 अमश्काल, नूस्क्लिक में आप लोंका एक बार फिर से स्वागत है, आप देख रहे हैं, अमारा बहुत ही फास कारेक्रम, इतिहास के पन्ने मेरी नजर से। किसी भी गुज्रे हुए पल की कलेक्टिव मेमरी नहीं होती है, हर अनसान या समुदाए, उस भीते पीरियर को अपने अनुबहवों के आदार पर याध रखता है. अप, कोविद 19 पन्टेमिक कोही लिजी है, एक तरीके से 2020 बैक्सीन मेकर्स के लिए सबसे ज्यादा चलंजिं, या फिर फल्ट अप नु पोस्टिबलिटीस अन एक सपन्च्छन था. वही दुस्रे तरणफ, हमारे देशके करोडों गरीमो के लिए, खास तोर से मैग्ग्रेंष के लिए, this year marks the biggest slide backwards. नु पीरिड़ के एप एप कलेक्टिब मेमरी, its memory shall always be variable. Different social groups and economic classes will always recall the same period differently. हिंदूस्तान में ये भिन्नता सिर्फ आर्ठिक दिस प्रोपोशन के बैसिस पर नही होती है. हमारे देश में, मैमरी अफ अस सच्टन पीरिड़, वेरीज अन the basis of caste and religious identity too. देखते ही देखते 21st century के तो पहले देखत्स कतम होगा है. हिंदूस्तान में 21st century का जिक्र, सब से पहली बार, public discourse में राजी वगान्दीने किया था. हिंदूस्तान में, लगभभग, 65% लोग, में 30 साल से कम आयुके है. तब मैज़ोरटी अप इंदियंस दस वर नोट बोन, इं 1985 विं राजी वगान्दी, first talked about the need to prepare India for the 21st century. उनका तेन्योर, 1989 में लोग सभाग के चुडाव के हार से कतम वो गया. परन्तु, तमाम करठ्षन स्कन्टल्स होने के बाव जुड, उस पीरेड में दिवस सम मेजर अचीवमेंस. ते कम्मुनिकेशन लेवेलूशन ये पहला अद्धयाय था, इसके चलते STD Boots का राष्ट्ये नेट्वोक बना. वेल टिक्तॉ का खम्पुटराटीशेशन और बोटिंके मिदीम्म एज को खटाग कर 21 से 18 की गए गगी. नेगेट्टिव्स भी बहुत थे, उनकी बात अगर हम करने लगें, तो शाएद पुरा प्रोग्राम ही उस पे निकल जाएगा. लेकिल इस वेरी इमपोटिन तु मेंशन, तेररिशम का फर्दर राइस और कंसोलिदेशन इस पीरेड में हुआ ता. जम्मु कश्मिर में भी तेररिशम का प्रोब्लिन, इसी पीरेड में शुरू फोतावा दिखाई देता है. तो 21 सेंचूरी दोंड और अंदिया इं दाखनस कोस्ट बाईद, आईजाख अप अईची 814 विज तुकोग फ्रों कात्मन्दृ. 20 सेंचूरी के आख्रे दिन भारत सरकान ले तेररिश्ट के सामने अपने गुटने टेख दिए थे. तो गबमें शुआप्त त्री ड्रेडिड तेरिश्ट under detention in indian prisons for grievousviest offenses for 160 passengers and members of the crew of the aircraft. ये प्यस्ला बहुत ही आईरोनिक था क्योंकी लेट 1980s onwards जब BJP उस समएं अपपोजिशन में होती ती वो अन्दिया को एक soft state के तोर पर कहता था और उस समए के सरकारों को उसकी responsibility दी जाती ती. पूलिटिकली ती हैजाकिं और गबमेंच दीशीशन कोंत्रिबुटेड इमेंस्ली ती इंक्रीज तेरिश्ट वायलेंस इंदिया. पिष्ले बी सालो में तेरिशम हमारे देश के पूलिटिकल नारेटिप का एक इंटिग्रल हिस्सा बन गया है. साथ ही इसके लिएक्षन में भीजे पीने अपने अईडलोजी और इलेक्टोरल इंप्लूएंस को बहुत बडाया है. उई दो राय नहीं है. पिष्ले डो डशको में हिंडूस्तान में हिंडुत्वा की पोपूलारिटी बडी है. हिंडू राश्त्र के अईडिया को पहले से ज्यादा लोग अप सबोट करते है. साथ ही हिंडूस्तान में इसी पीरेड में, मैनोरीटी का विषेशकर मुसल्मानो के पहिष्कात और उपीडन बड़गया है. बड़गया है. राइस अप पोपूलिस्त मेजोरी टेरियनिजम, प्रिगर्ट बाई इंक्रीज तेररिस्त वालेंस इंडिया कोईईचाईदि, with the emergence of global terrorism. आमरीका में सेप्टंबर 11-2001 के तेरर अटक्सने, international attitudes towards Islam and Muslims को बहुत हत्तक दिटरमें किया है. आमरीका में सेप्टंबर 11-2001 के तेरर अटक्सने, in the first decade of the 21st century, in the second decade of the 21st century, the dominant themes were the hollowing of democratic institutions and emergence of authoritarian populism in several parts of the world. Often, like in India, majoritarianism emerged as a reaction to terrorism. This gave rise to fears of the death of democracy, something that appears to be a possibility in practice if not formally declared. Although it is not an exact replica, but in the last two decades, the story of India is something similar. In Srinagar, in Jammu-Kashmir assembly, after a few weeks of attacks of 9-11, in October, there was an attack on terrorism. After two months and a few days, on 13th December 2001, there was an attack on the culture of terrorism. This incident gave rise to the symbolically India-Gantantra view. India and Pakistan returned to their old template of hostility. The first diplomats declared India's subcontinent as the most dangerous place in the world. In those backdrops, Vishwa Hindu Parishal and other affiliated organizations showed an appropriate window to revive the Ram Mandir Muddha. For Ram Mandir's approval, in Ayodhya, the work was announced by the Supreme Court's orders. On 6th December 1992, people started gathering there. One of the activists who were going abroad had come from Gujarat. These people were returning from Sabarmati Express to complete their FAILS program. On 27th February 2002, under the leadership of Godra Khan, Narendra Modi was elected as a Hindu-Hriday Samrat. If Godra Khan had not been elected, BJP would not have won again the assembly elections of 2003 in Gujarat. Narendra Modi was also a footnote of history. Unfortunately, this did not happen. Modi became a national figure but BJP lost in 2004. But the damage caused to the polity by the party which was in power under Atal Vihari Vajpayee for 6 years between 1998 and 2004 was not undone by the United Progressive Alliance led by the Congress, although it was in office for 10 years. Manmohan Singh Sarkar highly abused quota prevention of terrorist act 2002 to repeal. After some time, he did some amendments in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act of 1967. After these amendments, this law became as reconditioned as much as it was a quota. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called Naxalism the biggest threat to internal security as he should have been under this phenomenon. Finally, rural unrest in totally deprived areas is very important to understand. Whether it is terrorist, Al-Gawad or social violence, because it is always a promotion of inequality and identity-based politics. Hindustan, the majoritarian forces knew that it is very difficult to meet the entry right-wing. On the one hand, Lal Krishna Advani was shown the symptoms of secularism in Mohammad Ali Jinnah. On the other hand, Modi removed the image of his Hindu heart and wore the new face of Vikas Purush. After the victory of 2014, gradually democratic institutions were undermined and on the secular fabric of our country, one after the other, it became a trend. In the beginning, in the leadership of Modi, BJP will pursue constitutionalism. But the anti-conversion laws that have been brought to control the love jihad, they feel that we have to alter this presumption. Now it seems that the BJP is gradually leaving the pretense of constitutionalism. In India, the Manifold Rise 21st century of the authoritarian forces has been an important characteristic of the first two decades. But with this, global trends are reflected and the mass protests are also seen. In the Arab Spring and in many other countries in the world, the movements of pro-democracy have been going on. Inspired by them, in India, in 2011 and 2012, against corruption, there were protests. Only then it was demonstrated that the people had the power to demonstrate on their own. By the end of 2020, the farmers of India have raised their voices against the form laws. The farmers have demonstrated that the people still have the capacity to organize themselves outside the realm of mainstream political parties. In the future, what will happen is not possible. But the decline of India into majoritarian authoritarianism is largely being resisted. It is said about the world that from India to Africa people's protest helped define the two decades of the 21st century. America is a country where continuous democracy is more than 200 years old. It is a very important matter. The people there have made a popular decision in November. But still, in the presidential years of Donald Trump, the institutional decay and the change in the value system is still increasing. With the 21st century political macro-trends, in India, we have talked about similarities. But also, in some non-political issues, we have seen commonalities. The most important is the issue of soaring inequality accompanied by death and the neglect of working people. Modern capitalism has failed in the past two decades to provide support to the people except their bare necessities. And now, after COVID-19 there has been a very big question mark on whether even the basic necessities will be fulfilled by the Indian state or not. The political parties of India have increased disparity and have not given much of a challenge. It appeared that most large parties in India will complicit in concentrating wealth in the hands of a few. People's light may be on the borders of Delhi or may be in different countries in the world. This is a sign that protests show that realisation has deepened among people that neoliberal capitalist policies that governments all over the world are following will not enable them to realise their ambitions. I mean the people's ambitions. In every country mainstream politics of parliamentary processes are exploring the methods of this intervention. The story of the 21st century is one way bipolar. On the one hand dominant populists and majoritarian forces have consolidated their support. On the other hand people's resistance has become an emergency of politics. There is no doubt that the impact of COVID-19 will continue to our future. In India the strength of the majoritarian agenda in the past two decades is very big. But the people have tried to resist. The future of the nation shall be determined by the successes or the failures of people's movement to fuse economic policies with the political issues that have come in the last two decades. Namaskar.