There is another river south of the Asopus, the Phoenix, a little stream which flows from those mountains into the Asopus. Near this stream is the narrowest place. There is only space for a single cartway. Thermopylae is fifteen furlongs away from the river Phoenix. Between the river and Thermopylae there is a village named Anthela, past which the Asopus flows out into the sea. And there is a wide space around it in which stands a temple of Amphictean edemiter, seats for the Amphicteans and a temple of Amphictean himself. King Xerxes lay encamped in Trachas and Malas and the Hellenes in the past. This place is called Thermopylae by most of the Hellenes, but by the natives and their neighbors, Pyle. Each lay encamped in these places. Xerxes was master of everything to the north from the Trachas and the Hellenes of all that lay toward the south on the mainland. The Hellenes who awaited the Persians in that place were these. Three hundred Spartan armed men, one thousand from Taghia and Matanea, half from each place, one hundred and twenty from Orkomenis in Arcadia and one thousand from the rest of Arcadia, that many Arcadians, four hundred from Quarens, two hundred from Flias, and eighty Mycenaeans. These were the Peloponnesians present. From Boshia there were seven hundred Thespians and four hundred Thebans. In addition, the Opuntian Locrians in full force and one thousand Phocians came at the summons. The Hellenes had called upon them through messengers who told them that this was only the advanced guard, that the rest of the allies were expected any day now, and that the sea was being watched, with the Athenians and Aginitans and all those enrolled in the fleet on guard. There was nothing for them to be afraid of. The invader of Helles was not a God but a human being, and there was not, and never would be, any mortal on whom some amount of evil was not bestowed at birth, with the greatest men receiving the largest share. The one marching against them was certain to fall from pride since he was immortal. When they heard this, the Locrians and Phocians marched to Trakas to help. Each city had its own general, but the one most admired and the leader of the whole army was a Lachodemonian, Leonidas, son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycrates, son of Anaxandris, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydorus, son of Akaminis, son of Telaklus, son of Arkelus, son of Hegesyllus, son of Dorisus, son of Lobotis, son of Echestratus, son of Aegis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemus, son of Aristomachus, son of Cleodaeus, son of Hillus, son of Heracles. Leonidas had gained the kingship at Sparta unexpectedly. Since he had two older brothers, Cleomenes and Dorius, he had renounced all thought of the kingship. Cleomenes, however, died without male offspring, and Dorius, who had met his end in Sicily, was also no longer alive. The succession, therefore, fell to Leonidas since he was older than Anaxandrides' youngest son, William Brutus, and had married Cleomenes' daughter. He now came to Thermopylae with the appointed three hundred he had selected, all of whom had sons. He also brought those Thebans whom I counted among the number, and whose general was Leonidas' son of Eurymachus. Leonidas took pains to bring only the Thebans among the Hellenes, because they were accused of medizing. He summoned them to the war wishing to know whether they would send their men with him, or openly refuse the Hellenic alliance. They sent the men, but intended something quite different. The Spartans sent the men with Leonidas on ahead so that the rest of the Allies would see them and march, instead of medizing like the others if they learned that the Spartans were delaying. At present the carnea was in their way, but once they had completed the festival they intended to leave a garrison at Sparta and march out in full force with all speed. The rest of the Allies planned to do likewise, for the Olympiad coincided with these events. They accordingly sent their advance guard, not expecting the war at Thermopylae to be decided so quickly. This is what they intended, but the Hellenes at Thermopylae, when the Persians drew near the pass, fearfully took counsel whether to depart. The rest of the Peloponnesians were for returning to the Peloponnes and guarding the Isthmus, but the Phocians and Locrians were greatly angered by this council. Leonidas voted to remain where they were and to send messengers to the cities bidding them to send help, since they were too few to ward off the army of the Medes. While they debated in this way, Xerxes sent a mounted scout to see how many there were and what they were doing. While he was still in Thessaly he had heard that a small army was gathered there and that its leaders were Lachydimonians, including Leonidas, who was of the Heracleid clan. Riding up to the camp the horsemen watched and spied out the place. He could, however, not see the whole camp, for it was impossible to see those posted inside the wall which they had rebuilt and were guarding. He did take note of those outside, whose arms lay in front of the wall, and it chanced that at that time the Lachydimonians were posted there. He saw some of the men exercising naked and others combing their hair. He marveled at the sight and took note of their numbers. When he had observed it all carefully he rode back in leisure, since no one pursued him or paid him any attention at all. So he returned and told Xerxes all that he had seen. When Xerxes heard that he could not comprehend the fact that the Lachydimonians were actually, to the best of their ability, preparing to kill or be killed. What they did appeared laughable to him, so he sent for Demoratus the son of Aristan, who was in his camp. When this man arrived he asked him about each of these matters, wanting to understand what it was the Lachydimonians were doing. Demoratus said, You have already heard about these men from me when we were setting out for Hellas, but when you heard you mocked me, although I told you how I expected things to turn out. So is my greatest aim, O King, to be truthful in your presence. So hear me now. These men have come to fight us for the past, and it is for this that they are preparing. This is their custom. When they are about to risk their lives they arrange their hair. Rest assured that if you overcome these men and those remaining behind at Sparta there is no one else on earth who will raise his hands to withstand you, my King. You are now attacking the fairest Kingdom in Hellas and men who are the very best. What he said seemed completely incredible to Xerxes, so he then asked how they, who were so few in number, would fight against his army. Demoratus answered, My King, take me for a liar if this does not turn out as I say. So he spoke but he did not persuade Xerxes. He let four days go by, expecting them to run away at any minute. They did not leave, and it seemed to him that they stayed out of folly and lack of due respect. On the fifth day he became angry and sent the Medes and Sisyons against them, bidding them take them prisoner and bring them into his presence. The Medes bore down upon the Hellenes and attacked. Many fell, but others attacked in turn, and they made it clear to everyone, especially to the King himself, that among so many people there were few real men. The battle lasted all day. When the Medes had been roughly handled they retired, and the Persians whom the King called immortals, led by Hedarnes, attacked in turn. It was thought that they would easily accomplish the task. When they joined in battle with the Hellenes, they fared neither better nor worse than the Medean army, since they used shorter spears than the Hellenes and could not use their numbers fighting in a narrow space. The Lachodemonians fought memorably, showing themselves skilled fighters amidst unskilled on many occasions, as when they would turn their backs in faint flight. The barbarians would see them fleeing and give chase with shouting and noise, but when the Lachodemonians were overtaken, they would turn to face the barbarians and overthrow innumerable Persians. A few Spartans themselves were also slain. When the Persians could gain no inch of the pass, attacking by companies and in every other fashion they withdrew. It is said that during these assaults in the battle, the king, as he watched, jumped up three times from the throne in fear for his army. This, then, is how the fighting progressed, and on the next day the barbarians fought no better. They joined battle supposing that their enemies, being so few, were now disabled by wounds and could no longer resist. The Hellenes, however, stood ordered in ranks by nation, and each of them fought in turn except the Phocians, who were posted on the mountain to guard the path. When the Persians found nothing different from what they saw the day before, they withdrew. The king was at a loss as to how to deal with the present difficulty. Ipialti's son of Urodemus, Amalion, thinking he would get a great reward from the king, came to speak with him and told him of the path leading over the mountain to Thermopylae. In so doing he caused the destruction of the Hellenes remaining there. Later he fled into Thessaly in fear of the Lachodemonians, and while he was in exile, a price was put on his head by the Pilagori when the Amphictians assembled at Pyle. Still later he returned from exile to Anticera and was killed by Athenides, a Trachinian. Athenides slew Epialtis for a different reason, which I will tell later in my history, but he was given no less honour by the Lachodemonians. It was in this way then that Epialtis was later killed. There is another story told, namely that Onatees' son of Anagoras, a Choristian, and Corridalis of Anticera are the ones who gave the king this information and guided the Persians around the mountain. But I find it totally incredible. One must judge by the fact that the Pilagori set to price not on Onateis and Corridalis but on Epialtis and Trachinian, and I suppose they had exact knowledge. We know that Epialtis was banished on this charge. Onateis might have known the path, although he was not a Malian, if he had often come to that country. But Epialtis was the one who guided them along the path around the mountain. It is he whom I put on record as guilty. End of Volume 3, Part 9 Volume 3, Part 10 of Herodotus' Histories. This is a Librivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. Xerxes was pleased by what Epialtis promised to accomplish. He immediately became overjoyed and sent out Hedarnes and the men under Hedarnes' command, who set forth from the camp at about lamp-lighting time. This path had been discovered by the native Malians, who used it to guide the Thessalians into Phosus when the Photians had fenced off the path with a wall, and were sheltered from the war. So long ago the Malians had discovered that the path was in no way a good thing. The course of the path is as follows. It begins at the river Asopus as it flows through the ravine, and this mountain and the path have the same name, Anopea. This Anopea stretches along the ridge of the mountain and ends at Alpenis, the Locrian city nearest to Malis, near the rock called Black Buttock, and the seats of the Sercopes where it is narrowest. This, then, was the nature of the pass. The Persians crossed the Asopus and traveled all night along this path, with the Otean Mountains on their right and the Trichinian on their left. At dawn they came to the summit of the pass. In this part of the mountain one thousand armed men of the Photians were on watch, as I have already shown, defending their own country and guarding the path. The lower pass was held by those I have mentioned, but the Photians had voluntarily promised Leonidas to guard the path over the mountain. The Photians learned in the following way that the Persians had climbed up. They had ascended without the Photians' notice because the mountain was entirely covered with oak trees. Although there was no wind, a great noise arose like leaves being trodden underfoot. The Photians jumped up and began to put on their weapons, and in a moment the barbarians were there. When they saw the men arming themselves they were amazed, for they had supposed that no opposition would appear, but they had now met with an army. Hedarnes feared that the Photians might be like a demonians and asked Epialtis what country the army was from. When he had established what he wanted to know with certainty he arrayed the Persians for battle. The Photians, assailed by thick showers of arrows and supposing that the Persians had set out against them from the start, fled to the top of the mountain and prepared to meet their destruction. This is what they intended, but the Persians with Epialtis and Hedarnes paid no attention to the Photians and went down the mountain as fast as possible. The Seer Magistius, examining the sacrifices, first told the Helens at Thermopylae that death was coming to them with the dawn. Then deserters came who announced the circuit made by the Persians. These gave their signals while it was still night. A third report came from the watchers running down from the hides at dawn. The Helens then took counsel but their opinions were divided. Some advised not to leave their post, but others spoke against them. They eventually parted, some departing and dispersing each to their own cities, others preparing to remain there with Leonidas. It is said that Leonidas himself sent them away because he was concerned that they would be killed, but felt it not fit for himself and the Spartans to desert that post which they had come to defend at the beginning. I, however, tend to believe that when Leonidas perceived that the allies were dispirited and unwilling to run all risks with him, he told them to depart. For himself, however, it was not good to leave. If he remained he would leave a name of great fame and the prosperity of Sparta would not be blotted out. When the Spartans asked the oracle about this war when it broke out, the Pythia had foretold that either Lachidamen would be destroyed by the barbarians or their king would be killed. She gave them this answer in hexameter verses running as follows. For you, inhabitants of wide-wayed Sparta, either your great and glorious city must be wasted by Persian men, or if not that, then the bound of Lachidamen must mourn a dead king from Heracles' line. The might of bulls or lions will not restrain him with opposing teeth, for he has the might of Zeus. I declare that he will not be restrained until he utterly tears apart one of these. Considering this and wishing to win distinction for the Spartans alone, he sent away the allies rather than have them leave in disorder because of a difference of opinion. Not the least proof I have of this is the fact that Leonidas publicly dismissed the seer who attended the expedition, for fear that he might die with them. This was Magistius, the Arcananian, said to be descended from Malampus, the one who told from the sacrifices what was going to happen to them. He was dismissed but did not leave. Instead he sent away his only son who was also with the army. Those allies who were dismissed went off in obedience to Leonidas, only the Thespians and Thebans remaining with the Lachidamonians. The Thebans remained against their will and desire, for Leonidas kept them as hostages. The Thespians very gladly remained, saying they would not abandon Leonidas and those with him by leaving. Instead they would stay and die with them. Their general was Demophilus, son of Diandromes. Xerxes made libations at sunrise and waiting till about mid-morning made his assault. Epialtis had advised this, for the descent from the mountain is more direct, and the way is much shorter than the circuit and ascent. Xerxes and his barbarians attacked, but Leonidas and his Hellenes, knowing they were going to their deaths, advanced now much farther than before into the wider part of the pass. In all the previous days they had sallied out into the narrow way and fought there, guarding the defensive wall. Now, however, they joined battle outside the narrows and many of the barbarians fell, for the leaders of the companies beat everyone with whips from behind, urging them ever forward. Many of them were pushed into the sea and found. Far more were trampled alive by each other, with no regard for who perished. Since the Hellenes knew that they must die at the hands of those who had come around the mountain, they displayed the greatest strength they had against the barbarians, fighting recklessly and desperately. By this time most of them had had their spears broken and were killing the Persians with swords. Leonidas, proving himself extremely valiant, fell in that struggle and with him other famous Spartans, whose names I have learned by inquiry since they were worthy men. Indeed, I have learned by inquiry the names of all three hundred. Many famous Persians also fell there, including two sons of Darius, Ebrocomes, and Hyperanthes, born to Darius by Fratagun, daughter of Artenes. Artenes was the brother of King Darius, and son of Histapes, son of Arsemys. When he gave his daughter in marriage to Darius he gave his whole house a dowry, since she was his only child. Two brothers of Xerxes accordingly fought and fell there. There was a great struggle between the Persians and Lachodemonians over Leonidas's body, until the Hellenes, by their courageous prowess, dragged it away and routed their enemies four times. The battle went on until the men with Epialtes arrived. When the Hellenes saw that they had come the contest turned, for they retired to the narrow part of the way, passed behind the wall, and took their position crowded together on the hill, all except the Thebans. The hill is at the mouth of the pass, where the stone lion in honor of Leonidas now stands. In that place they defended themselves with swords, if they still had them, and with hands and teeth. The barbarians buried them with missiles, some attacking from the front and throwing down the defensive wall, others surrounding them on all sides. This, then, is how the Lachodemonians and Thespians conducted themselves, but the Spartan, Dionyses, is said to have exhibited the greatest courage of all. They say that he made the following speech before they joined battle with the Mettis. He had learned from a Trachinian that there were so many of the barbarians that when they shot their missiles the sun was hidden by the multitude of their arrows. He was not at all disturbed by this and made light of the multitude of the Mettis, saying that their Trachinian foreigner brought them good news. If the Mettis hid the sun, they could fight them all in the shade instead of in the sun. This saying and others like it, they claim, Dionyses the Lachodemonian left behind as a memorial. Next after him two Lachodemonian brothers, Alpheus and Maren, sons of Orsiphantus, are said to have been most courageous. Thespian who gained most renown was one whose name was Dithrambus, son of Harmatides. There is an inscription written over these men who were buried where they fell, and over those who died before the others went away, dismissed by Leonidas. It reads as follows. Here four thousand from the Peloponnes once fought three million. That inscription is for them all, but the Spartans have their own. Foreigner, go tell the Spartans that we lie here obedient to their commands. That one is to the Lachodemonians, this one to the Sire. This is a monument to the renowned Magistius, slain by the Mettis who crossed the Spiritius River. The Sire knew well his coming doom, but endured not to abandon the leaders of Sparta. Except for the Sire's inscription, the Amphictians are the ones who honored them by erecting inscriptions and pillars. That of the Sire, Magistius, was inscribed by Simonides, son of Leoprepies, because of his tie of guest friendship with the man. It is said that two of these three hundred, Eurytus and Aristodemus, could have agreed with each other either to come home safely together to Sparta, since Leonidas had dismissed them from the camp and they were lying at Alpine very sick of Ophthalmalia, or to die with the others if they were unwilling to return home. They could have done either of these things, but they could not agree and had different intentions. When Eurytus learned of the Persian circuit, he demanded his armor and put it on, bidding his helot to lead him to the fighting. The helot led him there and fled, but he rushed into the fray and was killed. Aristodemus, however, lost his strength and stayed behind. Now, if Aristodemus alone had been sick and returned to Sparta, or if they had both made the trip, I think the Spartans would not have been angry with them. When, however, one of them died and the other had the same excuse but was unwilling to die, the Spartans had no choice but to display great anger towards Aristodemus. Some say that Aristodemus came home safely to Sparta in this way and by this excuse. Others say that he had been sent out of the camp as a messenger and could have gotten back in time for the battle but chose not to, staying behind on the road and so surviving, while his fellow messenger arrived at the battle and was killed. When Aristodemus returned to Lackadamon he was disgraced and without honour. He was deprived of his honour in this way. No Spartan would give him fire or speak with him, and they taunted him by calling him Aristodemus the Trembler. In the battle at Plateia, however, he made out for all the blame brought against him. It is said that another of the three hundred survived because he was sent as a messenger to Thessaly. His name was Pantites. When he returned to Sparta he was dishonoured and hanged himself. The Thebans, whose general was Leontiades, fought against the king's army as long as they were there with the Hellenes and under compulsion. When, however, they saw the Persian side prevailing and the Hellenes, with Leonidas hurrying toward the hill, they split off and approached the barbarians holding out their hands. With the most truthful words ever spoken they explained that they were Medizers, had been among the first to give water and earth to the king, had come to Thermopylae under constraint and were guiltless of the harm done to the king. By this plea they saved their lives and the Thessalians bore witness to their words. They were not, however, completely lucky. When the barbarians took hold of them as they approached they killed some of them even as they drew near. Most of them were branded by Xerxes' command with the king's marks, starting with the general Leontiades. His son Urimakis long afterwards was murdered by the Plataeans, when, as general of 400 Thebans, he seized the town of Plataea. This, then, is how the Greeks fought at Thermopylae. Xerxes then sent for Demoratus and questioned him, saying, First, Demoratus, you are a good man. I hold that proven by the plain truth, for things have turned out no differently than you foretold. Now tell me this. How many Lachodemonians are left, and how many of them are warriors like these? Or is it so with them all? My king, said Demoratus, the number of the Lachodemonians is great, and so too the number of their cities. But what you would like to know, I will tell you. There is in Lachodemon a city called Sparta, a city of about eight thousand men, all of them equal to those who have fought here. The rest of the Lachodemonians are not equal to these, yet they are valiant men. And how, Demoratus, answered these, can we overcome those men with the least trouble to ourselves? Come, disclose that to me, for you have been their king and know the plan and order of their councils. My king, Demoratus replied, if you in sincerity ask my council, it is but right that I should point out to you the best way. It is this, namely, that you should send three hundred ships of your fleet to the Lachonian land. There is an island lying off their coast called Sithara. Chilin, a man of much wisdom among us, says about it that it would be better for the Spartans if Sithara were beneath the sea rather than above it. This he said, because he expected that it would provide an opportunity for attack, just as I am suggesting. Not that he had any foreknowledge of your force, but he dreaded all men's forces alike. Let them then make that island their station, and set out from there to strike fear into the Lachodemonians. If these have a war of their own on their borders, you will have no cause to fear that they will send men to save the rest of Helus from being overrun by your armies. Furthermore, the enslavement of the rest of Helus must weaken Lachonia if it is left to stand alone. If, however, you do not do this, then expect what I will now tell you. A narrow isthmus leads to the Peloponnes. All the Peloponnesians will be banded together there against you, and you may expect battles more stubborn than those you have fought already. But if you do, as I have said, then you may have that isthmus and all their cities without striking a blow. Next spoke Akaminis, Xerxes's brother and admiral of the fleet. It chanced that he was present during their conversation, and he feared that Xerxes would be persuaded to follow Demorodus's counsel. O king, he said, I see that you are listening to a man who is jealous of your good fortune, or is perhaps even a traitor to your cause. These are the ways that are dear to the hearts of all Greeks. They are jealous of success and they hate power. No, if after the recent calamity which has wrecked four hundred of your ships you send away three hundred more from your fleet to sail round the Peloponnes, your enemies will be enough to do battle with you. While your fleet is united, however, it is invincible, and your enemies will not be so many as to be enough to fight. Moreover, all your navy will be a help to your army and your army to your navy, both moving together. If you separate some of your fleet from yourself, you will be of no use to them, nor they to you. My counsel is rather that you make your own plans well, and take no account of the business of your adversaries, what battlefields they will choose, what they will do, and how many they are. They are able enough to think for themselves, and we similarly for ourselves. As for the Lachodemonians, if they meet the Persians in the field, they will in no way repair their most recent losses. Archimenees, Xerxes answered, I think that you speak well, and I will do as you counsel. Despite the fact that your advice is better than his, Demoratus does say what he supposes to be most serviceable to me, for assuredly I will never believe that he is no friend to my cause. I believe this of him because of all that he has already said and by what is the truth, namely, that if one citizen prospers, another citizen is jealous of him and shows his enmity by silence, and no one, except if he has attained the height of excellence, and such are seldom seen, if his own townsmen asks for counsel, will give him what he thinks to be the best advice. If one stranger prospers, however, another stranger is beyond all men his well-wisher, and will, if he is asked, impart to him the best counsel he has. It is for this reason that I bid you all to refrain from aligning Demoratus, seeing that he is a stranger and a friend. Having spoken in this way, Xerxes passed over the place where the dead lay, and hearing that Leonidas had been king and general of the Lachodemonians, he gave orders to cut off his head and impale it. It is plain to me by this piece of evidence amongst many others, that while Leonidas lived, King Xerxes was more incensed against him than against all others. Otherwise he would never have dealt so outrageously with his dead body, for the Persians are beyond all men known in the habit of honoring valiant warriors. They then, who received these orders, did as I have said. I return now to that place in my history where it earlier left off. The Lachodemonians were the first to be informed that the king was equipping himself to attack Helus. With this knowledge it was that they sent to the Oracle at Delphi, where they received the answer about which I spoke a little while ago. Now the way in which they were informed of this was strange. Demoratus, son of Aristan, an exile among the Mettis, was, as I suppose, reason being also my ally, no friend to the Lachodemonians, and I will leave it to be imagined whether what he did was done out of goodwill or spiteful triumph. When Xerxes was resolved to march against Helus, Demoratus, who was then at Sousa and had knowledge of this, desired to send word of it to the Lachodemonians. He, however, feared detection and had no other way of informing them than this trick. Taking a double tablet, he scraped away the wax from it, and then wrote the king's plan on the wood. Next he melted the wax back again over the riding so that the bearer of this seemingly blank tablet might not be troubled by the waywardens. When the tablet came to Lachodemon, the Lachodemonians could not guess its meaning, until at last, as I have been told, Gorgor, Cleo-Meneys' daughter and Leonidas' wife, discovered the trick herself and advised them to scrape the wax away so that they would find riding on the wood. When they did so, they found and read the message, and presently sent it to the rest of the Greeks. This is the story, as it is told. End of Volume 3, Part 10. Volume 3, Part 11 of Herodotus' Histories. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Nathan at AntipodeanWriter.wordpress.com. Histories, Volume 3, by Herodotus of Holy Canasus, translated by E.D. Godly, Part 11. The Greeks appointed to serve in the fleet were these. The Athenians furnished 127 ships. The Platians manned these ships with the Athenians, not that they had any knowledge of seamanship, but because of mere valour and zeal. The Corinthians furnished 40 ships and the Magarians 20. The Chalcedeans manned 20. The Athenians furnishing the ships. The Aegean Ateans 18. The Syconians 12. The Lysidomians 10. The Epidaurians 8. The Eretrians 7. The Troxinians 5. The Styrians 2. And the Sians 2. And two 50-odd Barks, though the Pontian Locrians brought seven 50-odd Barks to their aid. These are the forces which came to Artemisium for battle. And I've now shown how they individually furnished the whole sum. The number of ships mustered at Artemisium was 271, besides the 50-odd Barks. The Spartans, however, provided the Admiral who had the Chief Command, Uri Baides, son of Uri Clydes, for the Allies said that if the Laconian were not their leader, they would rather make an end of the fleet that was assembling than be led by the Athenians. In the first days, before the sending to Sicily for alliance, there had been talk of entrusting the Command at sea to the Athenians. However, when the Allies resisted, the Athenians waived their claim, considering the safety of Hellas of prime importance, and saying that if they quarreled over the leadership, Hellas must perish. In this they judged rightly, the civil strife is much worse than United War, as war is worse than peace. Knowing that they gave ground and waived their claim, but only so long as they had great need of the others. This is clear, for when they had driven the Persian back and the battle was no longer for their territory, but for his, they made a pretext of personious high-handedness and took the Command away from the Lucidomians. All that, however, took place later. By now the Greeks, who had at last come to Artemisium, saw a multitude of ships launched at a foetone and forces everywhere, and contrary to all expectation, the barbarian was shown to be in much different shape than they had supposed. They accordingly lost heart and began to deliberate about flight from Artemisium, homewards, into Hellas. Then the Ibeans, noticing that they were making such plans, entreated Eurebiades to wait a little while, till they themselves had removed their children and households. When they could not prevail with him, they tried another way, and gave their Mestocles, the Athenian admiral, a bribe of 30 talents on the condition that the Greek fleet should remain there and fight when they fought to defend Ibea. This was the way in which the Mestocles made the Greeks stay where they were. He gave Eurebiades for his share five talents of that money, as though he were making the present of his own money. When Eurebiades had been won over in this way, none of the rest was inclined to resist, save Adimantus, son of Occhitus, the Corinthian admiral, who said that he would not remain but sail away from Artemisium. To him, the Mestocles, adding on oath, said, No, you of all men will not desert us, for I will give you a greater gift than the king of the Medes would send you for deserting your allies. With that, he sent three talents of silver to Adimantus' ship. These two then were won over by gifts. The Ibeans got what they wanted, and the Mestocles himself was the gainer. No, I knew that he had kept the rest of the money, and those who had received a part of it, supposed that it had been sent for that purpose by the Athenians. So the Greeks remained in Ibea and fought there. This came about, as I will now reveal. Having arrived at Athetai in the early part of the afternoon, the barbarians saw for themselves the few Greek ships that they had already heard were stationed off Artemisium, and they were eager to attack so that they might take them. They were not prepared to make a head-on attack since they feared that the Greeks would see them coming and turned to flee with night close upon them as they fled. It was their belief that the Greeks would save themselves by flight, and they did not want even so much as a fire bearer to be saved. Taking these things into consideration, they devised the following plan. Separating 200 ships from the whole number, they sent them to cruise outside Scythus, so that the enemies might not see them sailing around Ibea. Taking these things into consideration, they devised the following plan. Separating 200 ships from the whole number, they sent them to cruise outside Scythus, so that the enemies might not see them sailing around Ibea, and by way of Kaphyrus around Gerastus to the Euripus, so that they might catch the Greeks between them, the one part holding that course and barring the retreat, and they themselves attacking in front. Upon making these plans, they sent the appointed ships on their way, intending not to make an attack upon the Greeks either on that day or before the signal should be seen, whereby the ships that sailed round were to declare they're coming. So they sent those ships to sail round, and set about counting the rest at Aphite. Now when they were engaged in this count, there was in the fleet one Scylius, a man of Scyony. He was the best diver of the time, and in the shipwreck at Pelion he had saved for the Persians much of their possessions, and gotten much for himself in addition. This Scylius had before now, it would seem, intended to desert to the Greeks, but he never had had so fair an occasion as now. By what means he did at last make his way to the Greeks, I cannot with exactness say. If the story is true, it is marvellous indeed, for it is said that he dove into the sea at Aphite and never rose to the surface till he came to Artemisium, thus passing underneath the sea for about eighty furlongs. There are many tales about this man, some similar to lies, and some true, but as regards the present business, it is my opinion that he came to Artemisium in a boat. After arriving, he straightway told the admirals the story of the shipwreck and of the ships that had been sent round Uboa. Hearing that the Greeks took council together, there was much talk, but the opinion prevailed that they should remain and encamp where they were for that day, and then after midnight, to put to sea and meet the ships which were sailing around. Presently however, meeting with no opposition, they waited for the late afternoon of the day and themselves advanced their ships against the barbarian, desiring to put to the proof his fashion of fighting and the art of breaking the line. When Xerxes' men and their generals saw the Greeks bearing down on them with but a few ships, they thought that they were definitely mad and put out to sea themselves, thinking that they would win and easy victory. This expectation was very reasonable, since they saw that the Greek ships so few, while their own, were many times more numerous and more seaworthy. With this assurance, they hemmed in the Greeks in their midst. Now all the Ionians, who were friendly to the Greeks, came unwillingly to the war and were distressed to see the Greeks surrounded. They supposed that not one of them would return home so powerless to the Greeks seemed to them to be. Those who were glad about the business, however, vied each with each that he might be the first to take an attic ship and receive gifts from the king, for it was the Athenians of whom there was most talk in the fleet. But the Greeks, when the signal was given them, first drew the strands of their ships together, their prowls turned towards the foreigners, then at the second signal they put their hands to the work, despite the fact that they were hemmed in within a narrow space and were fighting face to face. There they took 30 of the foreigners ships as well as the brother of Gorgas, king of Salamis, Filion, son of Cursus, a man of note in the fleet. The first Greek to take an enemy ship was an Athenian, like comedies, son of Aescraus, and he it was who received the prize for valor. They fought that sea fight with doubtful issue and nightfall ended the battle. The Greeks sailed back to Artemisium and the Barbarians to Ephete, after fearing far below their hopes in the fight. In that battle, Antidorus of Lemnos, the only one of the Greeks siding with the Persian, deserted to the Greeks, and for that the Athenians gave him land in Salamis. When darkness came on, the season being then mid- summer, there was an abundance of rain all through the night and violent thunderings from Pelion. The dead in the wrecks were driven towards Ephete, where they were entangled with the ship's prowls and jumbled the blades of the oars. The ship's crews, who were there, were dismayed by the noise of this and considering their present bad state, expected utter destruction, for before they had recovered from the shipwreck and the storm of Pelion, they next endured a stubborn sea fight and after the sea fight, rushing rain and mighty torrents pouring seaward and violent thunderings. This is how the night dealt with them. To those who were appointed to sail round Yuboa, however, that same night was still more cruel since it caught them on the open sea. Their end was a terrible one, for when the storm and the rain came on them in their course off the hollows of Yuboa, they were driven by the wind in an unknown direction and were driven onto the rocks. All this was done by the god so that the Persian power might be more equally matched with the Greek and not much greater than it. These men then perished at the hollows of Yuboa. As for the barbarians at Afete, when to their great comfort the day dawned, they kept their ships unmoved, being in their evil plight well content to do nothing for the moment. Now 53 Attic ships came to aid the Greeks, who were encouraged, both by the ships coming and by the news that the barbarians sailing round Yuboa had all perished in the recent storm. They waited then for the same hour as before and fell upon certain Sicilian ships when they put to sea. After destroying these when Nightfell, they sailed back to Artemisium. On the third day, however, the barbarian adenals, finding it hard to bear that so few ships should do them hurt and fearing Xerxes anger, waited no longer for the Greeks to begin the fight, but gave the word and put out to sea about midday. So it came to pass that these sea battles were fought on the same days as the land battles at the Mopolei. The seamen's whole endeavour was to hold the Euripus, or Leonides men, strove to guard the passage. The Greeks were ordered to give the barbarian no entry into Hellas and the Persians to destroy the Greek host and win the strait. So when Xerxes men ordered the battle and advanced, the Greeks remained in their station off Artemisium and the barbarians made a half circle of their ships striving to encircle and enclose them. At that the Greeks charged and joined battle. In that sea fight both had equal success. Xerxes fleet did itself harm by its numbers and size. The ships were thrown into confusion and ran foul of each other. Nevertheless, they held fast and did not yield, for they could not bear to be put to flight by a few ships. Many were the Greek ships and men that perished there, and far more yet of the foreigners ships and men, this is how they fought until they drew off and parted from each other. In that sea fight of all Xerxes fighters, the Egyptians conducted themselves with the greatest valor. Besides other great feats of arms which they achieved, they took five Greek ships together with their crews. As regards the Greeks, it was the Athenians who bore themselves best on that day, and of the Athenians, Planias, son of Alcibiades. He brought to the war 200 men and a ship of his own, all at his own expense. So they parted and each hurried gladly to his own place of anchorage. When the Greeks had withdrawn and come out of the battle, they were left in possession of the dead and the wrecks. They had, however, had a rough time of it themselves, chiefly the Athenians, half of whose ships had suffered some damage. Now their council was to flee to the inner waters of Hellas. The mysticlies thought that if the Ionian and Carian nations were removed from the forces of the Barbarians, the Greeks might be strong enough to prevail over the rest. Now it was the custom of the Yuboans to drive their flocks down to the sea there. Gathering the admals together, he told them that he thought he had a device, whereby he hoped to draw away the best of the king's allies. So much he revealed for the moment, but merely advised them to let everyone slay as many from the Yuboan flocks as he wanted. It was better that the fleet should have them than the enemy. Moreover, he counselled them each to order his men to light a fire. As for the time of their departure from that place, he would see to it that they would return to Hellas unscathed. All this they agreed to do, and immediately lit fires and set upon the flocks. Now the Yuboans had neglected the Oracle of Bacchus, believing it to be empty of meaning, and neither by carrying away, nor by bringing in anything, had they shown that they feared an enemy's coming. In so doing, they were the cause of their own destruction. For Bacchus Oracle concerning this matter runs as follows. When a strange-tongued man casts a yoke of papyrus on the waves, then take care to keep bleeding goats far from the coasts of Yuboa. To these verses the Yuboans gave no heed, but in the evils then present and soon to come they suffered the greatest calamity. All the Greeks were doing, as I have said, they came to them their lookout from Trachas. There was a scout at Artemisium, one polyus, a native of Antichyra, who was charged and had a rowing boat standing ready for it, if the fleet should suffer a reverse to declare it to the men at the Mopolei. Similarly, if any ill should befall the land army, a bronicus, son of Lysiclus, an Athenian, was with Leonidas, ready for his part to bring the news in a 30-odd bark to the Greeks at Artemisium. So this a bronicus came and declared to them the fate of Leonidas and his army. When the Greeks learned this, they no longer delayed their departure, but went their ways in their appointed order, the Corinthians first and last of all, the Athenians. The Mostocles, however, picked out the seaworthiest Athenian ships and made his way to the places where drinking water could be found. Here he engraved on the rocks words which the Aeonians read on the next day when they came to Artemisium. This was what the writing said, men of Aeonia, you do wrongly to fight against the land of your fathers and bring slavery upon Hellas. It would be best for you to join yourselves to us, but if that should be impossible for you, then at least now withdraw from the war and entreat the Caryons to do the same as you. If neither of these things may be, and you are fast bound by such constraint that you cannot rebel, yet we ask you not to use your full strength in the day of battle. Remember that you are our sons and that our quarrel with the barbarian was of your making in the beginning. To my thinking, the Mostoclese wrote this with a double intent, namely that if the king knew nothing of the writing, it might induce the Aeonians to change sides and join with the Greeks, while if the writing were maliciously reported to Xerxes, he might thereby be led to mistrust the Aeonians and keep them out of the sea fights. Such was the Mostoclese writing. Immediately after this, there came to the Barbarians a man of Hestiaea in a boat, telling them of the flight of the Greeks from Artemisium. Not believing this, they kept the bringer of the news in confinement and sent swift ships to spy out the matter. When the crews of these brought word of the truth, the whole Amada sailed all together to Artemisium at the crack of dawn. Here they waited till midday and then sailed to Hestiaea. Upon their arrival, they took possession of the Hestian's city and overran all the villages on the seaboard of the Allopian region, which is a district belonging to Hestiaea. While they were there, Xerxes sent a herald to the fleet. Before sending him, Xerxes had made the following preparations of all his own soldiers who had fallen at the Mopolei, that is, as many as 20,000. He left about a thousand and the rest he buried in trenches where she covered with leaves and heaped earth so that the men of the fleet might not see them. When the herald had crossed over to Hestiaea, he assembled all the men of the fleet and said, Men of our allies, King Xerxes permits any one of you who should so desire to leave his place and come to see how he fights against those foolish men who thought they could overcome the king's power. After this proclamation, there was nothing so hard to get as a boat, so many were they who wanted to see this. They crossed over and went about viewing the dead. All of them supposed that the fallen Greeks were all Lassidomenians and Thespians, though helots were also there for them to see. For all that, however, those who crossed over were not deceived by what Xerxes had done with his own dead, for the thing was truly ridiculous of the Persians, a thousand lay dead before their eyes, but the Greeks lay all together assembled in one place to the number of four thousand. All that day they spent in observation, and on the next the Shipmen returned to their fleet at Hestiaea while Xerxes' army set forth on its march. There had come to them a few deserters, men of Arcadia, lacking a livelihood and desirous to find some service. Bringing these men into the king's presence, the Persians inquired of them what the Greeks were doing, there being one who put this question in the name of all. When the Arcadians told them that the Greeks were holding the Olympic Festival and viewing sports and horse races, the Persian asked what was the prize offered for which they contended. They told him of the crown of olive that was given to the victor. Then Tigranes, son of Artabanus, uttered a most noble saying, the king deemed him a coward for it. When he heard that the prize was not money, but a crown, he could not hold his peace, but cried, Good heavens, Medonius, what kind of men are these that you have pitted us against? It is not for money they contend, but for glory of achievement. Such was Tigranes saying. End of volume 3 part 11 Recorded by Nathan at anti-pedeanwriter.wordpress.com Volume 3 part 12 of Herodotus Histories This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Nathan at anti-pedeanwriter.wordpress.com Histories Volume 3 by Herodotus of Heliconusus Translated by E.D. Godly Part 12 In the meantime, immediately after the misfortune at the Mopolei, Thessalians sent a herald to the Fokians because they bore an old grudge against them and still more because of their latest disaster. Now a few years before the King's expedition, the Thessalians and their allies had invaded focus with their whole army but had been worsted and roughly handled by the Fokians. When the Fokians were besieged on Parnassus, they had with them the Diviner Telyas of Elis. Telyas devised a stratagem for them. He covered 600 of the bravest Fokians with gypsum themselves and their armor and led them to attack the Thessalians by night, bidding them slave, whomever they should not see whitened. The Thessalian sentinels were the first to see these men and to flee for fear, supposing falsely that it was something supernatural. And after the sentinels, the whole army fled as well. The Fokians made themselves masters of 4,000 dead and their shields, of which they dedicated half at Abbey and the rest at Delphi. A tithe of what they won in that fight went to the making of the great statues that stand around the tripod in front of the shrine at Delphi, and there are others like them dedicated at Abbey. This is what the besieged Fokians did with the Thessalian foot soldiers. When the Thessalian horsemen rode into their country, the Fokians did them mortal harm. They dug a great pit in the pass near High Ampolis and put empty jars inside it. They then covered it with earth till all was like the rest of the ground and awaited the onset of the Thessalians. These rode on intending to sweep the Fokians before them and fell in among the jars whereby their horses legs were broken. These two deeds have never been forgiven by the Thessalians and now they sent a herald with this message. Men of Fokus, it is time now that you confess yourselves to be no match for us. We were even formally preferred to you by the Greeks as long as we were on your side and now we bear such weight with the foreign ear that it lies in our power to have you deprived of your lands and to have you enslaved. Nevertheless, although we could easily do these things, we bear you no ill will for the past. Pay us 50 talents of silver for what you did and we promise to turn aside what threatens your land. This was the Thessalians offer. The Fokians alone of all that region would not take the Persians side and that for no other reason if I argue correctly then their hatred of the Thessalians. Had the Thessalians aided the Greek side then the Fokians would certainly have stood for the Persians. They replied to the offer of the Thessalians that they would give no money. They could do as the Thessalians did and take the Persian part if for any cause they so wished but they would not willingly betray the cause of Hellas. When this answer was returned to them the Thessalians in their wrath against the Fokians began to guide the Barbarian on his march. From the lands of Trachas they broke into Doris. There is a narrow tongue of Dorian land stretching that way about 30 furlongs wide between the Malian territory and the Fokian which in old time was Dryopian. This region is the motherland of the Dorians of the Peloponnese. To this Dorian territory the Barbarians did no harm at their invasion for the people took the Persian side and the Thessalians would not have them harmed. When they entered focus from Doris they could not take the Fokians themselves. For some of the Fokians ascended to the heights of Parnassus. The peak of Parnassus called Titharia which rises by itself near the town Neon has room enough for a multitude of people. It was there that they carried their goods in themselves ascended to it but most of them made their way out of the country to the Ozzolian Lucrians where the town of Amphissa lies above the Cresaian plain. The Barbarians while the Thessalians so guided their army overran the whole of focus. All that came within their power they laid waste to and burnt setting fire to towns and temples. Marching this way down the river Cephasus they ravaged everything that lay in their way burning the towns of Drimus, Caradra, Erechus, Tithronium, Amphicaea, Neon, Pediaea, Tritio, Eletaea, Imbolus, Parapotomai and Abbe where there was a richly endowed temple of Apollo provided with wealth of treasure and offerings. There was also then as now a place of divination at this place. This temple too they plundered and burnt and they pursued and caught some of the Fokians near the mountains. Certain women too perished because of the multitude of their violators. Passing Parapotomai the foreigners came to Panopia there their army parted into two companies. The greater and stronger part of the host marched with Xerxes himself towards Athens and broke into the territory of Orcomenus in Buotia. Now the whole population of Buotia took the Persian side and men of Macedonia sent by Alexander safeguarded their towns each in his appointed place. The reason of the safeguarding was that Xerxes should see that the Buotians were on the Persian side. So this part of the Barbarian army marched as I have said and others set forth with guides for the temple at Delphi keeping Parnassus on their right. These too laid waste to every part of Fokus which they occupied burning the towns of the Panopians and Dorlii and Eolidae. The purpose of their parting from the rest of the army and marching this way was that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and lay its wealth before Xerxes who, as I have been told had better knowledge of the most notable possessions in the temple than of what he had left in his own palace chiefly the offerings of Croesus son of Alietes so many had always spoken of them. And the Delphians learned all this they were very much afraid and in their great fear they inquired of the Oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. Upon hearing that the Delphians took thought for themselves they sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Panasas and carried their goods into the Corracean Cave but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short all the Delphians left the town save 60 men and the prophet. Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple the prophet his name was Acharitus saw certain sacred arms which no man might touch without sacrilege brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Promia they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvelous indeed it is that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Promia they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky and two peaks broken off from Panasas came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph was heard from the temple of Athena. All of us together struck panic into the barbarians and the Delphians perceiving that they fled descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Buotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said as I have been told that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described. Two minute arms of stature greater than human they said had come after them slaying and pursuing. These two say the Delphians were the native heroes Phylaacus and Ortenus whose precincts are near the temple Phylaacus by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Promia and Ortenus near the Castalian Spring under the Hyarapean peak. The rocks that fell from Panassas were yet to be seen in my day lying in the precinct of Athena Pranaea from where their descent through the foreign ears ranks had erled them. Such then was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. At the request of the Athenians the fleet of the Helenes came from Atenisium and put in its alimus. The Athenians requested them to put in its alimus so that they take their children and women out of Attica and also take council what they should do. They had been disappointed in their plans so they were going to hold a council about the current state of affairs. They expected to find the entire population of the Peloponnes in Buotia awaiting the Barbarian but they found no such thing. They learned that they were fortifying the Isthmus instead and considered the defense of the Peloponnes the most important thing disregarding all the rest. When the Athenians learned this they asked the fleet to put in its alimus. While the others put in at alimus the Athenians landed in their own country. When they arrived they made a proclamation that every Athenian should save his children and servants as he best could. Thereupon most of them sent the members of their households to Truzen and some to Agina and Salimus. They were anxious to get everything out safely because they wished to obey the Oracle and also not least because of this the Athenians say that a great snake lives in the sacred precinct guarding the Acropolis. They say this and even put out monthly offerings for it as if it really existed. The monthly offering is a honey cake. And all the time before this the honey cake had been consumed but this time it was untouched. When the priestess interpreted the significance of this the Athenians were all the more eager to abandon the city since the goddess had deserted the Acropolis. When they had removed everything to safety they returned to the camp. When those from Artemisium had put in at Salimus the rest of the Hellenic fleet learned of this and streamed in from Truzen for they had been commanded to assemble at Pogon the harbour of Truzen. Many more ships assembled now than had fought at Artemisium and from more cities. The admiral was the same as at Artemisium Eurebiades Son of Eurequides a Spartan but not of royal descent. The ships provided by the Athenians were by far the most numerous and the most seaworthy. The following took part in the war from the Peloponnes the Lacedaemonians provided 16 ships the Corinthians the same number as at Artemisium the Syconians furnished 15 ships the Epidaurians 10 the Truzenians 5 the Hermionians 3 all these except the Hermionians Adaurian and Macedonian and had last come from Eronius and Pindus and the Draeopian region the Hermionians are Draeopians driven out of the country now called Dorus by Heracles and the Malians. These then were the Peloponnesians who took part in the war from the mainland outside the Peloponnes came the following the Athenians provided more than all the rest 180 ships they provided these alone since the Plataeans did not fight with the Athenians at Salamis for this reason when the Helenes departed from Artemisium and Rovcalcus the Plataeans landed on the opposite shore of Buotia and attended to the removal of their households in bringing these to safety they were left behind the Athenians or the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas were Pelasgians bearing the name of Cranai when Kekrops was their king they were called Kekropidae but when Erechtheus succeeded to the rule they changed their name and became Athenians when however Ion son of Zuthis was commander of the Athenian army they were called after him Ionians the Magarians provided the same number as at Artemisium the Amprachyots came to help with seven ships and the Lucadians who are Dorians from Corinth with three of the islanders the Arginitans provided 30 ships they had other manned ships but they guarded their own land with these and fought at Salamis with the 30 most seaworthy the Arginitans are Dorians from Epidorus and their island was formally called Uoni after the Arginitans came the Calcydians with their 20 ships from Artemisium and the Eretians with the same seven these are Ionians next were the Chians Ionians from Athens with the same ships as before the Naxians provided four ships they had been sent by their fellow citizens to the Persians like the rest of the islanders but they disregarded their orders and came to the Helenes at the urging of Democritus an esteemed man among the townsmen and at that time captain of a Trionium the Naxians are Ionians descended from Athens the Styrians provided the same number of ships as at Artemisium and the Syntnians one Trionium and a 50-odd boat these are both Triopians the Seraphians the Siphanians and Melians also took part since they were the only islanders who had not given earth and water to the Barbarian all these people who lived this side of Thesprotia and the Acheron River took part in the war the Thesprotians order on the Amprociots and Lucadians who were the ones who came from the most distant countries to take part in the war the only ones living beyond these to help Helus in its danger were the Crotonians with one ship its captain was Phelous three times victor in the Pythian games the Crotonians are Achaeans by birth all of these came to the war providing Trionians except the Melians and Siphanians and Seraphians who brought 50-odd boats the Melians who are of Lacedaemonian stock provided two the Siphanians and Seraphians who are Ionians from Athens one each the total number of ships besides the 50-odd boats was 378 when the generals from the aforementioned cities met at Salamis they held a council and Eurebiades proposed that whoever wanted to should give his opinion on what place under their control was most suitable for a sea battle Attica was already lost and he proposed that they consider the places which were left the consensus of most of the speakers was to sail to the Isthmus and fight at sea for the Peloponnes giving this reason if they were defeated in the fight at Salamis they would be besieged on an island where no help could come to them but if they were at the Isthmus they could go ashore to their own lands while the generals from the Peloponnes considered this argument an Athenian came with the message that the Barbarians had reached Attica and was destroying all of it by fire the army with Xerxes had made its way through Buotia and burnt the city of the Thespians who had abandoned it and gone to the Peloponnes and Plataea likewise now the army had come to Athens and was devastating everything there the army burned Thespia and Plataea upon learning from the Thebans that they had not meadised since the crossing of the Hellspot where the Barbarians began their journey they had spent one month their crossing into Europe and in three more months were in Attica when Caleades was Archon at Athens when they took the town it was deserted but in the sacred precinct they found a few Athenians stewards of the sacred precinct and poor people who defended themselves against the assault by fencing the Acropolis with doors and logs they had not withdrawn to Salamis not only because of poverty but also because they thought they had discovered the meaning of the oracle thepithia had given namely that the wooden wall would be impregnable they believed that according to the oracle this not the ships was the refuge the Persians took up a position on the hill opposite the Acropolis which the Athenians call the Areopagus and besieged them in this way they wrapped arrows in tar and set them on fire and then shot them at the barricade still the besieged Athenians defended themselves although they had come to the utmost danger and their barricade had failed them when the Persistrates proposed terms of surrender they would not listen that contrived defences such as rolling down boulders onto the Barbarians when they came near the gates for a long time Xerxes was at a loss unable to capture them in time a way out of their difficulties was revealed to the Barbarians since according to the oracle all the main land of Attica had to become subject to the Persians in front of the Acropolis and behind the gates and the ascent was a place where no one was on guard since no one thought any man could go up that way here some men climbed up near the sacred precinct of Ketcrops daughter Agloris although the place was a sheer cliff when the Athenians saw that they had ascended to the Acropolis some threw themselves off the wall and were killed and others fled into the chamber the Persians who had come up first turned to the gates opened them and murdered the Suppliants when they had leveled everything they plundered the sacred precinct and set fire to the entire Acropolis end of volume 3 part 12 recorded by Nathan Ed, Antibody and Ryder