 I think one of the interesting examples to look at is council tax. So council tax, everyone agrees across the spectrum that it's a really, really badly designed tax. So the council tax that you paid today is based on what the value of your property was in 1991, not what it's valued today. And there's a reason why no political party or government has come out to update that. And that's because if you do that, it creates winners and losers overnight and the losers tend to scream more loudly than the winners. And this kind of captures really, I think some of the political difficulties in this whole area. Nonetheless, there are things that you can do. And I think that, you know, having a labor government under Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell, you know, bringing in a more radical approach to economic policy, if they're, I think they should be certainly setting out the ambition to take this on because if they're not going to do it, then who will? And on this issue about salience, you know, people don't like property taxes or things like that because unlike other taxes, which are kind of invisible, so VAT, you don't even know you pay it because it just comes off every transaction where it's council tax, you actually need to kind of like get your money and then pay a check. That's important point, but I think we ought to be looking at ways of reducing the salience of it. So particularly now with, you know, most taxations digital now of having tax come off your paycheck without having to go through that process. I think it's something that should be looked at to deal with these issues. Because although it seems kind of technical, it does make a different psychologically to the way that people look at these taxes. Another one, inheritance tax. I think it's only 7% of the population actually pay inheritance, oh, ever have to pay inheritance tax because of all the exemptions and it's only over a certain amount of wealth. But nonetheless, it's one of the most one of the most unpopular taxes among the population where you'd think it'd be quite popular because it's only taxing the rich people, but it's just the principle people say, oh, well, you know, I want to be able to pass on wealth to my kids. This is wealth that I've earned, even though if you've, you know, whether, even though it's mainly because you've just bought a house and it's gone up in value, people deem it as kind of like unjust and unfair. And I think that's part of a result of the story around wealth creation and distribution that we've been told after four decades in neoliberalism, which is that people are just entitled to this wealth and they've somehow earned it, even if in reality, of course, they haven't, they've kind of earned these massive wouldn't fall gains from simply owning land and property. Have you thought about how to message the lifetime gift tax? So I mean, you're gonna replace inheritance tax, right? So they can't call it a death tax anymore. Yeah. But you've said there's a powerful story that's been told about how wealth is created. But I mean, the more powerful story is about family, right? So it's about the idea that it's natural for parents to want to acquire something to pass on to their children and it's sort of, I think why it has such an emotional reaction is because it seems like the state intervening in the relationship between parent and child as much as sort of like the state intervening in property rights. I don't know how you think you're gonna message or how the labor party, if they were to take on this, this policy would message that, would message the importance and the necessity and the morality of a gift tax. Yeah, it's an interesting question. And I mean, I think partly it's gotta be around making it clear that most people won't be affected by this. So even under our proposals, you have 125,000 pounds worth of wealth of gifts that can be transferred within your lifetime that you pay zero tax on. So for most people, 125,000 pounds of wealth is somewhere that they'll probably never get to. So we're really only are talking about tapping into that vast pools of wealth that have been accumulated by a relatively small number of people. So you think over the class war line? Yeah, but I do, but I should caveat that heavily actually because one of the areas why this whole area of landed housing is so difficult for labor in particular, but just generally is that labor's narrative on the economy generally under Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell has been, for the many, not the few, saying actually on income tax or you know, only the top 5% of earners are gonna pay more or all the rest of it. The tricky thing is with this area is that in terms of the status quo, it's not just the top 5% of people who are doing well out of this. It's actually large parts of the population who are homeowners, so at the moment about 63%. And obviously when you live in a society where the majority of people own their home and you live in a democracy, that creates this kind of almost turning of the majority whereby politicians pander to homeowners also turn out to vote more than people who don't own the property at the expense of people who don't own property. And so it is very, very tricky because when we're talking about a system which rewards property ownership so much, you're actually talking about not just the elites here, but actually large parts of the population who you're kind of relying on to win a general election. So that's what makes this particularly tricky versus other areas, I think. And do you think you've in any way resolved that? Resolved that. That was the genius, right, of facture selling off the council housing and the idea of making a property owning democracy, which is that if you increase the number of property owners in a society, you increase the number of people who are invested in a speculative economy and the idea where your income comes from your assets because so many people have assets. So any attempt to rebalance the economy hits so many people that, well, anyone up to basically Corbyn and McDonnell have seen it as something that's completely untouchable beyond sort of like what was it, the mansion tax or the idea of getting, creaming off the very top of asset ownerships but not really challenging the productive model as it were. You want to take on home ownership as a key part of Britain's economic model without pissing off 63% of the population. Yeah. How do you, it's a challenge. Yes, huge challenge. And I mean, I think that's why you're right. I mean, that's just right to buy for me is like a huge inspiration in many senses because what the Tories always got, I think more than Labour even, is that the property relations of the domestic environment have a huge impact not just on housing provision but on fundamentally the kind of ideological outlook of the population and right to buy kind of shattered collective solidarity, socialist sentiment in communities and replace that with sense of individualism, private property, honored wealth, et cetera. And created this intentional system of giving people a stake in this system, which means that they're more likely to vote for the Tories. I do think now that that whole model, which by the way was also backed by Labour and still is to some extent, is now becoming untenable because it's starting to eat itself in the sense that we did see a huge increase in home ownership, dramatic increase in home ownership right up the way through into the late 1990s. But as a result of the policies that were introduced to promote home ownership, which we talk about in the report, hugely incentivizing home ownership versus renting, liberalization of the financial sector, all the rest of it, the result of that was a huge escalation in house prices versus the incomes. And we've reached now the point where house prices have become so detached from incomes that a whole generation is priced out and home ownership has now been falling dramatically since the early 2000s, mortgage home ownership has actually been falling since the late 1990s. And this is a pattern we see in other Anglo-Saxon economies who've followed the similar model places like Canada, Australia. And so we're at the point now where it's gone into reverse. And I think we will reach a tipping point. We've already reached it in London because I think it was just last year for the first time, renters overtook owners, which is a significant turning point, I think in the terms of political economy of this debate. And if you couple the disillusioned renters, people stuck in that with no prospect of home ownership combined with, I think, worried parents, for example, who see that there's something wrong here because the kids have the opportunities they do. I think there is a coalition that can be built across society that is willing to contemplate changes that perhaps 10 years ago, even before that, they wouldn't be willing to contemplate. And I think that's the task, really, is to build that coalition and to sell the arguments to the population in order to win these arguments in a general election.