 Dwi'n byw y ddigon i eich cyfrannu yno i fynd oedd y Dweudwyr. Gwylwyr eich ystyried Wrath Lord yn ymgyrch iawn, ond i'n meddwl i Llywodraeth Llywodraeth a Chyfrnodol. Er wir, yn awr, ymddangos o'r Llywodraeth Celfr. A rydych chi'n golygu'n bellwyr pitonau llyffect – ganwyd y Gaelic llyffect, yn leolodaf a Llywodraeth i Llywodraeth i Llywodraeth, ond doeddwn i'n golygu'n llyffectu eich petr yn ymmwysdodd. Felly, o'r cydnod, mae'r Cyfrannu Llywodraeth yng Nghymru yn ei fawr. Mae'r Cyfrannu Llywodraeth, gofyn, yn ei wneud, yn ddod y byddai Llywodraeth, yn ei wneud, ac yn ei wneud, a'r Cyfrannu Llywodraeth, yn yr eich Llywodraeth, ac yn hefyd i'r gweithio Llywodraeth, i'r llunio Llywodraeth, i'r llunio Llywodraeth. Felly,'r Llwyl Llywodraeth wedi'i ddweud ar y cyfrannu Llywodraeth. Mae'r cyfle o'r cymdeithas iawn yma ar y cyfnodd tisgwch ddechrau i'r Prifysgol i'ch gyfnodd y ffortnidig. Aelon wedi'i gweithio ar y cyfnodd cyfnodd yma ar yr eich cyllid yn gyfrifesiadau yw'r cyfnodd a'r troi'r cyffordd yn amloddad o'i cyffordd yma. Mae'r cydweithio a'r ffordd iawn a'r cyfnodd a'r cyffordd iawn a'r cyfnodd a'r cyffordd iawn i'r cyfnodd a'r cyfnodd a'r cyffordd iawn. respect, I believe, the strength and solidarity that exists in Irish society, and that's a lesson indeed for all of us. And your recovery has significant practical implications for us in Wales. Ireland is our second largest trading partner after the USA. In 2012, our exports to Ireland were worth more than double those to Germany, for example, which is our next largest market. Menonwch i'r llefion i'r bobl yn y byddwch yn ddim ulygu i gael ei fod yn rhwng'n mynd? Mhau'n addangos i fynd o'r cymryd ymgylch yn y plesio wrth gwrs. Mae gwybod ar rhedig ein bod gweithio pan yw'r hunan yn mynd i'r bwysig gweld ei fod yn gyfbydd ar helywyr y d forgiving. Ac mae'n ddynistai ar hyn y Llywodraeth yn y gyfrifol o Gweithgesol, ond y pethau ymddech chi fydd yn amgylched, mae'r llun gweithasol yn gweld ei fod yn gyfrifol ar y Llywodraeth. reproductive care is a strange state in the sense that there are very few states in the world where if you ask somebody what their nationality is, they will not give us their first answer the nationality of the state. If you ask most people in Wales what their nationality is, they will tell you they are Welsh. People in England will say they are English, Scotland, Scottish. For most people, they see no difficulty in holding a second dual identity that is of being British. Mae'n gynllunio'n fyw ym Mwng i'r wych yn ymgyrchio'n effeithio erbyn gyntaf o gyfalen. Yn ymgyrchu am gyfan o'r lland, ac mae hynny y tro mae'n ymdweud yn kotol, mae hi'n chwych i'r gweithio'n fwyaf am gyfanyddiaethau mewn gyfanydau eu cyfrannu. Mae hi'n gwneud hynny chi. Mae haf yn amlwg hefyd yn cynfor i'r llan o'r gorffom a'r opreson, ac mae hynny'n gweithio'n cael eu tylu oherwydd ni'n rwyf i'w ddweud. governing forces are supported by around about 10% to 15% of the population. But what we have noticed over the years is the demand for devolution and more of it has grown very, very strongly. If you look at opinion polls now, the percentage of the population who would do away with devolution is round about 10%. The percentage of the population who wanted to see substantial devolution, including for a course area is that the criminal justice system is well over half of the population in Wales in terms of the opinion polls. The point that I would make as far as Wales is concerned is that we are able to satisfy our national aspirations by being part of the UK. We can have our devolve government control over our domestic affairs, we are able to support our language, we are able to support our economy, our health service, our education. We can have our own football underwear team, the Catilans I Know Were Dye For yet enjoy the Fiscal and Monetary umbrella that the UK provides. Now, I can say with confidence that following the announcements a week or so ago, setting out the UK government's proposals for new and very significant fiscal devolution to Wales that we look forward to seeing further devolution in the future. Now those proposals are a response to the first report of the of the Commission on Devolution in Wales or the Silk Commission as it's known, not because of the dress sense of the members, but because the chairman wants to support silk. The recommendation of the commission offers us the prospect both of new tax powers and significantly borrowing powers that will enable us to make significant investment in our new infrastructure, particularly perhaps in our major roads. And those in this audience who travel to Wales via fish o'r hollu hyde ar hyn. Mae'n mynd i gael'r beth sydd o'i arwag y bydd y byddwyr a'r cyfliadau yn 2011, ydw'ch yn ddechrau'n ysgrifennu yma yn y Llyfrgellau Llyfrgellau. Mae'n rhoi i'r peth o'r rymlod yng nghymru, ydw i'r byd o'r Llyfrgellau Yng nghymru yn ysgrifennu yn ysgrifennu i amser yma yn ysgrifennu i'r byddwyr yn ddechrau'r byd. yn gweithio i meddwl eu lleol, ddechrau ei weld yn yn dod i gael gynyddiadau Llywodraeth, i gael a'r wyfan gweld yn ddweud yn ddylch. Ond yn cael bod yn y bwysigol wedi cychwyn ffordd. D появodd yn gondol i gael swydd ac yn gondol wedi'i ddechrau'i rhagoriaeth. Ond yn fy ng charity, y Gweithreit Gweithreit Gweithreit Gweithreit agoillum yn ei gael y ffr�io. Mae'rmpai allan gyda'u cyhoel a'r ysgrifennidau hyn yn cael eu cyhoel i'w amlwg. acferwyd o'r aileis yn y Wyrthredaidd yng Nghymru, yn cael sig i roi fod o'u tynnu am y ddefnyddio pethau wedi eu drefniddoedd yma. Felly mae'n ystod o y gwaith o'r cyfnod hynny o'r cyffredin y Cymru thrid gyda'r Cymraegニw yng Nghymru, ac mae'n cyflwysof yn reliabilityd sicrhau i fynd o ddiddordebyn yr Aelodau Llywodraethol â hynny yn efrinodd yng nghydfawr yng nghymru yn ymgylchedig ysgolol. mae gennym â'r Ysgrifet flaenau yma ar gyfer yr Ysgrifet flaenau Cymru, i gyd yn rhan fferwyrraeth ei lŷn yn ff scratch. Mae yma yn y cyffredin, mae'r gweithio yn dinsgytio'r Llyfrgell 2017. Y rhan ymlaen southeastiadau a syniadol â'r cysylltueth ym Ysgrifet flaenau syniadol i'r Cysylltu Scotlwn, yn y sgrifes cyfnogi arade i ymweld yma yn y Llyfrgell hyn. iawn i'w Gwylodraeth, ond mae'r Gwylodraeth efo'r gweithio, mae'r gweld cyfeirio'r gwaith y bydd y Gwylodraeth ar Scotland. Y castledau gyda'r gyflym yn ymgyrchol gyda'r dros ffedderol. Y Gwylodraeth efo'r gweld cyntaf o'r ffedderol a phreddwyd i'r ffedderol ac mae'r ddweud compliwn i ddim yn y dyfodol. Mae'r ddweud yng Nghymru yn yma, ac mae'n ei wneud i'r gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'n ddweud yng nghymoedd ffedderol yn y cyflodraeth. Felly, y cyfnod yw'r Alex Amond, yng nghymru yng Nghymru yw'r Llyfrgell, yn y Llyfrgell, yn ymgyrch i'r Llyfrgell yng Nghymru, yw'r Chwaisaidd Fhedrall yng Nghymru, oedd y Cwaisaidd yn ymgyrch i'r Llyfrgell yng Nghymru. Rwy'n credu y gweithio'r Llyfrgell ynghymru, ond mae'n cyfnod ynghyrch yn y Llyfrgell, yn ynghyrch i'r Union ynghylch, oherwydd ynghylch i'r UK. Mae'n rhan o'r cyd-dweud y system o'r hyn sy'n gweithio'r Llyfrgell ynghylch i'r Rhan o'r Cyfnod Rhaid Llyfrgell ynghylch i'r Llyfrgell ynghylch, ac yn ymgyrch i'r Llyfrgell ynghylch i'r Llyfrgell ynghylch yn ymgyrch. Mae'n cael ei chyfnod o'r cyfrifio'r Union, ond mae'n cael ei gweithio'r Llyfrgell ynghylch, ac yn tydd i'r Llyfrgell ynghylch sy'n ei fawr i'r Byd o'r newydd honno. Mae'di amser o'r cyfrifio'r Llyfrgell yn ymgyrch gyda'r Cyfrifio'r Union oherwydd y Llyfrgell ynghylch yn ymgyrch yn y Llyfrgell, ac yn ymgyrch yn Ymgyrch angen yr subscribing, ac mae'n ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn y Llyfrgell ynghylch i'r UK. Mae ymgyrch ond ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch, ond mae'n Siwyr ar разgrifennu ymgyrch, felly mae'r ddediadu rhain fyddfawr. Y cyfnod ymlaen, mae'r rai atlwyddon yw gwahan hynny yn ei fний o hynum oedd. Roedd y stater arllun hynny, yn fydig, mae'n gwahan o'r hyffordd a chi'n gwahan i'w fawr, ac mae'r fawr addysg iawn i'r fawr, i'r fawr addysg iawn i'r fawr addysg iawn o'i bwysig i'r fawr er mwynhau i Itwyddon, ichi moedd ychydig o'r rin America i Gwyrdd Gwyrdd Gwrdd Cafnol yn ysgol. Mae'n gwrdd, i wneud arnynno'r Llywodraeth Celfodol, og mae'n ei gael i gweithio i'r unig yr unig oherwydd. Yn y maneil y gweithio yng Nghymru, ond ei sefydlu a'r Gwyrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd Gwrdd i gael ei wneud i gael gael, ac here I'd want to make three points. As far as Wales is concerned, the devolution of powers is far from over. That is a process that will continue in the future. The Silk Commission is now examining the powers of the National Assembly and the Welsh Government has submitted evidence calling for a fundamental reworking of Welsh devolution. That evidence is supported by Welsh public opinion according to the opinion polls. am optimistig, that next spring the commission will come forward with a report proposing a significant extension of the assemblies and the Welsh government's powers. If that is so, that report will feed into the constitutional debate which will follow the outcome of the Scottish referendum. If the Scots vote to stay in the UK, consideration of new powers for Scotland will need to take place in parallel with the assessment of whatever new proposals the Silk Commission brings forward for Wales. Devolution of power is not just about Scotland. It involves all the constituent parts of the UK, including for that matter, England, which I'll return to in a moment. That takes me to my second point. I've argued for, and I repeat this argument here today, the need for devolution issues, including the status of England within the UK, to be addressed holistically. We need a UK-wide perspective rather than dealing on a bilateral basis with each of Wales and Scotland and indeed Northern Ireland. So I've called for the creation of a UK constitutional convention to address the territorial constitution of the UK, the governance of each of its parts, and their relationship to one another. We have a unique opportunity after the referendum to consider those fundamental questions, and it's one, of course, that we should seize. My third point is that the process should aim to secure a stable constitutional framework for the UK based on respects for the devolved legislatures as a permanent feature of our constitutional arrangements. There has to be a consistency in the way powers for the devolved bodies are conferred and defined in law, even if the actual powers might vary for each nation according to their particular circumstances. There should be a presumption in favour of devolution powers, should only remain at the centre if it's strictly necessary for them to do so. Indeed, if you look at the direct responsibilities that the UK government actually has across the whole of the UK, they're actually very small indeed. Defence, immigration, issues of dealing with security, very little else actually that's actually done by UK government across the whole of the UK in the same way. It tends to be dealing with external issues and internal security. Driver and vehicle licensing devolved in Northern Ireland. Social security devolved in Northern Ireland. Health devolved everywhere. Education devolved everywhere. In fact, the major tools of government are already in the hands of the devolved administrations. It's a question of formalising a process that is already in place. Despite that, of course, it is a big agenda. A particular problem is undoubtedly how is England to be governed in the new constitutional world. The problem arises because the particular form of devolution we've adopted in the UK reflects strongly held feelings of national identity in both Scotland and Wales. The logical consequence would be to recognise English identity in the UK's constitutional arrangements. But for most people, the creation of an English parliament alongside the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly would unbalance or imperil the union. It's not much of an issue in England. They don't see it as an issue at the moment. But the way forward might be some form of special recognition of English concerns at Westminster, perhaps alongside the creation of a reformed second chamber with weighted representation from each part of the UK, together with significant transfers of power away from Whitehall to the large city regions throughout England itself. Of course, looming behind all this is the question of the UK's relationship to Europe. I know it's a matter of considerable concern to Ireland facing theoretically the possibility of membership of the European Union without the UK as a member. That's not a situation Ireland will want or indeed should need to face. But for my present purposes, the nightmare scenario would be one in which the UK, based on strong Euroscepticism in England, votes to leave the EU, but in Wales and Scotland people vote to stay. That creates a real problem in terms of how we deal with that problem across the whole of the UK. There would be unpredictable constitutional implications for the future of the UK. It's a situation we must avoid. I signed here before you this afternoon as an unapologetic Eurofile. I do not agree with the insularity and nationalism that drives the debate in the UK on occasions in terms of its relationship with Europe. It is absolutely crucial for us in Wales that we continue to be members of the European Union. We have received £1.9 billion in the last tranche of European money through structural funds. The EU accepts more than 40% of our exports. We have companies based in Wales, large companies that I have no doubt would leave if the UK were to leave the EU and they would go closer to where their market actually is, namely the EU rather than the UK on its own. That is an argument that I believe all politicians in the UK need to start making rather than trying to run away from it and pretend it isn't happening. It is absolutely crucial that people in the UK understand the benefits of the UK's membership of the EU. It is particularly true in Wales where there is no question whatsoever on any form of counting that we benefit financially from our membership of the EU. So how do we conclude? Well in summary my answer to your question is, there is not much of a summary but I will try, yes the UK is changing and yes there are significant indeed possibly existential challenges ahead. Wales has to play its part, a very active part in the coming debates and I am sure we will as a committed member of the UK family of nations but in doing so we won't forget to look outwards to where committed to maintaining our close and friendly links with Ireland. Not just through marriage but also through our representative here Cheryl, Cheryl Dennis who is hosted in the UK Embassy in Dublin. I hope in due time that Ireland will be able to reopen its consulate in Cardiff, something that we very much appreciated. I know it was a victim of the economic crisis but it was immensely in Ireland's interest to have a full time consul in Cardiff. There is no doubt about that. The influence that the Irish government was able to have was very very strong. I understand the reasons why it happened but I do hope and I know there are some in the audience who have heard me say this before but I do hope that the time will come in the future when the Irish government can have permanent representation in our capital. Thank you for the kind invitation to speak here today. I hope that what I've said has cast some light on these complex in some ways worrying but fascinating issues.