 Lucky should be coming in here in a minute. Mr. President. Prime Minister of the federal government. Well, Prime Minister, welcome. It's good to see you, and happy to be here, Mr. President. And Mr. Vito? Mr. President, hello there. See you. And the ambassador? Hello, Mr. President. And our ambassador? Well, good morning, Mr. President. Sorry to get to see you. Well, come in. Mr. President, it's a great honor to meet with you, Mr. President. May I extend to you, Mr. President, the best wishes of the Dr. Mauno Koevist of the President of Finland. And his warm welcome to you to Finland later this month. Mr. President, in 1988, our two nations are celebrating their 350th anniversary of the arrival of the first Finnish settlers in the new world. And, Mr. President, you have kindly proclaimed 1988 as the national year of friendship with Finns. Finns are very proud of their contribution to the American nation, and proud of the longstanding friendship with you. May I present to you, Mr. President, the first copy of a special commemorative medal cast in Finland to honor this year of jubilee. It symbolizes the pioneering spirit the Finns brought to this country. And as well, the bonds to keep the spirit alive. And as well, our esteem to you as alive. Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you very much, esteem 38. I'm very proud and pleased to have this. We observed these 350 years began not too far from Washington here, that first colony was what is now Wilmington, Delaware. Well, thank you. I'm most proud to have this. And please get my regards to President Kavisto. And once again, welcome to Finland on your very important trip to Moscow. Well, I'm looking forward to that. I've heard a great deal from George Schultz about your hospitality. And we're looking forward to it. We are doing our best to serve you, Mr. President. That's well, well, thank you very much. And to come in here and let us sit down for a few minutes. I think you know some of the people who are doing it. Mr. Secretary, you may have a picture. Senator Becker, she's the Prime Minister of our country. I know she's a good gentleman. I'm sure I've seen her. Two seats are about $1,000. We have impressed her. So we should leave. We need to be aware of something. We've got one really impressive comment before we share this now. We've heard quite well. They know, but if Mike had to tell me, so we'll lie like it in this case. But it's thanks to you, Mr. President. You'll keep them. Oh, OK. I think we have the same experience here. Can you choose Helsinki as resting place before going to Moscow? Well, if it's the Secretary of State who's impressed upon me, the great hospitality of Kimman that he has enjoyed. And I have never had the opportunity to visit your country before. And I'm looking forward to it. Glad to see you. This way, Mr. President. I think I'll give the bill. $200,000. Thank you. That's the Nobel Peace Award that was won by Katie for settling the Russell Capney War. Well, I'm delighted to be here with you today. I was just in a staff meeting across the hall when Bob told me that you were here. I shoot him out and came on over. But I'm told that you came to Washington to let us know what's going on in the American heartland. And since the postal race went up, no one writes me in. I'm sure to have changed. Now, if Bob is back in Illinois and we need to rush a letter out to him, I have to keep reminding myself to ask for federal express, not crony express. And all seriousness, I know this is not supposed to be a political rally. But I can't pass up this opportunity to tell you how much I value the leadership that Bob Michael gives to his country every day. He's always in the forefront leading the fight for what's right for America, a strong national defense and a vibrant growing economy. I want you to know how much gratitude this Illinois native feels toward the people of the 18th District for sending Bob Michael to Washington. Bob has been my general for more than seven years of legislative battles. While I wish he could have had more troops, the success of our policies and programs would not have been possible without his leadership. We work together to cut tax rates, control the growth of government spending, and get rid of unnecessary regulation. We work to open up the economy for private business and entrepreneurs. Results speak for themselves, and the credit belongs to businessmen and women like you. Our economy is now in the longest peacetime economic expansion in the US history. 65 straight months of economic growth completed, and we're now into the 66th month. During this period we have created some 16 million new jobs. That's raising employment to an all-time high. The highest percentage of the potential employment group ever employed in our history is at work today, 62.3% of that potential group. And inflation is low. Basic industries and factories are expanding, and there's good news on trade. Exports are at record levels, and the trade deficit has turned around. Since the third quarter of 1986, the volume of American merchandise exports has been growing no more than four times as fast as the volume of imports. The result is that when you account for price changes, the real trade deficit is now 23% smaller than it was then. Our trading partners are learning an important fact. When American business goes into the world market to compete, it plays to win. The bottom line, I'm happy to tell you, is that the economic outlook is excellent. In fact, the only threat to our economy comes from those who would raise taxes, put up trade barriers, and burden our businesses with excessive regulations, like the plant-closing layoff provision in the honor of us trade bill. Some people seem to find prosperity unbearable, politically unbearable, and then they come up with all sorts of schemes to turn America back to where it was seven years ago, and railroad rolled back our economic gains. We won't let them do it. The prosperity of the American people have achieved will not be rolled back. It will be preserved and built upon. You have my word on that. And you have Bob Michael in Congress making sure of what the American people have won, they keep. I want our legacy to be an American confident of its future, prosperous at home, a leader in the world. And I've never felt more optimistic than I do today about the future of our great country. Now, before I thank you and go back to work or something, I may be one or two of you might have thought of something and said, if I ever had a chance, I'd like that. When are we going to get things straightened out in Panama? When are we going to get things straightened out in Panama? And now, we're hoes up here. I just can't say a time, and I can't talk about specifics with regard to all over trying to do, but we are using every effort. And it is a very frustrating situation. Certainly, I think you would all agree. We couldn't walk in there with military force and kidnap him and do that. We would lose every friend we'd gotten in Latin America. I've noticed it's an amazing thing. My first couple of years here, I made a trip down around some of the countries of Latin America. And when I came in, you could just see the kind of waiting. Here comes another big plan from the crosses in the north. Well, I know we've gone down there with some plans before, but I told them I was down there to find out what they wanted, what their ideas were. And I emphasized that we were all Americans from the whole hallway down to Tierra del Fuego and had common interests and so forth. You'd be surprised how surprised they were. But the only thing I did learn from them, they want our help in every way. They want what I was talking about. But they all let me know, no, they didn't want the Marines to land and tax down there. They'll take care of that part of it. And I guess that's from a history of when we were the big colossus of the north. And even well-intentioned as we were, why we went down kind of giving the orders. So we can't do that out of Panama of all places, but we are exploring every avenue and we're negotiating. We have a man there that's talking to them. Some of the speculation in the press is just purely that speculation. They don't know what they're talking about when they talk about Panama. But we're determined we have to get that man out of power. So have there been any thought given to changing the format of press conferences as they seem to have become so adversarial? Well, I think your answer is right. It's true every once in a while, we've invited people in here from the media outside the Beltway, from all across the country, representatives of local radio stations and the press in those communities. There's just all the difference in the world. Those questions are legitimate questions for news and for answers. And you're right. The relationship here with the Washington Press has become adversarial. You're in a contest and they're there to catch you on something if they can. And it's very frustrating and frankly, that's why we haven't had any more than we have. Why waste our time? Mr. President, I know you've tried and I know you know that the result of tax reform has not been in simplicity, but what do we do in the future about getting simplicity into our tax laws? Well, we think that a lot of this is the transfer that going into it is accounted for a lot of the not simplifying that we're seeking there. We really think the main features of the plan do simplify it. And we think it'll get better past this. But also, we have to tell you that some things were added in that were not part of our idea of tax reform. And they became a part of it. And some of them, I think they have contributed to the lack of simplifying. Now, we've been sensitive to being outnumbered as we are, up against the majority of the other party in both houses. The policy name would be tax increase if they had their way. We've been restrained in trying to go in and get changes in some of those things that were brought into the program for fear of opening up right now the whole thing to another contest of which we wouldn't know how it might turn out. But we think that the total analysis of it, and it has been a success. It's a success to the point that at lower rates, we're proving what I have always believed was an economic fact. The revenues are going up, not down. My degree was in economics. So those are the only ethnical stories jokes I can tell. I believe he was a man many centuries ago named even Cal Doom. And he was an absolute economist. He made a statement then. He said, in the beginning of the empire, the rates were low and the revenue was great. At the end of the empire, the rates were great and the revenue was low. So I'm always believed that if you look at our own history, tax cuts usually resulted in more revenue. Mr. President, I'd like to say that. How do you feel about them trying to chip away at the presidential powers? Well, that's been going on for a long time. Before I got here, the devil of it is they succeeded in it to a large part. And I think an evidence of that I think was in 1974 when the Congress really took over the budgeting and shut out the president for some of the powers that he had. And we've been in trouble budget-wise ever since. But I've tried to fight for, I don't want to leave a heritage to another president. As a matter of fact, when I'm out of this job, so people won't be able to accuse me that I'm doing it for myself, I'm going out of the mashed potato circuit and see if I can't get back some things and get something that I had as a governor and that 43 governors have. And then there's a line item veto. Sucker for style. We've all read about what reporters tell us, your impressions of Gorbachev, our class last, et cetera. But can you share with us a little bit of personal revelations? Well, I have to tell you, he is different than the other ones before him. I had a problem meeting with the government before I could die on him. I believe that for one thing, he is trying to jump over Stalin, who changed everything from Lenin and get back to some of the things Lenin said. And if you study Lenin a little bit, you will find that Lenin was one that talked about working alongside capitalists. And as he said, you learn from them. And it was Stalin who came in and said, no, sir. And it was Stalin whose idea was we must take the world. We must make the world of one world communist state. And many of the things he's trying here, but he's up against great opposition. Now, there's one of his programs. And I was shocked the other day to learn that if he got the program that he'd asked for, 400,000 bureaucrats would have to give up their colors and private drivers. Now, they don't do that easy. But at the same time, he believes in communism. He believes that in that program. And yet, there's an entirely different relationship in working with him. He's an affable fellow. I've told him a couple of stories that his own people are telling in Russia about their system. And I've got belly laughs. That's about getting to those questions. It'll take too much time. Maybe just one more. I know the press has been very generous for this time. Mr. President, I just want to say that as a migrant, I left my duty in Nigeria 25 years ago. It is a crystallization of a dream for me to be standing in your presence. And I am grateful to belong to the District of Congress with Michael's and to be a part of this wonderful delegation from Illinois. The question that has been bugging me, Mr. President, is the problem of functions. One, that has set up rules and regulations for their employees that are similar to what we have here. That they can graduate to supervisory positions over whatever employees, a mix of employees there are. In other words, in their own running of the companies over there, they have a bombished apartheid, you might say, in those companies. And I have had visits here with, for example, a man I respect very much as a statesman. And that is Brutalazi, the head of the Zulu tribes in South Africa. And he feels that same way, that this is not the rule, that there is a better way, and I've tried on the other side, to get them, the government, to consult with them and start dealing with people like that in a way to bring an end to what is a shameful practice of apartheid. But the other things that we have done have not been helpful. You can't hurt the people who want to know. Incidentally, I say about you and welcome here. I got a letter that explains something I never thought of it this way. A man wrote me not too long ago. And he said, you know, in this country, he said, you can go to France. Don't even France. You can't become a Frenchman. You can go to Germany, or Greece, or Turkey. You can't become a German or a Turk, or a Greek. But he said, in this country, anyone from any corner of the world can come to America and become an American. I'm proud to be one. But I take just about that many seconds and tell that one Russian story to all of you. Hey, we've got a moment. The story is an American and a Russian around you. And the American says, look, in my country, I can go to the Oval Office, power the Oval Office desk, and say, Mr. President, I don't like the way you're running our country. And the Russian said, I can do that. The American said, you can? He says, yes. I can go into the Kremlin, and the General Secretary's office. I can pound his desk, and say, Mr. General Secretary, I don't like the way President Reagan's running his office. Mr. President, thank you. I'm proud to be a good man, Master. I'll be out of the call. Thank you. Believe me. Thank you. You know, I work back. Yes, no way. I'm proud to be a good man. It's a pleasure, Master. I see you in the car. I see you in the car. I see you in the car. I work back. You were knocked out. I was knocked out. I see you in the car. I see you in the car. I see you in the car. I'm not sure if you're going to say that. I'm sorry. Are you sure? Are you for the government? You standing in the car, Master. That's good. Does that mean you're running the Oval Office? I'm running the Oval Office. Hohohohohoho. Next is thisdraw the November data from the Trump에서는. How does the Oval Office react to the reduction? that we want to talk to you about using those facilities on that? Well, just in case you need us, we'll do that. We're here on the right cooperation there on that. But I also know there are some things that are frustrating to you. You have to do with a tax treaty and the correction of the triple tax. And rest assured, we're committed on getting that treaty ratified and resolving the tax problem. Mr. President, his eminence card will be just... But when you have the suppression of the eminence, well, please see what I've seen you before. Yeah, yeah, as we were talking here. Night time and time. Instead of 10 minutes, it's 20 minutes. Desperate of the job you feel waiting outside. Yeah, of course it is. You satisfy the press? You satisfy the press or you have a shock? Oh, sir, congratulations. Mr. President, I would like to urge you to, for a few points, and if you go there to Moscow, forbid the treatment that they have agreed because I want to forget it. I urge you, Mr. President, to remain firm in your support for the legalization of the Ukrainian Catholic Church and the Ukraine Orthodox Churches. Keep the issue of the legalization of the churches as an item on the summit agenda. Since Ukrainian Orthodox and Ukrainian Catholic Churches are both direct descendants of the Kievan-Russia legacy, the millennium of Christianity provides an excellent opportunity for the resurrection of the Ukrainian churches. Third, I discourage you, Mr. President, from visiting Danilo's monastery or any other institution symbolic to the Soviet-controlled Russian Orthodox Church. Because A, such a visit will play into the Soviet agenda to justify this millennium of Christianity and will downplay Ukraine's direct historic claim to this event. B, such a visit would devastate millions of Ukrainian Christians who risked their lives to practice their abolition in the clandestine underground church. They put their hopes on our President because you might, President, too, to understand and publicly support their struggle for a fundamental freedom, the right to worship in their native Ukrainian churches. Please remind, I remind you, Mr. President, that just sign, you sign congressional resolution that discourages official U.S. participation in millennium events as long as Ukrainian churches are not legalized. Mr. President, despite glassness, persecution continues. The Kremlin's liberalization, the Soviet-controlled Russian Orthodox Church is a political, motive shame and does not allow for true religious freedom. I urge you, Mr. President, to publicly manifest your support for Ukrainian churches when you travel to Moscow. I urge you, Mr. President, to meet Ukraine Catholic and Ukraine Orthodox leaders in particular, leaders of the underground churches. So it is my begging you for those things, Mr. President. Well, you remember, let me say, I'm a little tied with regard to the monastery and the visit. That's a little worst done. But I can assure you that because I'm on this subject, I'm going to deal with him one-on-one, just when the two of us are alone. And I have taken up the subject before and I think that the approach that I'm taking there is one that tries to head off and is accepting it as interference in there. In terms of, I'm putting it on a basis of a suggestion that will help him in his own problems if it proceeds. And I very much am going to be calling attention to the fact that the millennium they celebrate began in Kiev. That's right. Yes. And they didn't exist at that time. They came to exist 200 years later. So how could we be back then before we were born? For me, it's simple and possible. Yes. But for them, it's everything possible. But I assure you I'm going to do my best on that. And I have already once before broached that subject here just between the two of us and for all faiths there that when he was complaining about the emigration and what it would do to his country and so forth. And I try to suggest to him that maybe so many people wouldn't feel like emigrating if they could worship God in their own way in their own country. And feel good about it. Yes. So I can assure you I'm not going to give up on that. I'm going to do my best. Thank you very much, President, Mr. President. We will pray for you safe going and coming back. I appreciate that. And I believe in it very much. Thank you very much. But I believe if, you know, if there's any thought that it's not out in the open like a treaty or something, I think the right way is to urge him and to actually persuade him that I would stand back and just give him credit for doing that. I would not appear to take any credit. It is good to be here. Thank you very, very much, Mr. President. I am encouraged that even though it right now, all the more first movies made has been with the Orthodox Church, I can understand that happening. But I think there's a chance that he is wanting to move this way. But he's afraid of himself. He's what? He's afraid of himself. Oh, yes. And because he's got great opposition within the government there. That's right. Then not to make a wrong move. You might be like Khrushchev out of the business. And I'm sure he knows that. He knows. And yet he's gone farther than anyone has. Yes. And he's done a pretty good job of surrounding himself with people that just try to believe in him. So let's hope that he succeeds. And that you, Mr. President, succeed. Believe me. Be healthy. And be fair to me. I think this is more important than anything we're trying to negotiate in this particular fashion. Wonderful. Thank you, Mr. President. I want to bow to you and you will be good. No, you're tired already. You're not bothering me at all. Bless you. Appreciate you. And keep you available the time. All right. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, how do you do, sir? Well, I'm fine. And thank you so very much for giving me this opportunity to talk to you about some matters of very great importance to North Carolina. This is Colonel Dan McDonald. And you know just exactly what I was talking about. Thank you very much. No, I'm not. Asked to see you. Good to see you. Hello there. Where would you like first? Thank you, sir. I come on the business on behalf of my state. And I appreciate it very much. You are arranged in this so that we can meet. I've had a chance to quickly discuss this with everyone else here. Colonel McDonald has been associated with this project for a long time. And we are prepared to get into it whenever it would be the best suit on occasion. Well, we came right now and there's something about it that's been on the books for 20 years and almost. But I do know that I have not been able to get into it yet. So we can surely get into those and bring you up to speed. Let me hand out some booklets that will give you an easy reference. Colonel Dan, if you have those, because it can introduce not only where the project is and the potential of it, but what's been going on there and the safety factors. And I'll be referring to the first of all, to the first drawings in there just to show it's relationship. I believe it's going just to have that. Just to show it's relationship on the coast. Most people wouldn't realize that that Pamlico sound is about the same size as the entire Chesapeake Bay. And you can include the smaller sound than off of, which is the Albemarle sound. And it has the same surface side. Now it has no shipping because there's no entrance for that character, nor with this beat one. And it's not deep enough for that. But it's a beautiful area. Mr. President, I'm going to bring you the size of your friend, Enn Mut Kohl, the Federal Chancellor of Germany. And I have a present for you, too. Surely you have heard of the term Fulda. But there's also Fulda. There's not only Fulda money. That's also the same amount of Fulda. And that is my friend. It's 1,200 years old now. And the 11th American tank bridge is engaged there. And to show you that that's a very beautiful city, and that the charming people living there, I want you to this as a small gift. Well, thank you very much. And this is a message to you personally from him. Thank you. And thank you, Mr. President, my very best friend. And this is for Michael Geiger, Fulda, to the Foreign Minister in the CDUC as a fraction. Mr. President, I'll be the Secretary of State. All right. Well, let us come in this morning. Thank you very much. Mr. President, I'm Howard Bailey. I'm the Secretary of State. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. You've been saying to your mother that you've been standing outside of the Army. Mr. President, I will explain to you the message by Chancellor Cole, which I'm bringing with me. I would like to thank you for everything that you have done as a President to increase the courage and the self-confidence of the citizens of the United States of your country and of the Alliance. Well, yes.