 The United States are facing a severe and complex security environment as never before in East Asia and the Indo-Pacific since the end of World War II. In addition to Russia's aggression against Ukraine, we are observing an increasingly clear trend in countries and regions around Japan, reinforcement of nuclear and missile capabilities, rapid acceleration of military build-ups and attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force. I am serving as the Prime Minister at this juncture of history's turning point and amidst the national crisis for Japan. I have a mission to firmly defend our nation and the Japanese people. With this determination and for the sake of reinforcing our diplomatic capabilities to ensure international peace and security, I made the decision to transform our post-war security policy in order to first bolster our own foundation by implementing the following, making the level of our budget for both the fundamental and reinforcement of defense capabilities and complementary initiatives reach 2% of the current GDP, possessing counter-strike capabilities, improving response capabilities in the field of cyber security, and stepping up defense posture in the southwest region of Japan. This is a clear testament to Japan's strong resolve vis-à-vis the United States and the rest of the global community. In particular, this decision will also bring benefits to the security of the entire Indo-Pacific region, including Southeast Asia, the Pacific, and the Indian Ocean. I'm convinced that this decision represents one of the most historically critical milestones for strengthening the alliance following such precedents as the conclusion of the Japan-US Security Treaty by Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru, the revision of the Treaty by Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke, and the legislation for peace and security by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. As you are all aware, Japan's post-war status of a peace-loving nation has not changed in the slightest. The values of freedom and democracy are ingrained into the identity of the Japanese people. Foreign policy also remains unchanged. We strive to prosper not at the expense of other countries, but together with them. Japan will continue to be a model citizen of the world. I will further double down on our diplomatic efforts this year, building on the achievements from the previous year. I am also resolved to make the most realistic judgments bearing in mind what is called for in this era, and I am resolved to carry forward a realism diplomacy for a new era. Furthermore, let me reaffirm the two points bridging what has changed and what has not changed, which I mentioned previously at the press conference on the occasion of the release of the National Security Strategy on December 16th last year, namely the realistic view that diplomacy needs to be backed by defence capabilities and that reinforcing defence capabilities will also lead to persuasiveness in carrying out diplomatic efforts as well as the importance of the will of each and every citizen to proactively defend the country as precisely evidenced by the Ukrainian people at this moment in time. As I just outlined, Japan is going through considerable evolutions while always striving to harmonise the ideal and the reality. Going forward, you should be able to consider Japan as an even more reliable partner for all of you. Next, allow me to discuss the challenges ahead. Let me now weigh out three key points. First, strengthening the unity of like-minded countries, especially the G7. Second, relations with those referred to as the global south. Third, relations with China, which is the most central challenge for both Japan and the United States. I believe that the response to these three elements are essential to mapping out a vision for the next international order that awaits beyond the current world situation, which is now in transition. Now that the world is becoming increasingly divided and chaotic, what is crucial is who we are. The G7 is tied together on the basis of common values, and this is the group having functioned most effectively in the aftermath of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We need to rally together first to maintain international peace and to resolve global economic crises such as energy, food and other global challenges, including health and climate change. In particular, it is absolutely imperative for Japan, the United States and Europe to stand united in managing our respective relationship with China. This concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific known as FOIP has gained support from many like-minded countries, including the members of the G7. In May of this year, I will be hosting the G7 summit in Hiroshima. As the presidency, I will demonstrate the G7's determination with a weight that reflects the historical significance. To resolutely reject Russia's ongoing armed aggression threats by nuclear weapons and attempts to overthrow the international order, to give unwavering support to Ukraine, not to accept any unilateral changes to the status quo by force in any region, and to firmly preserve the rule of law and a free and open international order. In addition, as the only country to have suffered atomic bombings, and as the Prime Minister from Hiroshima, I will put forward a pledge to the world at the G7 Hiroshima summit that the scourge of nuclear weapons must never be allowed to happen again. I will also send a robust message so that the G7 will advance realistic and practical efforts without sacrificing deterrence in the midst of the severe security environment. To this end, I believe that the only realistic path is to revive the momentum for nuclear disarmament and to maintain and strengthen the NPT regime. I attended the NPT review conference last summer and presented the Hiroshima Action Plan as the first step toward a realistic roadmap which would take us from the reality of the harsh security environment to the ideal of a world without nuclear weapons. For us to make progress on this issue, for us to make progress on this issue, a relationship of trust with our ally the United States is essential. To this end, I will also be working closely in concert with President Biden. Relations with those referred to as global south offer us important challenges and opportunities. A world emerging after the current period of transition, we will not see a converged single set of values as was generally viewed in the era of globalization. The world is diverse. And as a practical matter comparatively speaking, we are observing the rise of national powers of countries with diverging characteristics. Many of them are boosting confidence in their own economic development and are seeking a greater voice on the global stage. We cannot have our values imposed as they are. Meanwhile, those nations themselves do not have a clear and unified vision either. We need to move, we need to be more committed to our values. And at the same time, when engaging with a global self, we need to remain humble while putting aside preconceptions and then have a firm understanding of their respective historical and cultural backgrounds. On this basis, there is a greater imperative for us to share the principle that the international community is not where the strong overwhelm the weak, but rather that it should be driven by rules not by force guided by this view, letting me underscore the point that cooperation on serious issues such as energy, food, climate change and health, which each cannot be resolved without our joint cooperative efforts and the balance of having a voice and bearing responsibility will both be essential in creating the new international order. With that in mind, ever since taking office as a prime minister, I have consistently undertaken efforts to advance Japan's relations with a global self. Even if we walk on a path which we believe to be right, if a global self holding integral places in the international arena turn their back, we will find ourselves in the minority and enable to resolve mounting policy issues. Among them, Southeast Asian countries are the closest and most crucial partners for Japan, be an open Indo-Pacific FOIP and the Asian outlook on the Indo-Pacific AOIP resonate with each other. I will be soon upgrading the vision of a FOIP. I will also host the Asian-Japan Commemorative Summit in Tokyo around December this year. I hope to demonstrate that Japan's ties with Southeast Asian countries constitute a core element of peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region, even in the face of drastically changing international community. Let me also note the importance of a relationship with India. India is this year's G20 presidency and a partner with shared fundamental values and strategic interests. India is expected to surpass China's population and stands as the world's largest democracy. We will further enhance the Japan-India-special strategic global partnership, forge it between our two countries and continue to work together in pursuit of FOIP. Furthermore, Japan will move forward with our diplomatic engagements with regions of South Asia, Pacific Island countries, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and the Caribbean, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. In this regard, I would like to highlight the significance of strengthening the functions of the United Nations, including Security Council reform. Today, trust in the United Nations is at risk due to Russia's aggression. Japan is taking up a two-year term on the Security Council as a non-permanent member starting this month. We will engage in taking on efforts to materialize the movement for Security Council reform on which President Biden himself delivered a powerful statement at the UN headquarters as well as to further strengthen the General Assembly where all nations are represented. Next is China. There are various possibilities along with numerous challenges and concerns between China and Japan, China and the United States, and China and the world. The most fundamental issue is that China has some visions and claims on the international order that diverge from ours and that we can never accept. In the national security strategy, I described the challenge posed by China as one that Japan should respond with its comprehensive national power and in cooperation with its allies, like-minded countries and others. China needs to make a strategic decision that it will abide by the established international rules and that it cannot and will not change the international order in ways that are contrary to these rules. Efforts to achieve it will need to be long-lasting. Along the way, we will never allow any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force and we will reinforce our deterrence. With that ensured, we then hope to contribute to ensuring international peace and stability, including the Indo-Pacific region together with China, and cooperate on shared challenges. Because we need to manage our relationship peacefully, this is the key to determining the success or failure of statesmanship in this era. Last November, I had a meeting with President Xi Jinping. There, I expressed my concern about a situation in the East China Sea, including the Senkaku Islands and China's military activities, such as its launch of ballistic missiles into the waters near Japan, including our exclusive economic zone last August. It is of greater significance that we say what needs to be said to China at the highest possible level, including at the leader's level. As I just mentioned earlier, in order to reach a common understanding with China on the state of international order, we will firmly maintain and assert our position and strongly call for China's responsible actions, while at the same time continuing dialogue, including on issues of concern and cooperating on matters of common interests. I believe that both sides need to make efforts to build such a constructive and stable relationship. With respect to all that I just mentioned, Japan-U.S. alliance is the anchor. I am encouraged that the U.S. national security strategy, a powerful demonstration of America's leadership and commitment to the world, and the commitment of the United States to the world, and especially to the increasingly important Indo-Pacific region in terms of international policies, politics is vital and confident that we can succeed by cooperating together. At the summit meeting earlier today, President Biden and I confirmed that our national security strategies are aligned with each other. We also reiterated our strong commitment to promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific and then concurred to further strengthen a free and open international order based on the rule of law. We have presented our vision and strategy. Looking ahead to the commitments in 2023, we will be entering a phase of taking action and materializing through following up in search for a such as the security consultative committee 2022 plus 2 and the economic policy consultative committee economic 2 plus 2 launched last year together with the president. Japan will further broaden and bolster areas of cooperation with the United States. Economic security is a case in point. Vulnerabilities in our supply chain are coming to the fore and new challenges such as pursuit of national interests through coercive measures are on the rise. We have a greater need to deepen our bilateral cooperation, but partnering in such areas as semiconductors and energy is also the key. Additionally, science and technology will be the greatest key factor in overcoming the hardships at hand and to setting out the course of the world in the times ahead. In collaboration with the United States and other like-minded countries, Japan will work to establish a major fund amounting to 50 billion yen with a view to enhancing international joint research and human resource development for young researchers and work to launch the global startup campus initiative that will serve as a core center for international brain circulation. Through mutual exchanges and research cooperation, meeting outstanding talents in the field of science and technology of our two nations, Japan hopes to carve out the frontier of the next generation, create new markets, and then generate values that will usher in the new era. We placed emphasis on Japan-US space cooperation as well. Japan will further press ahead with space cooperation, which has entered the new era thanks to the Artemis project. That said, let me stress that it is people who actually make these Japan-US cooperative projects possible. The friendship between the people of our two nations sustained the robust alliance. Students, athletes, business persons, scholars, U.S. military personnel, Japanese Americans, and others are all models to our wide-ranging bond. It was a long time, I was a long time baseball player from a young age. I know that the success of Shohei Otani and also Japanese LMB players are not only thanks to their individual efforts. They also owe their successes to the accomplishments of their teammates. The same goes for interstate relations. The partnership between Japan and the United States is indispensable in ensuring international peace and stability. Let us work together so that we can overcome the current turbulent times and pass on a brighter future for the next generation to enjoy. At the same time, I will further make strides in our cooperation with India and Australia, including through the Quad and that President Biden is also offering leadership. Furthermore, as the first-ever Japanese Prime Minister to have participated in the NATO summit last year, I will further advance our relations with Europe. Concerning North Korea, it has repeatedly violated U.N. Security Council resolutions, especially through its ballistic missile launches that are unprecedented both in their frequency and their manner. North Korea's nuclear and missile activities pose a clear and serious threat to international peace and stability. In the face of these threats, the security partnership among Japan, the United States and the Republic of Korea is becoming increasingly important. I intend to enhance the security cooperation among these three countries. The abductions issue must be also resolved immediately. You may be worried about the relationship between Japan and the Republic of Korea, but I intend to resolve the bilateral issues of concern as quickly as possible to restore sound Japan-ROK relations and then to further promote them. Now, I have one particular action that I hope the United States will take. For the United States' engagement in the Indo-Pacific region, economic and trade aspects offer strategic importance. Japan welcomes the Indo-Pacific economic framework, IPEF, and will work with the United States to make it a success. Nonetheless, I must say that the core of what creates an economic order in the region is a framework with market access for goods and services. In the Asia-Pacific region, we indeed have such a framework. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, the TPP was originally initiated by the United States and then was eventually launched without US participation. Now, the United Kingdom, China, Taiwan, and others have expressed their intention to join this agreement. Against this backdrop, let me state that the United States' return is of paramount importance. I look forward to working with my American friends and partners on what we can do together to forge a fair economic order in this region so that everyone of us can enjoy prosperity. Last but not the least, I know that SAIS is celebrating its 80th anniversary this year. From my own 35-year experience of marriage, I've come to learn firsthand how ill-advised it can be to forget an anniversary which can get you into big trouble. Please allow me to sincerely congratulate all of you at SAIS on your long and prosperous history to achieve this commemorative milestone. Congratulations. As my international community is at a historic turning point, I will continue to make decisions in a decisive manner to resolve the challenges facing our nation and beyond. Japan will boldly move forward and together with the United States, we will overcome history's turning point and bring about a free and open Indo-Pacific. Thank you very much for your attention. The question that I would have is really how you see the three major reports that have recently come out on Japanese security policy as changing Japan's fundamental security stance. Is this a major change or should we think of this as continuity with the past? The three documents that you have recently issued. As I mentioned earlier in my speech with the formulation of the three documents, Japan has made a major shift in its security policy. The current security environment is one of the most severe and complex compared to the past. Against this backdrop, I have taken the decision to fundamentally strengthen our defense capability in order to protect the peace and security of our country as well as the freedom, democracy and the rule of law we believe in. Japan will actively fulfill its responsibility to maintain a free and open international order. The Japan-U.S. alliance remains the cornerstone of Japan's foreign policy and security. There is no change here, that is what I believe. Japan and the U.S. will also cooperate in enhancing counter-attack capabilities and response capabilities in the field of cybersecurity, as indicated in the three documents and in strengthening the defense poster of the southwest region. I explained these policies at the summit meeting we just held and received a strong support from President Biden. I look forward to Japan and the United States strengthening cooperation and making further contributions to international peace and stability. These are what I hope to expect. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Please stand and give us your question. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. As Dr. Kulder said, my name is Audrey Reineke. I'm a policy research fellow at the Reichschauer Center. As a young researcher and recent grad, I just wanted to say it's an inspiration and honor to have you here with us at SICE for this historic address. In addition to being a diplomat, Edwin Reichschauer was first and foremost a scholar of Japan and a lifelong champion of international education. So to that effect, I wanted to ask maybe your thoughts on the decrease in Japanese students who are studying overseas and how we can address that to encourage more young Japanese Americans to work closely together to, as you said in your remarks, sort of meet the challenges of today and tomorrow. And just finally, we have a number of students in our audience. So if you have a message for them, thank you. Thank you very much for the question. It is true that in the recent years, the number of foreign students from Japan to the United States and other developed countries has tended to stagnate. However, we believe that it is necessary to materialize investment in people in order to overcome the current period of global turmoil and to ensure that the next generation enjoys a brighter future. In particular, in order to promote inter-university exchange with the United States, an important partner, we have included approximately 550 million yen in the draft government budget for the next financial year as a US-Japan inter-university exchange product. We also intend to formulate a new plan for accepting and sending students for studies abroad by spring this year to further promote a two-way international student exchange. I am very encouraged and reassured by the presence of activities of students and researchers, such as the SICE members present today, who are studying Japan and US-Japan relations. I hope that you will continue to be active in your respective fields of study and in your abilities for the sake of US-Japan relations and a bright future. I would like to visit this time and also in the two plus two and so on. One issue that has been emerging is the whole question of space and we have a specialist ambassador here. I wondered, do you have a question perhaps in that area? Thank you Kent and welcome to SICE, Mr. Prime Minister. It's a great honor to have you here with us today. I'm David Shear, the former assistant secretary of defense and an adjunct professor here at SICE. You mentioned space in your remarks. I understand you'll be visiting NASA during your stay here and I'm just wondering if you can expand a little further on where you think the US and Japan will be going in the in the coming years on space cooperation. I note particularly mention of application of Article 5 of the Security Treaty to space and if you could give us your thoughts on that, I'd appreciate it. Thank you. After this lecture here, I'm supposed to go to the headquarters of NASA and I will be attending the signing ceremony of the framework agreement on US-Japan space cooperation. This agreement is of great significance as this facilitated cooperation between the US and Japan in the area of space. Japan-US space cooperation has entered a new era under the Artemis program proposed by the US to promote international lunar exploration with a view of going into future Mars exploration. There are already plans such as Moon exploration plans by astronauts of both countries and I strongly hope that this agreement will strongly promote space cooperation between the US and Japan and first expand the fields of cooperation in the US-Japan alliance and in the area of space. Application of Article 5 of the Japan-US Security Treaty as you have mentioned at the 2-plus-2 meeting of January 11th, Minister Hayashi, Minister of Foreign Affairs, this person here today with me who attended the 2-plus-2 meeting, Minister Hayashi, Minister Hamada, Mr Hayashi held the 2-plus-2 meeting and in that meeting the applicability of Article 5 of the Japan-US Security Treaty to attacks in space was declared at the meeting so cooperation in space is deepening in the area of security as well. We would like to continue to further promote space cooperation with the US in various fields going forward. My speech this afternoon, Mirai Yasulis from Brookings. So at this time of economic uncertainty I would like to ask about the role that Japan will continue to play to support the rules-based international economic order especially as it develops partnerships with others. In your speech you talk about the CPTPP but also IPEF the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and focusing on IPEF what do you think are the areas that hold most promise in these negotiations and then at the global stage what are going to be the priorities for Japan in the G7 when it comes to the rules based international economic order perhaps in areas such as data governance or curving economic coercion. Thank you very much. And Japan wants to actively promote the world-class countries with a comprehensive defense and investment relationship with IPEF or TPP in order to actively promote the economic framework. This year Japan will be the G7 and the United Kingdom will be the APEC's digital branch. I know that we all would like to continue this discussion and have real dialogue unfortunately the Prime Minister has a packed schedule let's give him one last round of applause and real thanks. At this time I would ask all guests to remain seated we would like to let the Prime Minister and the Japanese delegation make their way to the motorcade so please again enjoy the conversation next to you I will let you know when we are released from our seats.