 I'm Progenio Sanz, I'm the Dean of the College of Public Policy here at the University of Texas at San Antonio. And it is my pleasure to welcome you to the first, I hope of many, first Latino policy symposium. It is an honor to be convening this event with my colleagues Juan Flores and Roger Enriquez. I first came to UTSA about six years ago and very quickly I found, and Juan found me, we found each other. And I've been talking about trying to do something like this for some time and trying to bring together academics and also advocates and people that are working in a variety of non-profit organizations to deal with the issues that are facing Latino, Latinos. And also we brought in Roger Enriquez and he's really provided a lot of energy also and thoughts on making this possible. So Latinos are the future of Texas. As demographers have told us over and over again, as Latinos go so does Texas. And we know, and I'll be giving my presentation in a few minutes, showing the massive force of Latino demography on the state and on this country. Yet at the same time we know that there have been many, many challenges that we as a Latino community have faced ever since we've been here in the state of Texas. Issues related to poverty, issues related to work, issues related to policy and these are the issues that we will be touching on today. What I see in terms of UTSA and the College of Public Policy at the Center for Policy Studies that Roger Enriquez is the director of the Center for Policy Studies. We see this as UTSA representing a major Hispanic serving institution. And we have the obligation and also the resources to be able to push this agenda forward in terms of bringing us together as we are convening us this afternoon for the next day and a half. We have to talk about, to discuss, to debate, and to quote my good friend Juan Pirachigasos as well. He always likes to say that. To come up with an agenda, a strategy map of where we are now and where we want to go. I think it's very honored to be bringing together the researchers, the advocates, and people that are working with the Latino population and trying to better the conditions of Latinos and their families. If we don't do anything, we know that all the ingredients are already there. We know what the path is. We've been very familiar with that particular road. We're going to create a new generation of inequality, a new generation of being at the bottom of this state at the time when it is ripe for Latinos to provide the leadership and the direction for the state. That is what we want. We want the UTSA, the College of Public Policy, and the Policy Studies Center to create collaborations and partnerships across universities, across nonprofit organizations, across other institutions that you all belong to. We're very fortunate that people are coming from a wide variety of fields, for example, and interest areas that they have, because it is only in the development of this interaction that we can develop this plan. This is something that Juan and I, for the last six years, we've had this dream of being able, that there is not a place, for example, a college or a school of public policy throughout the United States that has the focus on building policy for bettering conditions of Latinos. And that there is not a university institution that is able to bring these diverse voices and get them engaged in the creation of public policy to better the conditions of Latinos. So with that, I welcome you again. I hope very much that you have a very productive stay here the next day and a half, and now I'll turn it over to Roger. Well, thank you very much and bienvenidos to UTSA, your university. This is your state university funded by the state of Texas, Hispanics are an institution, the largest, or one of the largest in the nation. So again, welcome. My name is, as I said, Roger Enriquez. I'm an associate professor. My appointment is in the Department of Criminal Justice, and I'm also the director of the Policy Studies Center, which I've been doing now for about three years. I did want to just sort of start off with some administrative stuff to begin with. You will note that there are a number of folks in sort of great polo shirts with the Policy Studies Center logo. If you run into any issues, questions about anything, those are the folks that you'll want to reach out to, and I want to take a little time to recognize them as they're still registering folks outside. But Carlos can testify to it later that I, in fact, thank both Margie Trevino, who I think many of you have already either met during the registration process or in cyberspace and our communications back and forth. Margie is really the heart of the center and has worked tirelessly to be able to put this on. All of you know that many of these events don't happen easily, and Margie Trevino has worked to do that. So if you run into her and all, say thanks, Margie, for all your work as well. I encourage you to do that. As well as Natalia Garcia, who I say Margie's the heart, and Natalia's the, because I'm not the branch, she's definitely the brain of the organization. And Natalia Garcia has been working with Juan very closely to actually put on the substantive materials and everything that you have here in front of you today. So those two folks have worked tirelessly along with Carlos Rodriguez, who's there in the back. Isabel Romero, who's also a student worker, a student assistant who will be here later this afternoon as well. And because we are principally a higher, an institution of higher education, the four scribes that will be embedded within each of the panels is also a student here at UTSA. And they will be working in a hands-on fashion with each of you over the next couple of days. You'll get to know Noelia, Villera, Celina, Rivera, Maria de la Luz, Marina de la Luz, and Alma Suniga in each of your respective panels. So again, thank you very much to them for all their hard work to actually put this on. I'd also, while Charlotte's not here right now, but the folks from now cast have agreed to record and make available later on the plenary sessions for this Latino policy symposium. So I also want to extend a thank you to them for making those resources available so that this can, we can disseminate this widely after our work here is complete. When Dean Sides and Juan Flores first approached us with the idea of a symposium, we immediately thought, yes, this is absolutely something that we want to be committed to and to try to bring to fruition. We already worked very hard to be a forum for public policy discussions and community engagement. And then we tried to disseminate that information through white papers or manuscripts. But this is something that is really very near and dear to us because as the Dean pointed out, if not UTSA, there's really not an institution better situated to do this other than UTSA. And while we can say that we're very committed to these things, I think it's important because we were seen from sort of a front row vantage point the policy decisions that were being made that were impacting Latino families. So for example, like in 2009 when President Obama increased the possibility for those eligible for CHIP to move from 250 to 300% of the poverty line, the state of Texas decided to, of course, keep it at 200%. And who does this really impact? Well, when we look at the data collected by the University of Florida, child health policy, 62% of CHIP kids on CHIP are Latinos. So on the face of it, this policy may seem neutral, but the impact is far from neutral because 62% of those enrolled in CHIP are in fact Latino. We see something very similar in K through 12 education. The Texas Tribune tells us that over the last 10 years or per pupil, the amount that the state provides on two per pupil is $339 less than it was 10 years ago. At exactly the point that Latino families need a strong, vibrant, healthy educational system because we constitute, according to TDA, 52% of the entire enrollments. So at the moment that Latinos need these institutions, this is exactly the moment that these things are being removed and systematic in a systematic way. So we could go on with all kinds of examples with respect to immigration, mass incarceration, community disinvestment, all sorts of things. And this is really the work. And we're not poleyatic here thinking that we're going to solve everything in the next 48 hours. But the reality is that those steps have to be taken. And again, speaking on behalf of the Policy Studies Center, we just feel honored and privileged to be able to help in whatever way that we can to, as the tagline says, find a path to power and prosperity. So thank you very much. Welcome to our beautiful campus. And if there's absolutely anything that you need, again, even if it's not related, just questions about anything, please feel free to consider us sort of your concierge for the next 48 hours. Thank you. If you're not brown, don't worry, okay? We're going to hurt you. You're part of our family. That's why you're invited. We appreciate it very much. I really want to first just say real quickly that in trying to govern some support, you know, for our sponsors to help underwrite the symposium. You know, the Colonial Program, Housing Program at Texas A&M, BP and T, formerly at the Leaf City Corps, Alasa Development Fund, Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. And when for us, we really appreciate you supporting the symposium. And it's not just about the funds that they're where we could give us. But quite candidly, I think the risk that they take in some ways. Because this kind of symposium is a little scary for some people. I mean, just be truthful, you know. We want to create revolution here with us. And, you know, we want to take over and have a little bit more modere, more power. That's scary. That's scary. And we don't disregard the need for gathering data. We're doing analysis to, you know, you know, doing those facts before folks so that we can get those policies that we need to happen. But at the same time, we know that without political power, things don't happen. So, yes, I do. With that said, I really want to say thank you for being here. We don't take for granted the time and commitment, particularly to our presenters as well. You know, we're doing this basically on a voluntary basis, just out of their own commitment, like each of us, to our community. So, it really extends that appreciation. You know, I really also want to recognize for a second that in the room, as Proheny mentioned, you know, we have folks here that combine together. We have several hundred years of experience, like, you know, employment and economic development in housing, you know, in service delivery and health and human services, in education, in organizing on the ground in communities, in civic engagement, and in civil rights, and the litigation that has come through it. So, that's what's in the room right now. That's who you represent. And it's a challenge. I really understand that over the next day and a half, what we can accomplish. The Symposium's foundation is the Latino family. La familia. That's the foundation of this symposium. Strong families reduce child development risk and expand opportunities into adulthood. Specifically, how strong were Texas Latino families when measured by the resource assets that include education levels, employment and income, home ownership, and good health? We probably all agree that a loving family is a strong family, regardless of income. But it doesn't pay the bills. Or build economic mobility, thereby limiting and expanding the opportunities for children's futures, as demonstrated by thousands of studies. You know firsthand the results and the outcomes from that. Another generation of low-income families who are impacted with greater incidents of less education, more incarceration, deep pregnancy, unstable home environments, poor health, and minimal civil education. Wouldn't it be nice to reach a point where all Latino children make it successfully into adulthood with a good education, a living wage or better, a nice home that builds assets and good health? Well, it's really great to hear about those Latino youth or those Latinos who have become adults, make it in spite of all the odds. You know, what is it going to take for all Latinos to make it successful? Not just those one in three, one in two, one in five? And we keep doing that from generation to generation. Something is wrong. It's our contention in this symposium that Texas public policymaking at the state and local level is a major contributor to the marginalization and generational continuance of low-income Latino families. Specifically, the history of Texas minimal human capital investment approaches to policymaking has led to unequal opportunities for many of our Texas citizens, particularly low-income and people of color. Latinos. For Latinos, the result is that today there are over half of Latino families that are low-income with political and policy economic mobility barriers in front of them. And one of two for 2.3 million of Latino children in those families are at risk of being another generation of low-income families. Extensive national and state reports have documented the negative impact from this state's policymaking approach. Inadequate and inequitable investments in education, child services, job training, health care, to name a few. Texas policymaking is entrenched in detrimental ideological values, political power, and state rights perspectives that are often masked, and I underscore this, often masked by messaging of individual responsibility, lower taxes, limited government. You're responsible for your success or failure. And frankly, that messaging is fairly effective. People buy it. We buy it. That's the one up to it sometimes. We don't want more taxes. We want smaller government. But they hide the structural problems that exist in our state. And you know they're there, such as inadequate and then equitable tax code, okay? That is regressive and perpetually, perpetually for decades leads to limited budget to meet basic state needs. Real safety net, let alone what we would call created human capital investment policies, okay? Combined with voter suppression, gerrymandering, and anti-immigrant policies, and you further keep families marginalized by reinforcing policy barriers to economic mobility opportunities. However, our state is assured by this way of making policy to continue to have a supply of cheap Latino labor. Okay? This has continued for decades. And as Eugenio has strictly mentioned, despite demographers, economists, the private business sector demonstrating how counterproductive this type of policy making is to the state's economic prosperity, I wish, you know, we can make the best of it. We can make it even better. Is any wonder that that's why Texas is in the top ten as the most incoming quality state in the country? This working symposium is asking us to take a step back from our daily focus efforts. And I, when I say that, trust me, I appreciate the reality that she was as if maintaining our funding, you know, doing our advocacy with limited resources. And yet, here we're asking you, it's sort of suspended for the next day and a half. What is it that we really want and it's going to take us time to do over the next five, ten years? And whether we like it or not, if you want to, for a second, look at what's going on right now nationally and what we know has existed in our state even before the current administration, we've had to deal with Texas. You know, just the reality, you know, that if you take the far, what we call the far right, ultra conservative, and the power that they have now, and the power that they're using to undermine and marginalize our families. Okay, they started 40 years ago, okay, and they built this powerhouse. So if you think it doesn't take time, it does. And I know it's difficult. How do we get ahead of the ball game? How do we stop reacting? I don't propose to understand the best way to do it. I just don't know that even in this room we've got to create a people. So I know it's a challenge by asking you to kind of step back and think creatively in a little bit long term from a variety of perspectives. And I'd like our focus in terms of stepping back and asking you to do that is to nonetheless utilize your experience toward a common goal. And that's to develop equitable, local and state public policies which contribute to economic mobility and wealth-building opportunities for Latino families. If we can create that wealth, it seems to me that's going to increase what we want to accomplish, including gaining power. The agenda that's structured, or at least our efforts through the agenda that we structured for this next day and a half, that includes the plenary presentations, the discussion papers, and facilitated panel discussions are directed to the supposing objectives. One, review the business life status of Latino families. Take a comprehensive look at it and then kind of piece it out and parcel it out and see what's there, from where we think and what kind of problems we think we've made. Identify the political power, policy culture, and structures that permeate and influence human capital investment policies. Assess the strength and weaknesses, and this is a tough one for us of Latino influence on public policy making. We're not starting from scratch, I know that, but we need to look critically at how we're using what resources we do have, both individually as organizations and together. Create a strategic Latino family policy group that reflects our values and policy priorities, our values and policy priorities, and include capacity building ideas and approaches to achieve them, targeting three crucial areas, local and statewide organizing efforts, across issues, policy development that includes data gathering, policy analysis, policy brief reports and metrics for measuring accomplishments, and communication strategies or methods for messaging our own messages that reflect our own values and our own policy priorities to multiple live audiences and allies. Those are the focus of our efforts, and I know it's a lot again, and challenging one ourselves, and I'm looking forward that we're going to have constructive critical discussions. We're not going to agree. I'd like to add that in this room there are Mexican-Americans, Chitanos, Hispanics and Latinos. We come on, and we come at things from different perspectives because of our experience, our engagement. There's a lot of diversity we want to take on the show. We both like those jokes. But really, the real issue is how do we fit those ideas and strategies into something long-term that we can work with. And it's not just in terms of any product that we produce. It's a product that's a working draft, a thing in progress that we take to another level, that we take to our friends, that we take to other organizations. But I am wanting to come back to one point. I am, at least from my perspective, and my argument is to take it from a family vision perspective. That's where children grow up. And with those children, because if we have resources to create more opportunities and decisions for our kids, whether that's daycare, the schools they go to, the sports they're involved in, et cetera, et cetera. That means that requires resources. That they have access to care and so on. They have a good home. That facilitates their success. So if we can grab onto that. So regardless if you're in housing, economic development, health and human services, if we can grasp onto that vision and that become a message, then I'm hopeful that we can do something really good. That said, we'd like to start with an overview of that in a bit of style that we kind of called setting the table presentations to begin out writing the common challenges that we all have. Thank you. Thank you very much, Juan. We will move forward with the first part of the sort of setting the table, which is looking at structural issues that underline the policy concerns that affect the strengthening of Latino families. So we'll begin with Dr. Rogelio Sainz, who is Dean of the College of Public Policy, who will address the Latino demography and socioeconomic standing. Thank you. So what we'll start off with now is looking at the realities, the demographic realities. And I talked about that demography that is working towards the empowerment of Latino, the potential empowerment of Latino. Latinos and also the socioeconomic realities. So these are kind of some of the opportunities and particularly pointing out some of the challenges that we have. Hopefully you can see a little bit. I'm going to be talking about the paradox of Texas, which I'll describe in a minute. And that is also the reality of the Texas political world, the historical and contemporary efforts that we have found to minimize Latino political power and socioeconomic resources. And then the paradox is the demographic overview of the Latino population that we see a lot of favorable signs of Latino population growth, but at the same time challenges towards Latino political representation. And then the other side of the paradox is socioeconomic standing of the Latino population. And in particular the Latin socioeconomic standing of Latinos nationally on many dimensions and indicators and finish up with policy challenges. So the paradox of Texas as it concerns Latinos is that on the one hand, Texas is a national leader in the demography of its Latino population. We're the second largest Latino population in the country behind California in terms of population growth. One year, five years, ten years, we're the leader in terms of the most population growth in the Latino population here in the state of Texas. On the other hand, Texas is below average and in many cases way below average with respect to socioeconomic standing of its Latino population on many, many measures. And I will make this part point available so you don't have to be joining everything real fast that will be available. The reality of the Texas political world, this is the reality in which we live in and we try to say, well, ya no importa tanto eso, but it is a part of the reality. The historical background that created and established Latinos as a proletariat population that was situated at the bottom. The loss of land and the making of the proletariat workforce. The historian has talked about the second class citizenship of Latinos here in the state of Texas. The violence, including lynching, that oftentimes is not taught and it is not taught in the state control system. The separate and unequal schools, the Mexican schools in the head and the disenfranchisement and poll tax of the Latino population. So all those early ingredients then to keep Latinos down. And then there was a particular period, the civil rights era, where we saw some temporary social, economic and political gains that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. As soon as the power structure realized ways that they could get around this and in this, they did. And we see the undoing the civil rights gains beginning with the Reagan administration and that have continued today. And now as the Latino population has grown, we have the contemporary Latino impending majority-minority era. That is a time when Latinos are the major part of the state of Texas and its future. And we've seen the systemic efforts to minimize Latino political power and their socioeconomic standings. So let's take a look at the demographic overview of the Latino population. And here these are the optimistic signs that we see. The growth that has taken place in a very short period of time between 1980 and 2015. Over 35 years, you can see in red the Latino population more than triply at that particular time from about 3 million to about 10.7 million. At the same time in yellow, you can see very, very slow growth of the white population. So this is kind of the demographic trends that we see in the state of Texas. With respect to the representation of the share of the Latino population, the Texas population that is Latino, we can see the growth that has taken place in red from about 1 out of every 5 Texans being Latino in 1980 to almost 2 out of every 5, 39% in 2015. At the same time, with the aging of the white population and the youthfulness of the Latino population, you see whites losing ground, demographic group ground, from being 2 thirds of the population, 66% down to 43%. It is only a matter of years that Latinos will become the demographic majority in the state of Texas. And this is due very much to the age-sex structure, the youthfulness of the Latino population and the aging of the white population. On the left is what demographers use, the age-sex pyramids, and you have along the vertical axis up and down, age groups represented from 0 to 4 all the way to 85 and older. And at the bottom, the percentage of the overall population in a particular group. So females, for example, in red, 0 to 4 represent about 4.3% of the overall Latino population. You can see a white base demonstrating the very useful nature of the Latino population. On the other side on the right, you have the white population, which is an aging population. No longer do you have the bars at the 4, over 4, you have bars that are just above 2%. So the aging white population. And this has major implications for the future of the demography of Texas. And this is the reality that we see that really impacts public policy making in the state of Texas. White and Latinos are two very different populations. In the case of an age 40 and older, the yellow is a white population that is a majority in those age groups. In red, that's where the Latino population is a majority. So at ages less than 40, you can see the power of the Latino population in red. If we see then, oftentimes we want to see, there's these demographic shifts that are taking place. The Democratic Party at the national level says the demographics will take care of that. We don't need to worry about that. But in reality, we have forgotten the white growth in Texas, which is what I call the forgotten part of the empowerment situation. And people say, well, look, it happened in California. California was a red state. And in a relatively short period of time it has become blue. Why doesn't that happen in Texas? And part of the reason is, and what we're going to do here is looking at the voting age population, citizen population. And we can see in the year 2000, there were about 60% of both populations in California and Texas. The citizen population of voting age were about 60% were white in California and Texas. But the similarities in there, in the period between 2000 and 2015, we can see in California the voting age white population decreased by about 120,000. In Texas, it increased by approximately one million. So you can see, and part of that, why we see Texas continuing being a red state versus California is these kind of patterns that we find. We can also find with the child population, for example, in California during this period 2000 to 2015, there were about 21 fourths less children, white children in the state of California. In Texas it was a reduction because of the aging of the white population in Texas, but only a 7% reduction. In migration, state, interstate migration is another one. In California, whites are moving out of California. Over that particular 15 year period, there was a net out migration. There were 745,000 more whites than left California than injured. In contrast, in the state of Texas, there were 418,000 more whites that moved into the state than moved out. So this is part of the challenge that we see in the question, why hasn't Texas become blue like California? And what we see is these 14 states, including California, are states where you have more deaths, white deaths, than you have white births. In California, this has been going on since about 1998, 1999. So this is a demographic reality. We've also depended very heavily on our numbers to continue to increase, but they have been slowing down. And not only slowing down, they've been slowing down significantly. We can see in the earlier points of time, in the 1990s, between 1990 and 2000, the Latino population was growing 5% each year. During the decade, 54% growth. Now in 2010 to 2015, it's about close to 3%, 2.6%. It is a very slow growth. At the same time, you've seen a slight increase in the growth of the white population. And we've also seen the further complications having to do with political barriers that Republicans have erected to minimize Latino and Latino political power. The direct measures of voter ID laws, the disingenuous drawing of redistricting maps, and indirect measures to slashing the public education funding. In the 2011 legislature, $5.4 billion at the time that Latino children were becoming the majority in schools. And we've seen the mass incarceration, which has taken away the vote of many people of color. But there is an opportunity, there is still an opportunity here. In the state of Texas in 2015, there were 3.5 million children less than 18 years of age, which signifies that every year 197,000 are turning age 18. And most of these 95, 96% were born in the United States, and they're eligible to vote. Every month, 16,400 turn 18, every day 541, and since I've been talking about 4.8 children have turned age 18. So this is an opportunity, an opportunity to engage these youngsters to register them and to vote. Now let's take a look at the socio-economic standing of the Latino population. And that data analysis for those of you looking at checking what the credentials are about study. This comes from the 2015 American Community Survey public use microdata sample. And it's taking Texas, for example, as a base and ranking it relative to other states. And one and I did a study about two years ago, and this is kind of an update on that. So that we look at rankings having to do one with the most favorable, where Latinos are the most favorable, say, education. 51 is the least favorable. And then we have measures here for children. The percent of children, 3 and 4-year-olds that are in preschool, the percentage of 14 to 17-year-olds that are still in high school or have already graduated from high school, that is they are not dropouts. The percent of children 0 to 17 with health insurance coverage and the percentage of children 0 to 17 above poverty line to put all in the favorable measure direction here. For the adult measures, the percent of householders that are homeowners, the percent of the population, 25 and older that have a bachelor's degree or higher, the number of STEM majors per 1,000 people in the labor force and the percentage of workers that are working full-time, the median household income and then health care coverage as well as being above poverty. These are the results here. These are for children here that have those four measures and they're the column that has Latino, there's a ranking. And you can see that Texas with respect to Latino children ranks 30th when it comes to the percentage of kids 3 and 4 that are in preschool. It ranks 32nd in the percentage of kids 14 to 17 that are still in school or high school graduates. It ranks 45th with respect to children having health care insurance and it ranks 28th when it comes to being above poverty. Overall with those four, the average is about 34. That means that 33 states overall tend to be doing better with respect to the socioeconomic status of their children. And we can see for the other two groups, major groups, whites and blacks, they also have challenges as well. But you can see that the rankings aren't as high as in case of Latino children. And in the case of whites, even though we're talking about 48th compared to other whites in terms of insurance, 94% have insurance compared to 87% for Latino children. We see similar results for the case of the adult population. For Latinos, one where we do find favorable if we compare Latinos here in the state of Texas to Latinos elsewhere is in percent householders for homeowners, 56% are homeowners. Only two other states do better, but look at the white population, 70% versus 58%. In bachelor's degree, we rank 37th. In STEM majors, 32nd, in full-time employment, Texas, everybody's working, right? 34th place even, but we still are not out of poverty. Medium household 20th and health insurance coverage 43rd and above poverty 21. Here, the average ranking for Latinos is 23 compared to 18.6 for white and 19.9 for blacks. So they did suggest that even though we're doing much worse than other Latinos throughout the country, we're also doing worse than the white population, significantly worse, and in some cases also worse than the African-American population. And some of the rankings that we see, because you see some of the differences between gender for Latinos, females rank a little bit worse than Latino males 25 to about 23, and then particularly foreign-born females, adults 29th is their ranking. So the policy challenge is that after going through this presentation, we can see the Latino growth of Latinos continues to be faster than that of whites, but still in contrast to California, the white growth is a formidable kind of growth that we've seen. And there has also been the slowing Latino population growth, so we can't rely only the demographics that's going to take care of us. And then the Texas Latino-Social Economic Standing, middle of the pact or worse nationally, here we tend to fare worse nationally relative to other racial and ethnic peers, as well as whites and blacks in the state of Texas. And the policy challenge is here, if we look at children and those four indicators, there is not one indicator that is positive. All of them are negative at a particular preschool enrollment, health insurance coverage, and poverty. If we highlight the case for Latino adults, the only positive one is nationally the way we compare to other Latinos with respect to home ownership, but it's negative if we compare to whites 70% versus 56%. And we also fare very badly when it comes to health insurance coverage, college education, STEM, and poverty. So you can see, again, the ingredients at the top in terms of where we are going with our children, if things don't change, it's going to be the recreation of that generational poverty that we see, the generational unemployment, the generational lack of health insurance, the generational lack of housing, and so forth. And to give you an idea how much we really are behind when it comes to STEM fields, for example, these are the number of STEM majors, these are individuals who are in the workforce, they majored in one of the STEM fields, and per 1,000 people in the labor force, you can see white males are at the top. For every 1,000 whites in the labor force, there are 123 that have a diploma that is a STEM field, black males followed by about 56, followed by white females, 48, and then we finally get to Latinos, Latino, foreign born, males 38, Latino native born, males 37, and we go down the line and we can see that females, Latina females are particularly way at the bottom in the case of Latinas 19 and 17 being the STEM rates. And with that, I'll go ahead and end it here.