 yng Nghymru, felwadau. Ion cyngorol Gwennodd Gwennodd i'r gwaith yw gwaith yn ei ddweud a'i'r cyfrannu eich ddaeth yn unrhyw o'r ysgrifennu Laitromanol Sylfer Hordr ar y trapeunol. Yn ymdyn nhw'n gweithio'r bach os ydych chi'n mynd i'r ysgrifennu i gael y gwelau yn ysgrifennu. Rydych chi'n gweithio'r ysgrifennu yn ymdyn nhw'n gweithio'r am y bwysig, mae y cwestiynau'r rôl o'r cyllid bwysig yma yn Y Llywodraeth Rhonwyr. Mae dyna'n ei wneud i'ch gweithio eu cynyddiadol cerddur cyflwyntu ar y cyffredinol. Gafein wedi gweld yr ydyd ysgol yw t让rfynllol yma mewn o arfer a dyna hefyd o'r rhannu oeddyllion yn y Cymru yr arddangos Llywodraeth Rhonwyr. Mae'r hwn yn ystod o'r cyflau sy'n mynd i'r hyn sy'n gwneud o'r fflau'r hyn sy'n sylfa'r hyn sy'n mynd yw'r fflau'r hyn. Mae'r hwn yn cymhau ar y cyffredin, ac mae'r ffigur gyrsaf o'r holl yma yn Aeol Corll, Alexander Corll, sy'n gyffredinol yn ysgrifennu'r Hŷn, ond mae'r ffigur fflawn yn archiologi, ac yn y rhan fflawn o'r holl yn ysgrifennu'r holl yn yw 1919. Yn wych yn ymgyrch, dyne yw'n syni am rwy'n gyfer, rydyn ni'n dwy'r ffordd bod yn gweithio'r gweithio'r ffordd, i fynd i'n eu gofyn, ac rydyn ni'n rhoi'n ymweld y cyrraed o'r rhai cyd-fodol i ddweud ymweld, ond o'r ymweld yn ymddangos, a i ddweud mewn ddechrau'n cyfnodydd, y telfoedd amdano efo'r cyfnod, i'n ddweud ymddangos ymddangos cyfnodd i ddweud. I could not go in the morning while I lunched in town and got the 140 train. It was a glorious afternoon, and I strolled up leisurely to the hill, taking a photo here and there as I went, not expecting that Pringles find was anything of importance. And I should say these photographs I'm showing you are from Carl's album, a photograph he took on the day. Imagine my surprise on reaching the sight of the digging to sea, ranged against the bank at the edge, a great collection of what appeared to be strange, battered and broken vessels of silver. Much tarnished, though in places still bright and even gilded. Between two stones lay a mass of silver objects. As it was impossible to carry the loot to East Linton, I sent Johnny in to order the car, and Pringlin Young helped me to carry them down, carry down the three boxes in my bag to the roadside. I decided to motor direct to Edinburgh in order to avoid the scrutiny at the train station. Unfortunately the local car was engaged, so for an hour and three quarters I guarded my boxes. The only people who passed were a minister and wife and a dog card. They stared inquisitively while I glowered arrogantly till they averted their glances. It gives us some sense of Carl the man, but I think also the excitement of the discovery, and he goes on to describe his initial interpretation of it. Carl was a tremendous scholar, and within four years he had produced a work which remains fundamental to the study of the Horde, and which was a tremendous step forward in the study of late Roman silver. It's a work we still consult today. So why are we looking at it again? Well the amount of late Roman silver known has more than doubled since Carl's day. Not only that, but perspectives have changed on the nature of the late Roman world and its relationship to its neighbours. So Kenneth and I felt the time was right to look again at this major Horde, and we've been fortunate to persuade a range of colleagues from across Europe to help us on this task, and they are listed here on the slide below, and we draw very heavily on their work here. We also, on the occasion of the 90th anniversary of its discovery, as a seminar in Edinburgh, will bring us all of us to discuss the topic of hacksilb, this hacktop later on. Carl focused very much on the vessels. Our approach is much more looking at the life cycle of the treasure from its production and its use as vessels through various phases we suspect of the hacking into fragments and the movement of these through various parts of the empire and beyond. Their ultimate fate is either into the melting pot or into the ground, and this evening Kenneth will speak about the role as vessels in something of the phenomenon of hacking, and I shall return at the end to say a little bit about the site context and the deposition, but on that I turn over to Kenneth. The treasure consisted of more than 150 pieces of silver weighing about 24 kilos. They are almost all in fragments, although a few small vessels were not divided. More than 90 original vessels have been identified. 50 bowls are represented with 28 circular or square dishes, 10 jugs of flasks, 5 cylindrical vessels, 9 spoons and 28 other items. In addition, there are four coins, eight small folded parcels, and what Carl called two tonic ornaments, which are actually fragments of military equipment and personal ornaments. Some small pieces can represent very large objects. The two fragments of rim on the right come from a large dish which was 70 centimetres in diameter, and the reconstruction gives an idea of how impressive it was. Such large dishes are rare and don't occur until the first part of the 5th century. Some pieces are unmatched in surviving silver. The fragments on the right, for example, are from the outer wall of a small bucket vessel. It has a flat base and a cagework wall, and the inner wall was of glass. The network is copied from the decoration of glass vessels such as that on the lower half of the bucket now in the treasury of St Mark's in Venice. The only hint of date is from the detailed shape of the network and the closest parallels are of the first quarter of the 4th century. The decoration of the other objects ranged across the whole repertoire of late Roman silver. Of the figured scenes, for example, some were traditionally pagan, but the jug on the right is the earliest silver vessel showing figured Christian scenes. In the centre is the adoration of the Magi and to left and right Adam and Eve and to Moses in the Wilderness striking water from the rock for the people of Israel. One scene is damaged, but it may be a second scene showing Moses in the Wilderness feeding the people with quails in the morning and with manna in the evening. The earliest object is this dish with a fluted rim. The type was in fashion at the end of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th like the parallels on the screen. The latest vessels in the treasure are represented by dishes and jugs like this one. The big divine or human figures which cover their surfaces in relief are typical of the first half of the 5th century. The source of the table where was dining services of the 4th and early 5th centuries in the western empire. One example is the treasure from Kaiser August buried in 352 at a late Roman fortress on the Rhine upstream from Basel. The Trier treasure buried in the first half of the 5th century was found in 1628. Unfortunately, it was melted down, but we have a contemporary inventory with weight, shapes and decoration. The silver in the Trier treasure comes from big treasures of that sort, but it also differs from them in that it includes a very much larger numbers of some categories of vessels. The fluted wash bowls, for example, normally occur as singletons in hordes. Fragments of six from Traparane law, which you see four here on the right, suggest that the contents of the treasure come from at least six cities, after which the treasure is given by the four silver siliquae and the plate. The coins, which you see here, were all struck in the western empire in the last quarter of the 4th century, the later two of them between 397 and 402. Similarly, but less precisely, the tableware seems when complete not to have been later than the first several decades of the 5th century, but a more precise date for the deposit of the horde is at present not possible. The coins also show where the treasure may have come from. Siliquae were introduced about 350 and were struck in cities where an emperor and a court were in residence. From the 360s, some coins in Britain and only in Britain, including the four from Traparane, were clipped, and the semi-official practice continued into the 5th century. Peter Guest's illustration at the top of the screen shows the variation in degree to which siliquae from the hawkson horde were clipped, and it also demonstrates how great care was taken to avoid the imperial image. The clippings were used to create Romani-British copies of siliquae of good silver when regular siliquae were in short supply. As the map shows, there are very great numbers of clipped siliquae within the province of Britain, mostly south and east of the Fosway. In Scotland, however, there are very few clipped siliquae. Those from Traparane law, therefore, are most likely to come from the south-eastern half of the province. This is also the best indication we have of the origin of the hacksilver, but it does assume that the siliquae and the hacksilver reach Traparane law together, which is not certain. 150 saw objects in the treasure represent more than 90 original vessels, together with a small number of personal ornaments and four coins. The vessels range in date from the late 3rd century to the early 5th, and the clipped siliquae came from Britain and may indicate the immediate source of the plate and other objects. The other major question to be considered is why most of the objects in the Traparane law treasure are hacksilver, in other words deliberately broken up or folded or crushed. The map shows that there is a good deal of hacksilver inside the empire as well as outside its frontiers. In 1923, Curl cited only one other hacksilver horde from Curran in Northern Ireland. Now, however, we have a list of at least 48 finds of hacksilver and they're not restricted to the Barbaricam. That's the territory between the Rhine and the Elbe and the Danube. 20 or more of these finds are from inside the empire, particularly the provinces of Germany, Gaul and Britain. Within the empire, there is hacksilver from as early as the 2nd century. The dish on the left, which must be from the Roman frontier in Bavaria, is dated by its style and the inscription to the early 2nd century. 2nd century hacksilver has also been identified in Britain before hacks fragments of two brogies are from church minzo in Cheshire. 3rd century finds of hacksilver are known from France, Germany and Britain. This fragment from a dish from Ratley in Warwickshire weighs two thirds of a Roman pound, was cut into a shape like a slice of cake and was folded. In the 4th and early 5th centuries, there's a wide range of hacksilver from Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Britain and Ireland. One of them is spectacular pieces as the dish found near Merida presented to a high-ranking soldier or official by Theodosius in 388. At the time when it was hidden, it had already been divided into two and would have been further divided, as is shown by the fragments of a very similar dish from Gros Bodongan outside the frontier in Germany. Outside the empire, hacksilver comes mostly from an arc of territory from Holland to Denmark, north Germany and territory which is now in Poland. 17 of these finds come from Denmark. The example on the screen is 9.68 kilos of hacksilver from Simestead in Jutland with fragments of Roman silver of the 2nd and 3rd centuries and coins dating the deposit to not before the 5th century. In central Germany, however, we hack evidence for hacksilver hordes in large parts of the territory between the Rhine and the Elbe. Hacksilver is very rare in settlements and although there's growing evidence of workshops producing fine metalwork, the scrap from them shows that the main source of raw silver was divided or melted denarii. What I've stressed so far is the number of finds of hacksilver and their occurrence inside them as well as outside the frontier. So what does the evidence tell about where hacksilver was created? Curve find was known to him, believed that barbarians from outside the frontier seized silver from churches, temples and great houses and then took it home, broke it up and shared it out. His view has persisted. The most important finds of 3rd century hacksilver from Germany are from the bed of the old Rhine, 14 pieces at Neupats and 8 pieces at Hagenbach. In 2006, a reassessment of the finds interpreted the cutting up of this silver creating hacksilver as evidence of division of booty by barbarians. In other words, groups of Alemani who had raided deep into Gaul shared out their booty before they ventured onto the waters of the Rhine on the return to their homeland. This view doesn't work. Of 14 pieces of hacksilver from Neupats, Fraser has shown that 8 are excellent or possible matches for Roman weights and such weights with the deliberately cut shapes share that fragmentation was not a random savage. The two kilos of silver from the Rhine was looted from Gaul in that form, just like the other 700 or more kilos of metal in the finds, 70% of which was iron. This supports a general conclusion that the distribution evidence and the broad spread of dates inside the empire implied that the empire looks more and more like the primary source. So why were silver plays and other objects hacked? Within the empire, the coinage, especially the silver coinage, was in crisis, with a particularly low point in 195 when Septimius Severus doubled the pay of the army but halved the silver content of the denarii. This meant that alternative methods of exchange and precious metals, whether for commerce or gifts, had to play a growing role and this was primarily a matter for the government. Gold and silver were used more and more in uncoined form. As part of this policy, the purity of silver ingots and plates was maintained for the most part at 96% or more and weights were strictly controlled. The constant dish from Kaiser Augs, therefore, and other objects like it, which can be seen on the manuscript, were a vital part of the payment of soldiers and officials. In severe economic or political conditions, however, the authorities wishing to produce their natives were sometimes pressed for time, or for raw silver, or for stocks of fine plate, or for craftsmen capable of producing it. Hack silver, therefore, could play a part. There's again evidence in the Kaiser Augs treasure. In 350, Constans was assassinated at Oetern by Magnentius, whose own attempt to become emperor lasted from 350 to 353. Magnentius difficulties in finding suitable gifts for his followers are confirmed by the contents of 20 hordes deposited by his supporters across Europe from Hungary to Britain. The Kaiser Augs treasure is one of these. From the donatives in the horde, we know that the final owner changed sites from Constans to Magnentius and from him he received donatives of three ingots, including a hacked ingot and a hack silver portion of a hemispherical dish, but no whole vessels and no coins. The rest of the hordes left by Magnentius supporters include gold coins and ingots, and one of them from Water Newton in Cambridgeshire, which you see at bottom right, has two pieces of hack silver weighing one and two pounds, clearly standing in for ingots. But none of these finds included unhacked silver plate. A similar situation arose in 383 when Magnus Maximus, the commander of Britain, rose in revolt against the impregnation. We know from historical sources that he levied a summary tax of money and precious metals from the whole population of the province to pay for his campaigns and that silver vessels which were collected were broken up and weighed to supplement the available coin. It is not the case, however, that all hack silver was produced by the authorities. Silver as bullion was used in private circles, and such silver did not always have to be in the form of complete objects. In the late fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, the rich were advised to break up their family silver and sell it for the weight of the metal in order to help the poor or to ransom prisoners, and Augustine ordered that the same thing should be done with communion silver. Hack silver could also be part of the lives of those who were not necessarily powerful or rich. The second century horde of jewellery from Snedisham included silver ingots and scrap silver and gold, or used by the craftsmen who owned the horde in just the same way that the fragmentary silver objects from patching in such things could have been used for repairs or exchange, or just like the irregular hack silver in the west bag board. The same use of chips can be seen outside the frontiers throughout the Roman Iron Age and migration periods. Complete Roman silver vessels, like other luxuries such as glass vessels, were popular with Germanic cheese from the 1st century onwards, and from the 2nd or 3rd century in particular, large quantities of gold and silver came into the hands of the elites of central Germany through what's been called a climatic cooperation and confrontation with the Roman Empire. Imperial denatives, for example, such as gold medallions, were gifts from the emperor which circulated for a long period and held in high regard, as is shown by the fact that they were carefully transformed into pendants. The medallion on the screen is one of 14 from a treasure of two and a half kilos of gold found in Romania. It's one of seven presented by the emperor of Valence in about the 370s to a leader of the Gepids. The match shows that most such medallions have been found outside the frontiers. Silver dishes were also prized outside the empire. The three from Kirch in the Crimea were given to barbarian officers by Constantius II in 357. Loops on the back show that they were displayed for the sake of prestige. No attempt was made to hack them. It's obvious, of course, that there was also a hacked silver outside the frontiers, like the fragmented vessels from Ghost Baudungan on the left. But where were they hacked? It might have been outside the empire, but there was no large supply of silver plates in the barbaricum as there was inside the frontiers, nor would there have been a ready supply of craftsmen practised in the precise division of such objects. They are likely, therefore, to have been cut up inside the frontiers and to have been donated and for display from Constantine III in 407 to 11, just like the gold Solidae in the find received from the previous emperors such as Magnentius, Valentinian and Theodosius. But hack silver was not only for display. How then was it used outside the frontiers? As we find inside the frontier, exchange is one possibility, but it's easier to establish this for the smaller pieces because the larger pieces, like denarii, were a means of storing wealth but too large for everyday transactions. Recent finds from Denmark offer a clue. One of the few finds that seems conclusive is part of the enormous quantity of weapons and personal belongings found at Nidam in 1990. Among them was a group of 23 tiny fragments of hacked silver weighing only about 63 grams. They were tightly packed in one spot because they'd been in a leather or textile purse carried around by one individual, which were either valuables ready for exchange or a store of metal to repair or decorate military equipment. Another example was found in the farmstead at Fraud de Chirby on Funen. They weighed 196 grams and included a solidus of Theodosius and fragments of Roman silver, tableware, local jury and ingots. They might have been used by a craftsman, but the presence of other pieces of hacked silver on the site hinted exchange. Both functions could coexist. Part of the Chakray law treasure might be silver of this sort. The packets of silver on the top left are in the state in which they were found, and two of these contain fragments of a pewter, which can only mean that the packets were intended to be a particular weight. Significantly, as Anne-Marie Kaufmann Heinemann has shown, they in the fragmentary spoons correspond to a Roman ounce or to fractions of it. On the rest of the site, on the other hand, hacked silver does not seem to have played an economic role of this sort. Single pieces, which might have been used commercially like coins, have not been found. In explaining hacked silver, a number of Scottish Alexander Borshire attribute greater weight to political acts, such as the payment of tributes, the taking of booty, the giving and receiving of gifts, resulting in an accumulation of treasure which enhanced the importance of the donors or owners. A Danish treasure from Gunedbjornabanken, for example, was found under the floor of a small wooden building in a farm complex. It consists of about 360 small fragments of at least two silver plates. Fragments of Scandinavian gold jewellery date the burial to not earlier than the beginning of the 5th century, but four mid-4th century solidi are of the same date as one of the plates, which strongly resembles the constantstish in the Kaiserab's treasure. The absence of any hacksail suggests that the plate and solidi came into the area on the same occasion, and that they might be the starting point of the assembly of a dynastic family treasure in the 350s. So hacksilver could result from donations received from service in the late Roman army, where it could represent a political settlement. There's no clear evidence that it was the product of blundering, nor that it was the result of exchange in an economic sense. Once the hacksilver moved beyond the imperial frontiers, it could additionally have moved between barbarian leaders within their own exchange networks. I've been stressing the great range of hacksilver across the Roman and Germanic worlds. In addition, however, we need to consider not just where it's found, but also where it's not found. Andreas Rao has noted that there's no hacksilver in regions such as the Frankish area on the lower or middle Rhine, the Saxon area on the German North Sea coast, and the Alemanic areas adjacent to the upper Rhine. His tentative answer to the problem is that the Roman administration had a direct relationship with these areas, and that hacksilver hordes, I quote, are typical of those regions which lay just outside the zone of direct influence of late Roman civilization in the sense of economic, military and continuous interpersonal relations. But why this should be so is difficult to understand, and such solutions don't seem to fit the circumstances of late Roman traparine law. There was no military presence in the area, probably because the Votodini formed a client kingdom, and this is reflected in the wealth of Roman finds of the site. Thus on Rao's analysis, hacksilver ought not to have been present. Perhaps therefore it's a mistake to assume that the silver was hacked for social and economic reasons. An alternative approach is to go back to the material, which in the case of traparine law treasure is hacked room and silver deposited with clipped siliquari. There are four other hordes, which contain similar hacksilver and siliquari. Three are from Denmark, from Hurstentop, Simestead and Herzbergard. The fourth horde is from Ballym Rhys or Corain in Northern Ireland. The clipped siliquari shared that the treasures originated in Britain, and all except one were deposited in the early parts of the 5th century. The Hurstentop treasure, which must also have been assembled in the early 5th century, even though the Scandinavian metalworks type showed that the horde was not deposited before the 6th century. The limited distribution in Denmark, Scotland and Northern Ireland is reminiscent of the natives studied recently by Martin Guggesberg. Comparison over a wide area showed that types do not occur evenly or even randomly but in restricted areas. Thus, gold medallions are not found in Northern Germany and the Baltic states, most probably because they were not given to local elites from there in the first place. To take a positive view, therefore, hacksilver hordes with siliquari may very well have been presented to tribal leaders from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Denmark by a donor who would use their services somewhere in the region. An obvious possible scenario is that the tribal services were to the usurfer Constantine III in the years 407-11, who in a four-year campaign in Gaul in Spain attempted to reverse the disastrous German invasion, which began with the crossing of the Rhine in 406. Silver for coinage was in very short supply and so it would be natural for him, like Magnentius in the middle of the 4th century, to resort to the same financial devices to confiscate from Britain all the plates and coinage he could and to pay his forces with chopped up plates and clipped siliquari. This then is a possible explanation of how the siliquari and hacksilver went to Denmark and to Ireland from Britain during the 5th century. To conclude by part, the silver from Traparin Law is extending greatly our knowledge of silver plates in the late Roman Empire. The hacking of such plates was not a random process and has its origins inside the Roman frontiers. Precious metal was always the priority, not the objects into which gold and silver were made. In the barbarian world hacksilver was received as a result of interaction with the Roman world, whether that involved service in the Roman army or the conduct of diplomacy or on occasion exchange. Equally, of course, the treasure is of great importance for the history of Traparin Law and of the late Roman Iron Age and early historic Scotland. Well, it's to this local thing that I'd like to turn and look at how Traparin operated within a North British context and to say a little bit about this great hill on the edge of the empire. Bwysent excavations by my coleg Zeen Abed, Andrew Dumball, and myself have helped to clarify, expand and confirm our existing picture of this site. And it's now clear that the history of Traparin is episodic. Change is a great deal over the millennia. The first major settlement is in the late Bronze Age, and this is when the first defences are built as well. So around about a thousand to seven hundred BC or so, we see the first major activity on the site. But for most of the Iron Age, it seems the hill is abandoned. The new defences are constructed, old defences are maintained to a degree, but there is minimal settlement on the site. The hill is perhaps a place to which people come on high days and holy days. It's not a place for permanent settlement. This changes again in the centuries of the Roman Iron Age, first to fourth centuries AD, when the hill is a boom town. And we see enormous quantity of material and large amounts of settlement evidence from the hill, although the defences themselves have fallen from use. The hill is, if you like, unenclosed. They are using an old site hallowed by history, but not enclosing it within a new set of defences. The precise dating is difficult, but it's sometime in the first century AD, and it's very tempting to see this boom and this centralisation as connected to the arrival of the Romans on the scene. That we're seeing here perhaps the first steps of the creation of a client kingdom in South East Scotland. And if we were looking for parallels, we might look at sites like Stannock in North Yorkshire, which, although in the flatlands rather on a hill, similarly has a wide range of Roman imports, a wide range of craft material as well. But whereas Stannock is a short-lived phenomenon, Traprayn remains a centre in East London for over four centuries, with a wealth of material coming off it. There are more Roman finds from Traprayn law than from the rest of Iron Age Scotland put together. And perhaps the most significant element is when the Romans finally pull out of Scotland when Hadging's Wall is established as the final frontier in the third and fourth centuries, Traprayn continues to have strong links to the empire. This is the period of the treasure, of course, and it's also around this time late fourth, fifth century that the hill is re-fortified. The line in blue shows a last fortification of the site. Now again, the hill is densely occupied, and recent excavations have shown that every scrap of land that isn't bare rock has got a building on it. And the work of the late Ian Smith was able to clarify the setting of the horde tremendously, teasing together excavation plans generated over several years to suggest that there was at least two phases in this late level, and that the horde sat within a yard complex here with what may well be a roundhouse here and a scattering a yard surface round about it. On that basis, the horde is buried in a domestic context in a living site, but it's also not the final act on this site. It seems there is material and structures built later than this. In other words, it's not connected to the abandonment, although the reasons for its burial remain sadly opaque. The silver is only one element of these contacts to the late Roman world. I could show you a variety of things. I shall restrict myself to the glassware. Now of course, because it's a settlement site, the material is fragmentary. But it doesn't take much imagination to see the quality of the glass cup on the right-hand side with its very fine line engraving. And Professor Jenny Price has suggested this in itself could well be seen as some form of diplomatic gift or political gift exchange. The object on the left from our own excavations is initially much less impressive, but enough survives to indicate that it comes from something like this. A claw beaker or a similar kind of bag-shaped vessel. Some of the most desirable objects in the late 4th and 5th century in both Roman and Barbarian hands. So this was a well-connected site. There's a whole series of lakes into the Roman world. The silver is only one part of that. And it includes also traces of service in the Roman army. Argument, Kenneth has been outlawed. Brochus, strap ends and buckles, typical of late Roman military belt sets. There are people on this hill who have been serving in the army, although there are very strong connections with the army. But what's the nature of this contact to the late Roman world? Well, if you look at the distribution of material, we see some very clear patterns, and in particular we see clusters and gaps. The most notable gap is this area here, the northeast of Scotland. And this is the heartland of the Picts, the bad boys of the late Roman frontier, if you like. And much of the historical sources of particularly the 4th century are devoted to bemoaning how awful the Picts are being. Picts overrunning various elements of the frontier and so on. What to me the distribution suggests is a deliberate policy, a policy whereby Pictland is avoided in terms of contacts, and there's clusters instead in other areas. It's essentially a policy of trying to build a buffer between the late Roman frontier and the nasty boys to the north. You'll see also a cluster up here in northern Scotland, which could be seen, if you like, as a flanking manoeuvre. Now, the stars represent the major hill forts at this period with late Roman finds, and these, I suspect, are traprane-type sites. Underneath Edinburgh Castle, now sadly disfigured by a nasty medieval monstrosity, there must lie a lovely late Iron Age site, I suspect, and the finds coming off that would suggest this is a major late Roman contact point. But you'll see a very strong clustering in eastern Scotland defined by the red line, and traprane law sits in the heart of this, and this looks to me like deliberate targeting of the Tweed Valley in East Lothian to create this buffer up the east coast. Interestingly, at the other end of the wall, recent work has identified a similar cluster, or rather, recent re-identification of old finds. The broach to the right from Eric Stainbury is a imperial gift from Dioclusian himself in the early fourth century, and the other two finds recently identified from antiquarian sources all clustering within this area of Dumfrieshire, a uni-face gold medallion, exactly the kind of thing being given as gifts to other barbarian leaders, or this curious gold bracelet or armlet, which again seems to fit into a late Roman habit of gift giving. So here we see a cluster of material being given to a powerful polity at the western end of the wall, another attempt to build a buffer between the wall and the groups to the north. With silver though, what use was all this material? Well, where as finds like we see on the screen could be prestigious objects showing the pleasure and the hand of Rome, and likewise the glass which we saw earlier presumably functioned as an intact vessel at feast and so forth, the silver was a commodity. It came to the site in fragments, its destiny was the melting pot. Recent analysis at the museum has shown that a number of crucibles from the site are so evidence of silver working, and this is the earliest evidence we have for silver working in Scotland. It really starts off as a fourth, fifth century phenomenon. So the silver is destined for the melting pot. But what are the products of it? Well, most likely things like these, these magnificent silver chains whose dating is hotly debated, but they would fit readily into a fifth, sixth century context. And these are, if you like, an old status symbol reimagined. These are versions of torcs, the neck ornament so common in iron age societies to define status and power, reinvented in new times with the new material. So one of the values of this late Roman silver in these groups beyond the frontier is a raw material which you can convert for your own purposes. And part of its lasting value is this wealth it gives to the societies of early medieval Scotland. This is material from the Pictish horde of Norrie's Law in Fife. Some 40 kilometers north of Traprain is the Crow flies. And it includes masterpieces of Pictish art with typical Pictish symbols such as the enigmatic plaque on the right. Now it's long been recognised there are also elements of Roman silver in this horde. The bottom of the screen is a bent fragment of late Romans and there were some clipped siliqui in this horde as well. Would reappraisal of this material by my colleagues Martin Goldberg, Alice Blackwell and Susie Kirk and particularly analysis of the silver has shown there is other Roman silver within this. A number of these undiagnostic fragments here are analytically distinctive in terms of their purity compared to the distinctively Pictish material. And these seem to be pieces of late Roman plate not yet melted down. So in this, in the mixture of Roman and indigenous material it's very, very similar to the Danish hordes which Kenneth was describing earlier. And I think this is an important part of this work is to see what's happening north of Hadrian's Wall in the wider context of what's happening beyond the Roman frontier. We don't need a specifically Scottish explanation for this. It ties into much wider patterns and policies. I shall finish with something of the story of what happened after the discovery and here I'm drawing very heavily in the work of my colleague George Dill Glees. Because there's a very interesting afterlife to the horde. The conservation work was more than the museum could handle and it was subcontracted to Brooklyn's son of George Street and Edinburgh Goldsmiths to the King as they proudly proclaim. And by a series of procedures that keep me awake at night when I think about them they reshaped our benton broken fragments into the vessels you can see today. Conservation techniques, restoration techniques we wouldn't dream of today although in a sense thank goodness they did it because it gives you a sense of the appearance of these things. Well Brooklyn's son also came to an agreement an arrangement with the museum over the afterlife of this material and they constructed a series of both reconstructions and restorations of these finds. Some very similar, some restored from fragments which they sold both as sets and as individuals and these became highly desirable in the Edinburgh social scene of the 20s and 30s. Wedding gifts for example they were regular and consultation of the records of the incorporation of goldsmiths suggests thousands of these vessels were being produced. Indeed you can still buy them today. There was one sold I think it was at Sotheby's about 10 years ago, one of the flatter platters although it was advertised as a haggis platter so I suspect they hadn't entirely understood its significance I suspect. Some of this material was modified for the taste of the 20s and 30s so here we see the dolphin handle spoon and above it it's been converted into a tea strainer so turned into a modern life if you like and a number of these things were converted for example into crouettes or salt and pepper sets so we're seeing this material living an afterlife the initial agreement was that Brooklyn's son would make these replicas and for the first 10 years they would give a proportion of the money to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland who had funded the excavation and there's a wonderful letter in her file some 20 years after the event saying can we stop paying the royalties now please so I think the society did rather well out of that. To conclude we're well aware that we are still in the foothills of our study although the first fruits of this have now been published as the president mentioned the seminar which looked at the wider issue of late Roman Silver was published by the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland in January of this year and we think this is very useful to set the scene and put the wider context for how this material is operating our next task of course is to bring the wider study and republication of the horde to a conclusion something we're still working on and we're very grateful to this society for a grant they provided last year towards illustration costs as a key element of what's still to be done but we hope that we've been able to present at least some of the new views and the new problems which are being thrown up by our teams who work on this great find and we hope this is stimulating some new questions into new ideas not only on this horde at the edge of the empire but issues which we feel are relevant to the interpretation of the wider late Roman world and its relationship to its neighbours thank you very much consultation over who we'll talk about I'll I suppose look initially at the question of the analysis of the material and the issue of its reuse and turn also to the issue of its burial and in the wider context the analysis which we've done has been twofold one was taking a sample of material and analysing it in the pixie facility underneath the Louvre and what this showed was a remarkable homogeneity among the material we sampled very consistent with other late Roman material that has been sampled we've followed that up with a degree of surface analysis which on the whole has backed up that information but we still have some work to do particularly in the personal ornaments to see how that compares to some of the plate in the horde but at the moment the results don't they look essentially like the other analysis of late Roman silver from sites like Hawkson for example or Kaiser August that contrasts to a degree with the results from the post Roman or late Roman iron age material and what our working hypothesis at the moment is that we see the initial reuse of Roman silver in some of this material things like the chains represented by very very high silver purities so there are some of the chains which are at about 95% silver purity which essentially is the purity of the late Roman plate 9598 you then see other of the chains show markedly lower silver levels but the picture is complicated because you can get variation within the one chain and we are at the moment trying to undertake some further work to get beyond the problems which surface analysis alone has which is that the material can often be other depleted or enhanced on the surface and see if we can use minimally destructive techniques to get a more reliable picture of the way the silver composition is varying but for the chains it's the purity of the silver in some examples it makes us argue for these being reused late Roman material that of course in the absence of other sources of silver at this time there's no evidence of Scotch's silver being exploited so far till the 12th century the Norrie's law material similarly shows this mix between high purity material that we would see as being Roman in some cases confirmed as Roman typologically and the Pictish material or the other material some of which is typologically Pictish so we're seeing if you like the dilution over the following century or two of the initial Roman material by other material coming in essentially stretching this material with copper or with bronze and so on the other main topic suppose from my area of expertise which a couple of the question I touched on was this issue of burial and it's really although this is one of only a handful of excavated silver hordes it was of course excavated a long time ago and that limits the amount of information we can get from the immediate context but the reading that I would have of the material is that it's buried inside this house context in this domestic sector the evidence is not, however, good enough to demonstrate whether it's buried settlement is in use whether that particular building is in use or whether it's abandoned neither can we absolutely confirm how long after the the treasure is brought together that it is buried there's no evidence of activity entrepreneurial after the sixth century so if you like a terminus antiquem would be the sixth century if you follow Ian Smith's argument that the treasure is buried in this house complex is then settlement over the top of that with these elongated buildings that would be pushing the burial of the horde perhaps closer to the latest dates of the material but because it's not a modern excavation we are always a little we're going to be a little bit hide bound in what we're able to do our hands are rather tied but it is buried in a domestic context now that does not of course mean it's necessarily a pragmatic deposit and the question of whether it's intended as a votive deposit is a very good one but a very difficult one to answer the other hacksilver horde we know from Scotland the Norrie's law horde to my mind is a votive deposit it's buried beside on the edge of an older monument in early Bronze Age burial cair overlooking the first and fourth and this seems to be a place again hallowed by memory which this significant deposit is placed in and we can find other parallels for important hord's placed in earlier significant sites with to pray and it's more difficult I would say it's the classic Scottish verdict of not proven I don't think we can say one way or the other because you could construct either a pragmatic or a votive interpretation for the horde it's tempting to construct a pragmatic one because you've got a point which I think we're in agreement on a point here by Martin Googiesberg one of our colleagues it's interesting what a large amount of decorated material is present in the horde and how little plain silver there is the plain silver is far easier to recycle it's not good gilding the yellow and things on it it may be they've used the material which is easiest to use first of all and what you're left with behind is almost some of the more difficult elements so maybe this could easily be the cache of a metal worker which is intending to come back to it at some point but it could also as easily to my mind be an offering of the metal worker when they leave the site or towards the end of the site's activity. I fear again we're not going to be able to answer that it would be easier if we had more examples to draw upon and if you look at the Danish evidence well look at the Irish evidence and both finds come from watery places from peat bogs classic votive locations if you like the Danish evidence is more complicated because a lot of that material again comes from settlement context and it's unclear why it's being buried so as I say not proven would be my my get out clause on that particular question I think I hope Rhys has answered or most if not all of the questions that Roger Land raised the problem if I heard him correctly of why there are quite a lot of siligwai in Britain in connection with Hacksilver but not in Denmark one reason I think is that the Danish hordes are at a different stage of their life cycle as we are becoming tempted to call it but it's later and that's and therefore in the Danish hordes you find pieces of native jewellery and so on the silver has already been converted and that may easily account for why there are fewer siligwai in those sorts it's not the case with every horde I think it's either Hurston or Potsimister perhaps it's Simistered which has something I believe like 2,000 coins in it so it's not true of every Danish horde that the number of siligwai are very small in number John Casey was quite chasing me about Magnus Maximus on the the way the way we have this historical mention in Roman Panageric of Magnus sorry it's a historical fact that we have a Panageric and and we have a statement in the Panageric that Magnus Maximus had and of course Magnus Maximus is a badie in that so of course his actions it could be understandable that his actions are that the motives for his actions are questioned nevertheless I'm not going to abandon it as a quotation because it's almost the only one we've got which actually describes the process of hacking and it is a perfectly reasonable interpretation I think of gloss on why silver plate might have been cut up