 Ychydig ben yn ei gael i chi, i ni i serio i weithio i Father i weithio Ilyw Lleidfodi ac i Gweddorffydd gwaith i gwyll�r Ac roedd o'r newid amdano'r cyffredinol ac mae'r meddwl am gweithio ar draws cyllidion o dyn nhw i'n gweithio i ni. Dys unrhyw kidsu Cymru yn Llorys yn y Mynd Ldoedd 18 yn yr hunanol, yn ymwiyd, fydd rydym ichydd yr edrych meddwl yw deulu, Felly, mae'n gwybod i'r llyfr i'r gael. Mae'r studiwn y Stryd Croeshae wedi'u'r prif i'r llyfr i'r llyfr lleolau'r Llewn. Mae'r dante yn ddechrau'r Llyfr. A mae'r dweud i'r ddweud i'r Gerddmer, mae'n dweud i ni, mae'n ddweud i'r ddweud i'r llyfr i'r Llyfr. Mae'r ddweud i'r ddweud i'r llyfr i'r ddweud i'r Llyfr i'r llyfr i'r Cerddmer. The current church is the third on the site, one of the largest that the Franciscans ever built, the Basilica of San Machesto in the Seasie could fit across its car set. The foundation of the stone was laid in 1295. The car set was roofed by 1310, and thereafter the private chapels strung along the broad eastern end of the top that were decked out with frescoes and stained glass and water pieces by Giotto and his followers. For Florence's richest families, while the navy itself was still a building site. The sacristy, a large room highlighted here in yellow of a corridor from the right transept, was built in the next phase, not gone afterwards. It served a community estimated to number around 150 frys by the early 14th century. The earliest decoration in the sacristy, as among wellies that the sodium is shown, was the fictive marble paneling with standing figures of saints that can now best be seen on the western wall, along with the three remaining original windows and the entrance from the church. The array of wooden furniture around the walls and in the centre of the room dates mostly from the 15th century, with earlier survivals and later additions. Those cupboards once held the conference treasures. The sacristy is having share of thefts and dispersals, but some of its most prized possessions remain in the Santa Crochet, such as the crystal reddick grip containing the fragments of the true cross. The habit once claimed to be the one worn by St Francis when he received the stig Marta, and the beautiful reddick grip of the Beata umiliana di Cet, a Franciscan tertiary, whose cult was assiduously promoted by a wealthy Florentine family who was in a chapel here. There was also a spine from the crown of thorns gifted by Louis IX of France, a hand from one of the Holy Innocence and other reddick puris. The reddicks of Santa Crochet used to be a major attraction for pious tourists. They're listed reverently in the earliest guidebooks to Florence, such as these from 1591 and 1754, and they still sometimes make the news today as when the tuning of St Francis was laboratory tested and found to be about a century too late. But in today's guidebooks, the sacristy is primarily noted for its paintings. Documentary evidence about the room is almost entirely lacking due to the loss of the convent's archives in the disastrous floods of 1333 and 1557. For the unusual silence of the sacristy, it's the largest in Florence, and its decoration, show that this was now isolated in a strong strong room, hardly a secret space. Our understanding of the room has in fact been transformed by the realisation that it also functioned as the chapter house of the convent, as was first argued by Paola Voinevic in 2007, and confirmed by a subsequent publication of a document of 1366. It would evidently continue to play its dual role until the building of Brunaleschi's Patsy chapel as the new chapter house in the 15th century. By the 14th century, the chapter house walls of mendicant convent were starting to be treated as mirrors for the self-image of the order, where the friars gathered in chapter could see their own saints and martyrs portrayed around the central image of the crucified Christ. Here, the central crucifixion is by Tadeo Gadi, who succeeded his master Giotto as in effect the official painter to Santa Croce, after Giotto himself let Florence to the Royal Court of Naples in 1328. This crucifixion has been dated to any time between the 1340s and the 1360s, with recent opinion tending to the earlier period, and erected several decades before the busier and more anecdotal fresco surrounding it by Nicolo Gerini and Spinolo Arretino, which date till the 1390s. As Andrew Laddys pointed out, Tadeo was meant to picture a contemplation rather than a narrative image. Angels form a crown around a cross, collecting eucharistic blood from Christ's wounds, while John takes the burden into his care to lead us to Christ's last command. On the right, some Francis of Seasy and Louis of Toulouse provide a model for the friars in their generation of the cross, and between them stands the other world of St. Louis, Louis IX of France, whose feast the Francis can celebrate it. At each corner, gesticulating prophets burst out of the picture play in their eagerness comment on the scene like over-enthusiastic art historians, and little being yet sort of ecclesia and synagogue in the lateral borders underscore the message that we are witnessing, not so much the death of Christ as the birth of the Church. Funding for this act, it seems to have come from the Perotsie family, bankers to the ruling houses of Europe, and already owners of one of the transept chapels painted by Giotto. The Perotsie arms, golden pairs appear high in the four corners of the room. It's an irony that the funds confiscated by the Florentine commune from the Perotsie after their bankruptcy in 1343 were kept in a strongbox in this very room under the eye of the Franciscan sacrister, along with those from the other great banking family and patrons of St. Perotsie, the Barthie. Just another indication of how intricately involved the content was in the civil and not just the religious life of the republic. The east wall was knocked through around the middle of the century to allow the building of a funerary chapel initially for the Guidalotti family. The operation would have destroyed any decoration in the centre of that wall, and painted figures to either side were subsequently mutilated by the insertion of the large lateral windows, which in their current form date from the 19th century, and you would still make out the lower part of a bishop saint under the right hand window. The chapel walls profess to it the scenes from the lives of the Virgin and of Mary Magdalene. But the Guidalotti abandoned their patronet rites before the decoration was finished, and the chapel then passed into the hands of the enormously wealthy Rhinocenian capital. They installed the splendid raw-time railings bearing the family name under date 1371 in gilt letters, and they commissioned the polyptych on the altar dated 1379. Franciscan safes are on the chapel as well, so Francis on the altar piece and the entrance arch, along with other frars, here on the right hand side, to use again and Andrea of Annabine, a frat commemorated him, Santa Croce up to his death in 1382. More Franciscan saints and worthyers are portrayed on the main roof beam high above the sacristy, almost illegible to the naked eye. However, for a florentine chapter heist, it is remarkably a little visible today that celebrates the life and deeds of the fondness of Francis. That task, most unusually, fell for a series of small painted panels. These panels are universally attributed to Tadeu Gadi, author of the Chris Fiction fresco, but generally dated earlier to the mid or late 1930s. They show scenes from the lives of Christ and St Francis. There are 28 of them, most of them now in the academia museum in Florence, the ones you see here. The panels were removed from the sacristy in 1810 during the Napoleonic suppressions. The gaps marked before that were sold off at that time and found their way to Germany, where they can now be seen in Berlin and Munich. Most of the scholarship on these panels have been devoted to reconstructing their original layout. The older reconstructions tried to make them fit onto one large, rare career covered, whether single or double-sided. But more recent and plausible ones envisaged the paintings arrayed in two rows, the Christological scenes above the Franciscan ones, as the formal relationships within and between the cycles would lead one to suppose, and as they were in fact seen in the 18th century by Giuseppe Ricca. In this format, they're most easily envisaged as part of the Spagliere or bat paneling above the sacristy cupboards, as was first argued by Mintloch Boschavitz. Probably, in fact, the cupboards that are still there in the southwestern angle of the room, now with patently non-matching and later Spagliere above them. The effect might have been similar to slightly later examples, such as these in the Benedictine Church of San Miniatua Monte, a short walk away from Santa Croce. And another room, incidentally, which combined the functions of sacristy and chapterhouse. The half lunettes are now attached together in reverse order, the ascension before the Annunciation. Originally separately, they would have formed bookends to the cycle, probably under Cornish or Canopy, like the one in San Miniatua, as envisaged in the recent reconstruction by Giovanni Dioro. The imagery of the panel has received much less attention, with the may be the exception of August Braves, PhD thesis published ten or five years ago. But evidently, the intention was to portray Francis as, in some sense, the mirror of Christ, as it was recalculated in 1754, lo speciol de Jesus Arbatori. That speculatiy was sealed into the saint's very flesh by the miracle of the stigmatisation. When, in the words of Saint Bonaventure, Francis was transformed totally by a fiery divine power into the likeness or effigy of the one he saw, that is, of the crucified price who appeared in the guise of the Seraph. So the pairing of the crucifixion and the stigmatisation was a natural one, which had already been made in the famous fresco cycle of the upper church in Assisi, painted in the 1290s. Other parallels, not shown as Assisi, were suggested by the same textual sources. Bonaventure's Ligenda Mayor made an explicit comparison between the touching of Christ's wounds by the dietling of Apostle Thomas and the verification of the stigmata on the dead body of Francis by the legman Geron of Assisi. The luminous central pattern cycle, the 7th of 13th, combines the transfiguration of Christ with an epise when a glow like the sun on a fiery chariot entered the hut in which Francis' early friars were sleeping. The attitudes of the friars tells the story as it unfolded, from their initial terror on being woken by the blinding light to the subsequent comforting realisation that they were being granted a vision of their absent father Francis. And going beyond the text, Tadeo Gadi presents these friars as new apostles, mirroring the three dazzled by the transfiguration of Christ. For Bonaventure, this epise revealed Francis as an alter-elias, another Elijah, who was taken to heaven on a fiery chariot and who it was believed would return to herald to Christ's second coming. But typology of this time could be almost endlessly elaborated and seems like these gave some way towards justifying the usual art historical description of these handles as showing Francis as an alter-Christus, another or a second Christ. This ambiguous, even potentially blasphemous phrase does start to appear around this time, not in the official Franciscan literature, but in popular writings associated with the fundamentalist, so-called spiritual wing of the order. The spirituals made their stand on a rigorous approach to Franciscan poverty, but they were not above making bold and dangerous claims for the apocalyptic role of St Francis in the coming battle against the antichrist of his allies, often identified with a corrupt and materialistic church. Tuscany was a centre of spiritual ferment in the early decades of the 14th century with distant friars being imprisoned and exiled in Provence before even burned at the stake. Against this background scholars have sometimes been tempted to see a crypto-spiritual agenda in Tadeo Galli's alter-Christus panels, not least because two of the leading idyllogs of the spirituals Peter John Olivia and Ubertino Dacazali had been influential lectors at Santa Croce in the late 1280s. But those days were long past, and as Silvan Pyrrhon and Julian Gardner again had amply demonstrated, Santa Croce was firmly under mainstream conventional control by the time the new church was out of construction. Indeed, the whole project was bitterly denounced by the spirituals as a betrayal of Franciscan poverty. These powers are typologically adventurous, but they are emphatically not a manifest for the spirituals. Narrative is subordinated to argument in the cycle. Key Franciscan scenes are missing. Others are taken out of chronological order in order to make point. Here, the motility is paired with the miracle of the crew at Grecia, when a baby was seen to appear in the manger set up by Francis as part of Advent celebrations three years before he's dead. Francis is shown twice. Dressed in the deacons rose, he's reading the opening of John's Gospel on the left, and again on the right, taking the Christ child in his arms, the word indeed made flesh. The miracle has been moved from its original open air setting into the chancellor of a church, and the lay onlookers who were found in earlier versions are firmly excluded. The scenario underscores the theme of clerical orthodoxy that runs through this cycle, appropriate for and by now thoroughly clericalised order. Every friar in Santa Croce could imagine himself at the centre of this composition, as the priest presiding at one of the church's many altars, affecting the eucharistic miracles of materialising the body of Christ. The following scenes take us back into Francis' early career. A star leads the magi to Jesus whom they recognise as king of the Jews. Below, Saint Peter points out Francis holding up the tottering later in church to the dreaming pope of the third. Next, the submission by Jesus and his parents to the law of Moses in the presentation of the temple is the example of Francis' submission to papal authority as he receives approval for his rule. The young Jesus astounding the doctors in the temple with his precocious wisdom is echoed by the supposedly unlettered Francis preaching a spontaneous sermon before Pope Orlorus III of his cardinals. It's long before the stigmatisation that Francis already displays the stigmata as he did in the fiery chariot. It's surely made for instance that the feast of the stigmata was added to the Order's liturgical calendar as a major on duplex in 1337. But these painful scenes also reflect a relationship that was in need of some repair after the long reign of the French pope John XXII who died in 1334. In his impatience over the interminable experience about poverty, John had struck at the very heart of the Order's ideology. First, he removed the legal basis for the friar's claims to poverty by declaring that they owned and didn't just have use of their goods and property. Even worse, he then declared that belief in the absolute poverty of Christ and the apostles, a belief shared by all Franciscans, spiritual and conventional, was heretical. This was the time of great tribulation as the Franciscan chronicler Arnold of Sarawak called it. Even the Minister General, Michael of Chesner, scourge of the spirituals was provoked into open rebellion against the Pope. By the time these panels were installed, John's more conciliatory success of Benedict XII was the most probably in our fix we've been hearing about at both posts. And both sides were making efforts to restore their previously placed relationship. But the Order was badly in need of a re-affirmation of his self-identity. Its belief that the mission set by its founder remained valid, uncompromised and within the mainstream of the Church. That's what I think these panels represent. The first and last panels of the Franciscan cycle chose scenes of renunciation and martyrdom. They're paired with the visitation and pentacost images of humility and apostolic mission respectively. These panels, which are narrower than the others, framed and defined the cycle. In the first, the young Francis makes the decisive choice to renounce his family in possessions, scribbling off his fine clothes before his furious father, and taking shelter under the mantle of the Bishop of Massisi, poverty embraced by the Church. Boys throw stones at the native Francis, a display of the world's disapproval. And here no adults restrain them as they do in Tadeogaddy's immediate model, Jotto Espresco, in the barbie chapel of this same Church. In the last scene, a group of friars suffers worldly rejection in his ultimate form by undergoing martyrdom by the heady during one of the Franciscan missions to the Muslim world that began in the lifetime of St Francis. The figure in black watching the execution says the Franciscan saint Anthony of Padua, who was inspired to abandon the rose of an Augustinian cannon and join the new order by reports of the friar's martyrdom in Morocco. These scenes would have had a special resonance for their first viewers, who might have taken their vows in this very room and whose contemporaries were still being sent to their deaths overseas. Together these panels offer a vision of the Franciscan mission which begins with the renunciation of secular values, but finds its fulfillment in active re-engagement with the world. The journey begun when Francis stripped off in Assisi is a continuing one, carried on by the friars assembled in the Sacristican chaptais. This little wonder that the villain's faces have been scratched out. To conclude, Tania Gagli's Sacristican panels are a significant marker of a renewed effort by the Franciscans of Tuscany in the mid-14th century. Barous can be moralized as they were by internal splits of papal rebuffs to glorify their founder as an image and a mirror of Christ. Within such a crotchig there are dawn covers that contain the greatest treasures the economy possessed. Emblems of the cross and the Stigmata, contact relics of Stun for the bodies of Christ and Francis. The panels would have spoken directly and intimately to the friars who gathered here, reassuring them that they, like Francis, were following in the footsteps of Christ.