 Welcome to the City's Talk, New East Side Directions in the Actuality and Linguistic History of Dr. Keigo Eil, co-sponsored by the Actuality Research Facility. I'm Junco Habu, Professor of the Department of Anthropology and a member of the Center for Japanese Studies and Actuality Research Facility. Thank you for coming on a Friday afternoon at 3pm. I'm very pleased to see that some guys have came to this talk. They have a privilege of introducing our speaker, Professor Gary Crawford of the Department of Anthropology of the University of Toronto. Professor Crawford is a professor at the University of Toronto, Mississauga campus. His archaeological research has taken him throughout the East and North America, China and Japan. His specialty is part of the botany and today, in the morning, we were able to meet with Professor Christine Hustle's lab, looked at her entire collection and talked to the students. So part of his identity is really part of the botanist, but at the same time his lab for Japanese and East Asian archaeology is very clear. And I did try to convince him to come to Berkeley and talk about his specialty. And I got a lot of blessings to talk about him, but I think we'll move on to the talk today. The topic is the Hokkaido Indigenous people in Hokkaido, the Ainu people. Some of you may know the study of Ainu people in Japan has this long history that some of the physical anthropologists were trying to connect the Ainu people directly to the prehistoric German people. While the connection is there to a certain extent, you also have to understand the history, the dynamic history of the Ainu people from Hokkaido German people to the Epidermon. And then you see very strong evidence of climate cultivation. And then throughout the medieval period to the Edo period, you see that they were players for really dynamic trade with China and North America. Those of you who are in Japanese studies may have learned that on the official side, Japan was closing its door to the rest of the world, but from Nagasaki and from the Okinawan route to only two countries, China and the Dutch. But in reality, the Hokkaido route are the best part of Chinese imported materials to Japan actually came through the northern route and through Hokkaido. And that trade network was established before the Edo period, kept functioning throughout the Edo period. And what we see ethnographically in the early Mayan period of Ainu and Santa Barbara after the long historic transformation of the history. And I think Professor Gary Crawford's talk really highlights the importance of plant cultivation in the earlier part of the Ainu people's tradition. And there are a lot of issues that change, understand and quickly change. And I'm very excited to learn about his most recent research. So please welcome Professor Gary Crawford. Thank you. Thanks very much for that kind introduction. And I also appreciate the invitation to speak to you all. It's great to explore some of these ideas because I hadn't been thinking about this for a long time. And I got an email from John Whitman, who I'm crediting as a co-author here, who is a linguist at Cornell. And fortunately, for me at least, his partner is actually a linguist at the University of Toronto. And he happens to spend a lot of time there. So we grabbed a coffee together and he expresses frustrations with what the traditional archaeologists were telling him about the archaeology of the North and its relationship to the Ainu and Ainu language because he had a perspective on Ainu historical linguistics that just didn't fit with the archaeology. We had about a one-hour conversation and everything just sort of fit. And so we've decided to work on a paper together and see where it'll go. So it's really fun trying to, you know, when this kind of synergy happens and you get to think about things that you've been thinking about for a long time, but they take a new life and it's kind of really refreshing. There's some other themes that are happening. For example, at the University of Toronto right now, we're very specifically working on a decolonized curriculum, a decolonized research agenda, and we're building very close relationships with Indigenous Canadians. And in a few weeks, we're opening a new building and it has an Indigenous name that honors a local Indigenous fellow and we have an Indigenous advisor on campus. We're really building these strong relationships and now when I go to Hokkaido and Hokkaido University, I start asking sort of pointed questions about these kinds of things. And there is a lot more attention, as you know, being paid to the Ainu and their role in Japanese society. But we need to keep the momentum going and hopefully develop it. And I think about where the archaeologists fit in this. And so that's kind of where I'm coming from this. So, I mean, Junko has already said that the Ainu have already, they've had a very kind of loosely informed impact on Japanese archaeology and what it means to be Japanese. And so I like to think sort of critically about how the Ainu fit into the history of Japan instead of kind of buying into long-held concepts of the Ainu, for example, as an isolated, authentic, primitive hunting and gathering society. Or even simply ignoring them is a huge issue. So, quite a number of us have been working on how this image came to be and particularly thinking about this colonization narrative. And I think that archaeology can have and ought to have a role in this whole reconsideration. And so we have these images. Sorry? Oh, yeah, why not? I mean, it's good for you. Yes. I have no problem because I'm not looking at the slides very much. So, I'm thinking about a decolonized agenda and how we address the Ainu and how they're conceptualized and treated. Really, it's interesting at this moment in Japan when the Ainu sort of finally been recognized by the Japanese government. And interestingly enough, too, that there's some irony here, too, in some ways that Hokkaido just celebrated its 150th anniversary, particularly of its naming, but also of the formal colonization period. And so, this last 150 years has really marked an intensified period of colonization. And so, I think we need to think about Ainu indigeneity and their origins and as well as engaging the Ainu in archeological practice in Hokkaido and elsewhere. So, and I keep reminding, when I speak to my audiences, I've actually only given this paper once before and a very brief version of it at the SAA's last spring. And so, I'm really developing it now. And I'd like to remind my audiences who are not involved in Japanese studies that these are not past people. I mean, the Ainus still live in Hokkaido and they are real people with individual identities who have different views on the meaning of indigeneity and what they want out of this. And Junko and I had a really interesting conversation about this this morning. So, you have the young people being brought up in a society that is quite complex for them. And you may be familiar with Kainosan here who was perhaps one of the main proponents of getting the Japanese, the getting the Ainu identity out in the open. And he became an activist and had a formal post with the Japanese government and so on. And he's also a scholar, obviously publishing an Ainu dictionary. And then you have in the middle an artist who is absolutely incredible. And on the right, you have Hatakeyama-san who is taking activism to a very personal level. And he is, he's really in his retirement, he's retired from being a whaler. And he describes how the Japanese authority sort of turned a blind eye to he and his crew who had quite a successful career whaling. And he gave it up because he started to feel very guilty about what he was doing. And he's getting older and he wouldn't advise his kids to take up whaling. But he has decided to just simply use civil disobedience to get attention to Ainu fishing rights. And in terms of wood carving, I just want to show you this. This is a piece that he has in the National Art Gallery in Canada, Kaizawa Toru. And Kaizawa-san, a wonderful guy, every time I go to Hokkaido I make sure I go up and see him and discuss what's going on in his life. And so the last year or so I've been visiting him. He's been struggling with this owl sculpture that now sits in, whoops, in Sapporo Station. And you can see it incorporates elements of this sculpture and this. And I'll leave it to you to try to read into what he's showing. But he's trying to build irony and humor into his sculpture. So he's not following a completely traditional perspective on dealing with identity. And I'm just trying to show you here that there is no one single way that even Ainu people think about their identity. But archaeology has kind of worked within a specific framework. And this foundation that Hanihara published in 1992 is a valuable model to look at. So just to show you briefly what's going on in his model, the Ainu would be these unilineal descendants of the Jomon. And that they would go through the Jomon, through the Epijomon. And that's kind of important because they'll be discussing the Epijomon shortly. And the Epijomon become the Ainu in his model. But this is based primarily on biological affinities. And his dual origins hypothesis is certainly provocative and got a lot of people thinking and testing ideas. But it didn't deal with culture particularly well. So this is the dual model with the Ainu and the modern Japanese here. And within this dual model were, say, the Ryukyu Islanders and the Okinawans who were lumped with the Ainu. And so the sense was that there was a migration into Japan and the peripheries, being Hokkaido and the Ryukyus, remained relatively indigenous. Just about everybody is trying to rethink the complexity here who's working there. So this is my version. The foundation diagram is still very helpful to me. It's very helpful. This is largely still informed from mitochondrial DNA, the DNA from a fairly large sample that Adachi and colleagues published in 2018. And so in addition to this Jomon component, it's still there. This model shows that there's a significant sort of female input, the mitochondrial DNA input from the Ohotsk people, which would be sort of the mainland northeast Asian genome. And there's been a question about how much of a role did these Ohotsk people play in the development of the Ainu. So you can see that there are a number of contributors to this. There's still a Jomon component and there is this modern Japanese component and there are other components as well without getting into too much detail. Just take a look at this plus one paper, 2018. On the language side, and so I'm going to cop out here. If you have any detailed questions about Ainu linguistics, I'll just say right to John Whitman and he can answer them. But I think I'm going to be able to give you a bit of a picture here. And so what troubled John when we had our initial conversation was that he came to me saying that with Hanehara's model, he was perplexed because linguistically, Ainu historical linguistics indicates that the language is relatively young, maybe no more than a thousand years old. And so the Ainu historical linguistics information says that it's not a surviving Jomon language. It appears to be a lingua franca, a contact language. And it's consistent with non-Jomon origins of Ainu culture. So I'm going to look at that a little bit more in detail as I go on. And one of the catalysts for rethinking this happened in the early 1980s. And I had just finished my PhD thesis, was in my first few years as a faculty member at the University of Toronto. And I was encouraging my colleagues to use flotation, collect plant remains from any archaeological site you can. And so at this point there was, I guess, a population boom at Hokkaido University. They needed to put in new buildings. And it turns out that the Hokkaido University campus is just a whole series of archaeological sites, Jomon right through to proto-historic and later. And they faculty sat down to create a plan for rescuing these sites. Should we not build on these sites? Should we build? They went ahead and built, but they set up a salvage archaeology center and developed an archaeology program on campus that still exists. So anytime anything is constructed on campus at Hokkaido University, they do archaeological work. And this particular case was a dormitory, student dormitory that was going to be constructed. And so this really odd footprint of the Sakushikotone Gawa site or Sakushikotone River site, Sakushikotone River is this creek, this river that flows right through the campus. And in order to build this dormitory they had to rescue this archaeological site because in this area you can actually walk through the woods and walk through the area and you can still see pit houses. They're still there, you can count them and in fact in one area of the site, the Ainu people today have set up a shrine for the ancestors and they consider this particularly important land for them. And that area is what we would call belonging to the Satsumon culture and more on that in a second. But so we started flotation there and Professor Yoshizaki was my mentor there and he was more or less, he was in charge of the project and he had a young man working for him named Matsuoka who I believe right now is president of a university in southern Japan somewhere. But Matsuoka took it under his wing to get this flotation done and I got a call a couple of months after this project started saying you're not going to believe what we found and I didn't quite believe them so as soon as the term was over, the semester was over, I got on a plane and went to Sapporo and this is what was awaiting me. These flotation samples blew me away. So this is just one sample of about 10 liters and in this sample are probably 10,000 seeds and these 10,000 seeds include mostly domesticated plants. And since the Satsumon are the direct ancestors of the Ainu, this raised some rather important questions. The other thing was the radiocarbon dates on them. We AMS stated some grains and they came out between 800 and 1,000 AD. So it's very clear this stuff isn't contaminated. This collection is massive. We've probably got a half a million seeds in this collection and we're still working on it. And the range of taxa here brought to light a whole new agricultural complex that we knew nothing about and this is a dry system of farming unlike the wet rice paddy field production. And there wasn't much in the literature about this, certainly nothing in the archeological literature about this type of farming. And it's just incredible. So virtually every dry crop that existed in East Asia at the time and certainly North Asia at the time shows up in Hokkaido. And I include a few things here as crops just because I think they deserve to be here, particularly ground cherry and a very tasty, very tasty plant related to the tomato. And we only find it really in these agricultural contexts. So they've got everything from perilla, flax, wheat, beans, hemp even, barley. There's safflower, which is kind of curious. Millets, three types of millet. There's rice. We only get about 20 rice grains at the site, which doesn't speak to them necessarily growing it in the area, and I doubt that they were, although there is at least one site in Hokkaido not far from Sapporo where they have hundreds and hundreds of grains of rice. So at first blush, OK, this is all introduced. So are they trading this in? What kind of a plant exploitation pattern have they got? Well, there is a tremendous range of local plants. So these people clearly understood the local plant systems. So these people knew these plants. This is just a smattering of the main ones, most of which are mentioned in Ainu ethnobotanies. And these grasses tend to be the weeds of fields. So these are a telltale sign that cultivation was taking place quite locally. And then there are even aquatic plants. Pondweed shows up. And there's another. This is curious because one of this species is thought by botanists to be an introduced plant to Japan, if not Hokkaido. So was it part of the agricultural complex? There's another one I wanted to look at here. A black nightshade is critical. Well, anyway, we can move on. And there's a whole, here it is here. So there are many kind of arboreal species that these people were exploiting too, including, colloquially speaking, this is wild kiwi, the actinidia, matatabi, that kind of thing. An elderberry grows all over campus, as does actinidia. Not much raspberry, but we do get it archaeologically. Lots of this. And we have to try to go back and look out and see whether it's a lacquer tree or closely related species. Nuts aren't that common here. We do get them, but it doesn't seem to be a huge interest of theirs. Crowberry is kind of intriguing. Because it's usually a high elevation plant, or out in sort of the coastal regions of Hokkaido. So are they going out and bringing it back, or have they transplanted this crop into the Sapporo area? Diverse, diverse set of plants that, if you take the wild plants that they're using, it looks like just about any other assemblage in the Jomon or Epijomon, that kind of thing. But it's the other crops that they're using. Getting these phone calls. To put this in some perspective then, this discovery, although it seems like simple, OK, we found an agricultural complex. Let's just work on the crops and move on. Well, the implications are what interests me as well. So if we take a look at this, we see the Jomon here, ending earlier in southwestern Japan. Time passing, and the Yayoi moves north. And then we see the final Jomon throughout Hokkaido and northern Tohoku. And then we're familiar with the fact that the Jomon meets its demise, ultimately, with the, and I'm speaking culturally now, with the Yayoi beginning. And I've tried to find some colors to try to tune in how much of what's coming in. But we get the Tohoku Yayoi developing in the north. And here we see a kind of a cultivation taking place. We see probably some migrants interacting with the local people. But the Tohoku Yayoi has a very specific character that looks in many ways still very Jomon. And then subsequently, and I don't believe in coincidences. So when we see pottery styles change, we see some adjustments in subsistence. At the same time, we see the Tohoku Yayoi developing. That led to some conversations over drinks about whether this continuing Jomon, the Epijomon, is really a Hokkaido Yayoi. I mean, what is it? But the absence of rice meant to archaeologists you can't possibly call it Yayoi. But clearly, these people were communicating. And there was something going on getting this development into the Epijomon. And so the kinds of things we see, pottery styles changing dramatically. But there's even more happening that I'll look at in a second. And keep in mind that this is the group that Hanihara's dual model said were the ancestors of the Ainu. And this is where a little bit of data could be a dangerous thing, this plant data. So there's a lot of interaction here. And then we see further developments. Of course, everybody knows these periods, the Kofun. And the Kofun has influenced up in Tohoku as well. And these folks are interacting with them as well. And then the Nara period comes along. And interestingly enough, there's something happens in Tohoku that may be the ancestral satsumon. And this is where a lot of research needs to be done. Are we dealing with wajin? Are we dealing with what here? And I just threw this up as satsumon for a reason that I'll show you in a second. And that's when we see the satsumon develop in Hokkaido. And develop is perhaps the wrong word. What we see is a sudden appearance of the satsumon in Hokkaido. There's no development from epijomon into the satsumon. The epijomons are fades out. And then, boom, you've got the satsumon in place. And then the Heian period is interacting with the satsumon as well. And the pottery becomes very, very similar to haji pottery from the South. So in fact, for a while, our team started calling the satsumon pottery ezo haji pottery. But that fell into disuse. And it's still simply called the satsumon pottery. So that's kind of the historical narrative and still a lot of interaction going on. And the Ohotsukis here, I'm not ignoring them. But I'm not focusing on them either. So that's part of it. OK, so then the other part of the model we know is that throughout mainland Japan, the yoi developed. And the jomon faded as a result of hybridization, acculturation, and continuation. And Mizoguchi in 2013 had a wonderful article on this. So I just refer you to him. And this kind of was facilitated by existing networks. It's not like there was no connection north and south before this. But these networks of perhaps trade and exchange and communication had existed throughout the jomon period. They shifted and moved and so forth. But what the evidence seems to show is as the yoi yoi is moving up, goods are moving north and south as well. And my colleague at Hokudai has a paper where he discusses certain goods coming down the Japan seacoast and certain goods going down the Pacific coast and back and forth in those routes. And so there's some complexities going on here. And we see these connections between the epijomon and the yoi yoi in material culture. So for example, this is Kohoku, this is epijomon pottery. It's quite distinct from the jomon, the preceding jomon. And maybe calling it jomon as a mistake. But I think when you look at the biological data and so forth, there's still a lot of cord marking and so forth. You might just as well. This is yoi yoi pottery traded into Hokkaido. So this is from the Sapporo station site. There are glass beads that show up on these sites. And there is a boundary in this area. So the main distribution of epijomon tends to stop through here with more of the yoi yoi here. And you get tradeware showing up here from the yoi yoi as well. And so what do these epijomon sites look like? Well, this is one in not too far from, I guess it's in any way, I think, the Kyutoya Hirakahan site. And there are the dates up there. And you can see there are still pit houses, these very jomon-like pit houses. But it's also riddled with a vast array of post holes. And one idea that folks discuss there is that about five kilometers away is a fish trap site, Aibetsubuto. And there is some thought that they were bringing the salmon back here to dry in process and that we may be seeing the footings for racks, for drying fish and so forth. And the fish exploitation is something that changes in the epijomon as well. And I have a slide to show you about that in a second. And then another crucial point in the epijomon is evidenced by a couple of cave sites in the yoi chi area. And these are pretty much the only two cave sites in Japan with rock art. And it seems like a very important, I don't want to use the word ritual center, but I would say spiritually important location. And this is Fugope Cave and discovered by some students many, many years ago. Beautiful museum there today. If you ever get a chance, I highly recommend that you go and see it. And the radiocarbon dates, but one of them is I point out here about 2,000 years ago. And the walls are just covered in symbols, just covered in symbols. And here you see an individual that's likely a human and a bird together. And people discuss the fact that perhaps they had dances that mimicked the cranes dance and so forth. But I just point that out to you because, well, when you think about this, what is going on in terms of ritual, why is it that this incredibly important spiritual site shows up at this point when there's communication between the Yayoi and the Jomon up here in Hokkaido. And when can speculate, there's really no good explanation other than, I mean, I wonder at times, and this is just complete speculation, whether these folks are trying to find meaning and spiritual guidance at a time when things are changing. People are being exposed to forces from outside Hokkaido. They're trying to interpret what's going on. But this is not just only an Epijomon site. So they have artifacts here from the far north. So people seem to be making a pilgrimage from very distant places to this locale to leave offerings. And it's just, I think this is open to study. And I wish there could be more work done on this site. But for the most part, I mean, the work at other Jomon sites is intriguing. And so we do have those pit communities like their final Jomon ancestors. But especially during the second half of the Epijomon, there seems to be a greater mobility develop. And we just don't find sites with pit houses much anymore. And instead, what you find are burials. You find these charred lenses mixed in between the burials. So people seem to be attending these cemeteries, spending time living and eating there with their deceased relatives, and then moving on. And so here we see evidence of sort of death and evidence of mobility and temporary occupation. And in order to find evidence of activity areas and possible houses, this is a site in the northern quarter of Sapporo where the archaeologists have mapped charcoal and mapped other debris. And they do find these hot spots that they suggest may very well be dwellings. But that's how evident they are. They require a great deal of careful looking to see what's going on. So something is happening here. And the other thing about the Epijomon, and well, no, their architectural skills weren't this well-developed. But this is not the Epijomon site. This is the location of a rather huge Epijomon set of occupations spanning hundreds of years, covering a great area of land. So when the new Sapporo railway station was built, they had to go in and excavate this massive Epijomon site. And I was fortunately doing research there at the time and was able to do much of the archibitannical work on this site, which was really, really a godsend. And all of these taxa show up in the earlier Jomon occupations. They show up in the Satsimon sites as well. So you have lots of acorns. We get, interesting enough, these Amer cork tree berries are showing up. And you can identify them from the seeds in the interior. There's the sumac lacquer tree slash other kind of woody plants here. There's some evidence of herbaceous plants, but not as many as what we find in the earlier and later periods. The Japanese knot weed is there. The leak is here. So we do find the bulbs of these leaks. Some grasses are showing up, but not as prominently as we see in others. Oh, by the way, occasionally we find the odd barley grain or rice. And sometimes with the rice, we find this weed, this co-evolved weed with the rice. So it hints that somewhere in Hokkaido they were growing rice, but it's quite possible it was being just simply being traded in from the Yayoi cousins to the south. In terms of fish, just here, all I want you to do is look at this and this and the length of the blue lines. Jomon, a whole variety of Jomon sites. So Takase sensei has put all this data together. This is the Epijomon, the Zoku Jomon. And what you see is far more emphasis on fish by the time you get to the Epijomon. You do have Jomon sites with huge quantities of fish, but it depends on the site and what the particulars of that site are. And there is a greater emphasis on sort of getting into the interior with salmon. Whereas prior to that, there was not a lot of interest in salmon. Fish was quite a diverse selection of fish, marine fish, and so forth. But by the Epijomon, they're getting into salmon, particularly in the interior, but on the coastal areas, they were going after other fish, for example. They were going after flat fish in many cases. And that was very specific technology that's required. And Takase, this is salmon. From the Sapporo station site, it's just huge, huge quantities of this stuff. And they obviously very interested in it. On the plants, again, I'm telling you that the range of taxa is similar to what other people in Hokkaido were using through time. And I just wanna show you that if you quantify it all, there's some real distinctions. So you get these low-level types of other, low-level appearances of certain types of plants. Grape is primarily a later Epijomon one, not sure why. And in the earlier, this Japanese knotweed they're going after. And again, it's very specific. It's not so much that I'm worried about which plants they were using, but one of the things that happens with the plants is they're focusing on very specific plants. And in the nut area, between the very beginning of the Epijomon and the very end of it, they're harvesting lots of walnut. But in between, they're interested in chestnut. So for me, the big distinction is you're not seeing a trend. You're not seeing some walnut and then lots of walnut or it seems to be boom or bust. We're going to the site and we're going after salmon. We're going after the site. In this period, we're going after deer. When they're after deer, the deer bones are incredibly fragmentary. So they're breaking them up and getting all kinds of small pieces. They're just really, really exploiting these deer. And what it says to me is that they're kind of opportunistic here. They're going after the nuts that are available that year or that particular time they're visiting the site. Whether this is anthropogenic, whether they planted this stuff, whether they're growing chestnut is something I don't have a clue about. But the main point here is that the Epijomon subsistence is really, really different than the preceding Jomon and the subsequent Satsumon. And then if we, the small seeds are there include some of the things like kiwi, grape and elderberry. So then you go to the south and we see what's going on with the Yayoi. So the Yayoi in Tohoku we're experimenting with rice. There are a couple of sites with rice patties and they're quite extensive. But what seems to have happened is that it failed. It either failed because of climate or something else, although Takase's research and his PhD thesis and so forth suggests that in fact, there was a huge, there may have been a, there was a tsunami. There was a massive event along the coast which had a huge impact on people and led to the demise, a crash of the Yayoi and a breakup of the systems. But he also finds that in the Yayoi, there's an upland system where people are living sort of a Jomon style of life and a lowland style where they're growing rice. So there's some diversity of subsistence regimes going on here. So their decline may have been because of this earthquake and a tsunami with some surviving populations. And they know this because of occupational levels covered with sediment. And then in this period, we start getting in the proto-historic period where there is some documentation over what's going on. And so this is an area that's controlled by this group, this mysterious group called the Amishi. And I think it's quite likely that we're talking about this sort of mixed group of people who ultimately may have been the ancestors of the Satsumon and perhaps the, and likely the Ainu. So they were, successive regimes were obviously trying to control this area and they were intensifying as time goes on. And there was pacification going on and there are varying degrees of biological affinities between Jomon, Japanese colonists and so forth. So it's a complex thing. What about the farming? Is there farming up here after the, after Yayoi? Yes. So this is where you find more dry crops than anything. You do find rice, but you do start to see barley and foxtail millet, Japanese millet, soybean, azuki, and so forth. And you can then see Heian crops, very similar. And then, and for example, one of the earliest radiocarbon dates for the Satsumon is from this site that I helped excavate with a team. And we have a date of between 680 and 780 AD here. I like to get a more accurate high resolution date from this site because it's turning out to be probably pretty important. So what about the Satsumon relationships? So here, here's sort of the culmination of this complex historical trajectory. And in this whole period, the role of the Epijomon seems to be pretty minimal. So here's some Satsumon pottery in situ, a Satsumon house that is very much in the style of houses to the south and the general distribution of the Satsumon. So earlier Satsumon dates tend to be in southwestern Hokkaido, and as time passes, there's almost an abandonment of this area in favor of them moving to the north, which may help explain some of the connections with the Ohosk people. But why that happened is another issue. So this is what the pottery looks like. This is one example of these kinds of pots. And they stop using cord marking. This is a very distinctive type of pottery, nothing at all like the Epijomon. And at sort of the beginning of the Satsumon period, we find, and throughout the Satsumon period, we find iron. And some of the iron manufacturing was going on in Hokkaido. There is Sueki, this pottery coming in from the south. And Ebetzu is this, I'm standing in the midst of about 21 tombs. They look like Kofun tombs, but this is not the Kofun period. So these, and so there's lots of speculation over what this means. And there's one tomb just like this on the Hokkaido University campus. Who these people are, the grave goods were very much from the south. So these are people who came into Hokkaido from the south and may represent this complexity of things that were going on up here. And then we move to the Ainu period. So ultimately in the Satsumon period, we're seeing a mixed economy. I don't wanna give you the impression that they've turned away from hunting, gathering, fishing. No, they've layered on agriculture and they continue to hunt and fish and gather. So in the Ainu, I mean this fits with what we know about the Ainu in proto-historic periods too. And so this continued and in the 13th century AD we find evidence of agriculture and really what's happening here with the Ainu period is we're just, people stop making pottery and they start using more and more goods from the south. They're moving to a large scale utilization of metal and they've turned to larger, as you can see in this photograph, surface architecture. So they're not digging semi-subterranean houses, they're making these large rectangular houses that are built with their floors on the ground surface. And agriculture continued to be practiced. So some folks still try to say, well, how do we reconcile what we learn in early in our anthropology classes that the Ainu are a classic example of temperate forest hunters and gatherers? Well, I'm afraid that that's based on some misconceptions, potentially some misinformation, if I can be polite and diplomatic by the Japanese authorities to sort of make it a little easier to repress the indigenous peoples of Hokkaido, but that's a whole other story. But so these are Ainu fields covered by ash and these Ainu fields date to roughly the, I think the 14th and 15th, no, the 13th and 14th centuries AD and they're covered by 17th century volcanic ash. And we also have, so this is the fish trap, fish weir, recovered at the Sakushiko Tonningawa site, which is a Satsumon site, but they have a 15th century date on this fish trap, which means that the Sakushiko Tonningawa locality continued to be used by their descendants, the Ainu. So what about language now? Let's get into what John Whitman is thinking about. So he points out that the linguistic, lexical, statistic and Bayesian evidence date Proto Ainu to approximately 700 to 900 AD. Hmm, surprisingly late date in comparison to the dates for the inception of the Jomon and if the Ainu were a language or a language family that reflected the antiquity of a Jomon language, we'd expect it to show far greater internal diversity. So these are some points that John makes that even as early as 1960, Hattori and Chiri arrived at a date of around 900 AD for the appearance of the Ainu language based on their investigation of about 19 Ainu varieties or dialects spoken in both Hokkaido and Sakhalin. The problems with lexical statistics or glottic chronology related to the assumption of a fixed rate of lexical replacement and we know that fairly well, but the vocabulary retention rates in the Ainu data collected by Hattori and Chiri show clearly higher rates of retention than the Japanese and Ryukyuan data analyzed by Hattori some years earlier in 54. Hattori figured that a date of about 1500 to 1800 years ago fit for Ryukyuan language. Leon Hasegawa obtained some data in 2013 through a Bayesian analysis of Hattori and Chiri's data, so they went back and looked at the data and they arrived at a date of around AD 650 for Proto Ainu. And so the point here is that loan words are not sporadic and must be from the parent language and some of the loans appear to predate the eighth century AD. So from a linguistic standpoint, the dates for Proto Ainu correlate better with the inception of Satsumon than with the Epijomon. Another paradox involving the locus of the Ainu language is that as early as Chamberlain's work in 1887, we've been aware that place names, Ainu place names have a wide distribution in Honshu and so many times people are interested in the Ainu like to remind me about this Ainu place name issue. And by some accounts, these goes far west as Kyushu and the great time depth of Jomon settlement leads to expectations that there were many Jomon languages. It's not plausible that the entire Jomon population from Hokkaido to Kyushu spoke a single language such as Proto Ainu. So an explanation for the distribution of these Ainu toponyms that also accounts for the extensive Japanic influence seen in Proto Ainu is that Ainu developed as a contact language, spoken as a second language by diverse Jomon and some Yayoi populations. This is similar to the Cree language in Canada, a language that became a lingua franca by, used by native groups and Europeans and so forth and developed the varieties that such as Ojikri. So if we, so the linguistics, and this is where the conversation between John, Whitman and me got really interesting is that we saw a very direct correlation between what we see in the archaeological record and linguistics. And so if we look at this just to wrap up the 1992 model of this unilineal development leading to a duality of Japanese origins is not surprisingly far more complex. And the language issues seem to fit nicely with the archaeological record. Now there is a bit of an interesting argument that might come up and that is that a few years ago there was a publication I think it was in plus one that indicated that the Ohotsk language had a significant role to play in the development of the Ainu language. And from my conversation with John Whitman that our argument is not, I mean it's consistent with that too. There is a place for the Ohotsk language in this newer model and I certainly can't explain it but it certainly can be kept in this model. But this complex picture is probably a more accurate one that describes how the Ainu developed and what the various contributors are to both their biology and culture. So I'll leave it there for now. There you go. Thank you very much. Good timing. Kelly, you're all right on time. I know you said direct language questions. You represent others, but the BP dates. Sorry, yes. It's pre-1950, when is the P at BP? No, it would be 1950. Okay, so it is set up like a radiocarbonating? Absolutely, absolutely. Absolutely. Yep, yep. But calibrated too. Yeah, I'm trying to, what was I trying to, what was I trying to do with the purple? I can't tell you right now. In the version? Yes. Probably for pre-1950. Well, we need to, yeah, we need to talk about that. Well, many, many haplotypes, for example is what you're saying. Right, and hard to show that here, exactly. And there's so much work to be done on this. I have no idea. In Adachi, I think you'd have to go to Adachi's paper, and of course they simply point out that they've got a limited sample. And there are other haplotypes that they would like to explore to see if they're getting it in the say the Hokkaido samples, for example, for sure. So a lot to happen. And of course the other issue that I keep asking people in Hokkaido about is where is the Satsumon DNA? And there is none, because the burial, Satsumon burials are so poorly preserved that they're not getting anything from them. And it's a frustrating absence from the database. Is continuity, the process from data? Right. As our hypothesis, what I would say though, is that I think what I would love to see is someone to really go in and sort of tease out what's going on with the epijomon and how the epijomon play into this whole model. Because I'm not, do you know if anyone's thinking much about this? I haven't made any connection with scholars who may be. You know that to a certain extent. Right. So I'm sure you've heard. Yeah, we've talked. We've talked with a whole team of friends and a bunch of people about the proto-ine cultures that have been established to what extent of what it lands and to what extent of how it lands. Right. Yep, yep. The birds came in, the deer and the salmon, you know, shifting and then more seeds. And it seemed to me by the way that you were laying it out that each of those tears tended to be related to a site that you could date to closer to Jomon or further away from Jomon. Is that correct? Yeah, yeah. And then one was kind of in the middle. Yeah, it's as if you start right. Yeah, there's climate data. The thing about these plants is they have huge ranges. So these plants aren't particularly sensitive to these kinds of changes. Chestnut's an interesting problem because it's not supposed to even be native to Hokkaido but it shows up pretty early there. And so it's there. And we find it in the archeological record in the late Jomon and even earlier and it's there. But most of these, no, they're quite happy under quite a range of climatic variation. They are. And many of those are quite anthropogenic so they do respond well to long-term human impact or management. So one of the points we're trying to make with the Epigermon stuff is that this anthropogenesis and plant management seems to be declining, which means that they're probably using specific locales not as regularly. So they're somehow places are losing their specific draw for family lineages and so forth. Although say for K-135, it was used from the beginning of the Epigermon right to the end. So it had a draw but the evidence is against them having lived there continuously. So you'll have flood deposits that separate the early Zoku Jomon from the later Zoku Jomon. So it's really nice. So these deposits are quite deep. You'll get an Epigermon layer here, flood Epigermon layer here, a flood and more Epigermon. So you're able to really tease the different sub periods out. So we have to publish all that stuff. We're still working on that. I'm wondering what would be driving people, if you say there's not slightly to be things that certainly were out of make, what would be some of the factors driving people? It's opportunism and I think we need to look at some ecological variables. So for example in the nuts, what we do know about nut trees is they don't produce a huge mast every year. It may be three, four, five years. So it's when they go back to their place, it's not that walnut is there, but oh, there's lots of chestnut this year, so we're going to exploit that. So it's opportunistic, I think, is what I'm driving at. It's more opportunistic. The big question is why have they shifted from the final Jomon patterns to this more opportunistic, mobile, scattered existence? If I was working anywhere else, say for example, Eastern North America, the first thing that would come to my mind is epidemiology. When you have cultures in contact from disparate places, you bring diseases, but we don't have any evidence for that. We don't know, but it's a hypothesis. Could it be some other cultural disruption that is pushing population to decline and people, maybe people are moving out and there is a smaller population staying behind. But these are questions that I wish people would work on. I'd love to get a PhD student, find somebody in Hokkaido who might really be interested in tackling this issue. We've got the facts, but we don't even know what the questions are. We're getting it trying to define the questions right now, but we need some people to tackle them. I need another lifetime. One of the things that came up to me is people tend to lump walnuts and chestnuts together in nuts. But when I talk to farmers in Hokkaido, walnuts, they're really, really tasty, the best foods that they can think of. Chestnut is part of the staple food. It's starchy food. Walnut is something like only when you have a very particular ceremonial occasion. So I think part of the question, maybe that when chestnut comes in, starchy staple food versus what kind of other millet was there, and I think walnuts may fall into a separate category in terms of their foods. There's so many options that we have to consider, for sure. There's a little bit of acorn here, too. Acorn, you know, that old bayonet in Cuba, how far does the history go back? I'm hoping Emma, a PhD student of mine, might be able to address that through starch grain analysis. But anyway, I actually don't know. We don't get sort of macro evidence for it. So we'd have to look for other kinds of evidence for it and see, but Uba Yuri is this wonderful plant that the Ainu made into these sort of disc-like cakes to a fantastic starch source, and this responds to disturbance very nicely. So you can walk over the Hokkaido University campus and you see this stuff everywhere. You go to the Kyusu Earthworks in the fall and it's covered in Uba Yuri, and you wonder, you sort of wonder if these are relic populations from way, way back, from plantings and so forth. You just don't know. So much to work on. Well, part of the, so Adachi's paper says about 30% is a hotsk, for example. And no, there is some data, they do suggest this breakdown. And I'd have to go back to the paper to see exactly what they're looking at, but they sort of divide it into sort of a, I don't want to represent their paper incorrectly, so I'll just stop there. Yeah, yep. It is. How does that match with the Takase paper in which salmon or fish, presumably salmon, was increasing too much? Flotation data fits it beautifully. For example, the nice thing about K-135 is that a lot of those fish bones came out of the flotation samples, the heavy fractions. So we have the plants from it and the salmon from it and it fits nicely. But you'll get a layer, as I recall at K-135, you'll get a layer where there's mostly deer and then another layer where it's mostly salmon. There's also spatial separations too. So it's not just at one particular period, you have a lot of chestnut. It's within a 10 by 10 meter area. It's all chestnuts. So you know, in that area, they were processing and discarding the chestnut. Over here, they were processing and discarding the walnut too. So it's all spatially delineated too. I'm not sure about the salmon, but I've got to go back and spend some time with Takase sensei and we can write all this stuff up. Well, for what you show us, that's not necessary. Depends on the period, the site. I think this is a problem when you start averaging things together and throwing everything together. What I find interesting is I like examining the diversity and through time and space. Yes, hi. I really can't answer that question. I don't know how to answer that question. I mean, though, huts were intrusive, certainly, and then as they learn more about their place and time, they must have adjusted. But there are, one also hears, like what you hear often is the ohuts were hunting and gathering people, but they had pigs and barley and so they're not strictly hunters and gatherers. They had this very specific regime, which is unique. It's not like the Satsumon and it's not like the Epidromon and this is something they brought in from mainland Northeast Asia. So I did some work on flotation from the Ohask period, but in my particular case, my samples weren't particularly enlightening, unfortunately, and subsequently people did better work, but just, sorry, I can't answer that question properly. Not a great deal. One of the things when you look at the Satsumon culture, essentially what you have is the pots. You get almost no stone tools. So what they're using is perishable and some iron. And I would have to go back to see what the Epidromon technology is all about, but it strikes me that it's more like the later Jomon stuff, the final and all of that, but I can't speak authoritatively on that, but I think we need to do, in terms of food ways and so forth, this is where residue analysis needs to come in and see what they're actually cooking in these pots and so on, but there's so much to do, so much to do, it's incredible. And in the Fugope Cave, there's a wonderful example of a, there's a deer scapula laid on the floor with a broken Epidromon pottery rim sitting in the scapula, and it's laid on the floor. And it's, what is, what does that mean? Was there something in that pot and so forth? So. No questions, but there's a conversation over there. Sure. My pleasure, thank you. Thank you.