 Chapter XII of Hellenic history. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by Emanuella. Hellenic history by George William Botsford, the age of the war heroes. First, political and economic. 479, 461. A retrospect of the war. For an appreciation of the Persian war and of its effect on subsequent history, let us first inquire what was at stake in the conflict. What would have resulted had Persia won the battles of Salamis and Platea? The war would by no means have ended, for there were Greek communities that would have shed their last drop of blood in the fight for freedom. Of that fact, Thermofile gave evidence. But what if in the end Persia had conquered? A costly undertaking it would have been to hold penitial hellas in subjection. The linear tribute, the heavy debit column of the Hellenic satrap, might soon have expelled the conqueror. However, that may be, the permanent occupation of Greece would doubtless have been a calamity to civilization. Although Greeks and Persians were alike of Indo-European speech, there could have been no considerable Russian element common to the two peoples. Protoz the influence of environment, the Persians were becoming essentially Oriental. Originally a fresh viral race of mountaineers, they rapidly submitted to the culture of the Tigris-Eufrates valley. It was a question therefore whether the Hellenists should be brought more or less directly under Babylonian influence. The half century of Oriental domination over Ionia has been offered as evidence that Hellenism prospered under such conditions. In answer it may be said that 50 years are but a brief season in the life of a people and that in truth the cultural glory of Asiatic Hellas has largely passed away before the Battle of Plataea. The fact remains unshaken that in Hellas the existence of city-states, free in government and unhampered in their mutual friendships and brave of race was essential to any considerable cultural progress. Shall Orientas or Greeks dominate Europe? While grating that battles are but a part perhaps the memory superficial manifestation of a larger conflicts of minds and of economic, social and political forces we must maintain that the struggle in its broadest, deepest sense involved the question whether Orientas or Greeks should dominate the civilization of Europe. Whether that continent was to partial and independent development or become a mere appenage of Asia. The result, all decisive and infinitely more far-reaching than the contemporary Hellenist dreamed of signified that it laid their hands to determine for the future the cultural progress of the world. Religious effects of the war. The first conscious effect of the unexpected of a woman's success was religious, the punishment of the invaders for their sacrilege. The awaited them disasters deepest death requiring insolence and godless pride. For these, to hell as coming, did not fear to tear down the statues, burn the fangs of gods. Alters had vanished, harled in ruin heaps. Gods temples from the basements are upheaved. Therefore, do these ill-dojers suffer seals? Not less, and some are yet to come, not yet. The drags of war are wretched, the cup brim stills, so you just louder, oozing swath shall load, plateas soil, ripet veredorian spare. Religious effects on earth, literature and thought. The success of a few helliness over that vastly superior force could have but one explanation. The might of God is above theirs, and often in the midst of ills it raises up the helpless, even when clouds of perplexing distress hang over his eyes. These waiver of religious devotion checkered for a time the growth of Shepticism, and with the spurs of war gratefully erected to the gods richer and more beautiful temples than Hellas had known before, and adorned them with the sacred sculptures. In literature the same spirit found no less worthy expression in Eskilus, whose dramas lived Hellenic religion to a loftier and holier plain, and in eroditus, who records the great events of the Persian wars with the profoundly religious oath. Effects on government. The conflict left an effect, too, on government. As freedom had won, it was inevitable that she should grow and thrive for her success. In West and East, tyrannies and oligarchies gave way to democracy, and democratic constitutions took on more popular forms. Victory brought her spell also on Hellenic interstate politics. It was a noble thought. Born of the Battle of Platea, that Hellas should form a grand everlasting federation at peace with herself and exercising her weapons against non-but foreigners. But the common thought was too badly beaten and Hellenic particularism was too strong for the dream to come true. The consciousness of Russia unity grew. Interstate politics, developing beyond its narrow cantonal beginnings, became world politics. The Hellenists took their place as the dominant power in the Mediterranean basin. But after a time, the feuds and rivalries hashit by the great peril, broke out afresh and while stimulating cultural activity, gradually sepet the strength of the nation. Heroization of the victors One of the most opjive effects of the war was the heroism of the victors. What were the deeds of Achaeans around the Troy that were compared with the prowess of Marathon and Salamis and Platea were a few patriots relying on the gods and their own valer had tramped on the strength of the mightiest of empires. They were the gods who fell at Thermopylae where, as their epitaph informed the visitor, theirs was a fair, famous lot with death, their tomb a shrine. Instead of tears was a remembrance of their deeds in place of lamentation, glory. Demigods, too, were those who survived in proud consciousness of their own strength to work out a nobler destiny for their race. As time elapsed, the memory of their achievements brightened the entire conflict radiated a superhuman glory, a patriot of the fourth century brought. Methinks, the war must have been contrived by some god in admiration for their bravery, that men of such quality might not remain obscure or end their lives in humble state, but might be deemed worthy of the same rewards as the sons of heaven whom we call demigods. For even their bodies, the deity rendered up to the ungilding laws of nature but immortalized the memory of their valor. The future of the Hellenic League. The immediate problem confronting Greece had to do with the Hellenic Federation format for the defense against Persia. It was to continue, but under what government and organization, naturally the Spartans expected to retain the leadership, for theirs was the strongest military power in Hellas. To their command, a majority of the Hellis had long been accustomed, and although in the recent war the initiative and the enthusiasm came from Athens, the Peloponnesian League, Spartans creation, had format the backbone of the Spartans to the invader. These circumstances determined that at least for the immediate future, Lacedemon should remain at the head of the League. The condition of Lacedemon. For a long time, however, changes had been taking place in that state which were rendering the Spartans unfit for this great function. The area of their country was considerably larger and the population greater than that of any other Greek state. Two-thirds of the people, however, were serfs who, far from rendering appreciable service in war, were so ill-willed as constantly to men as the general safety. The Perieci were still loyal, but dependent on their own hands for a livelihood they could give little time to military training and could serve only in limited numbers, while their inferior status inevitably rendered them less willing for duty. Whereas the number of Helots and Perieci probably remained unimpaired that of the Spartans steadily shrank. Economic and political decline. Under the crushing economic restraints described in an earlier chapter, many men were so impoverished as to forfeit their civic rights together with their place in the army. Sooner or later, therefore, the Spartans were destined to lose their military preponderance. Equally fatal to the stability of their leadership continued the decline in culture and intelligence, while many of their allies were already vastly superior in these respects and were still rapidly progressing. The question as to the fortification of Athens. It was mainly with a view to centralizing the Lecidimonian power that the Air Force requested the Athenians after the return of the population from exile not to rebuild their wars, but to join rather with the Spartans in raising the fortifications of all Hellenic cities outside Peloponesus. Should the Persians again invade Greece, they argued the Isthmian Rampart would be the best possible defense. Had Athens and the other extra Peloponesian cities thus become dependencies of Sparta, the political unification of Hellas might at this early time have been realized, yet at a tremendous cost to civilization. The crisis was met by the Wiley Themistocles. While the Athenians were rebuilding their war in the manner described below, they went as envoy to Sparta, where, by a succession of adultjous falsehoods he delayed the action of the Air Force until the substantial completion of the defense. Thus, his promptness snatched the most vital interest of his city even from the hazard of debate in the Hellenic council. The question of protecting the Asiatic Greeks. In another question, only second in its consequences which preced for settlement on the moral of the victory ethnically was the liberation of the Asiatic Greeks from the yoke of Persia. Having failed in their own effort, they now rested the hopes of independence and the mighty federation of the European kin. Spokesmen of the Ionians coming to the Hellenic headquarters at Samos in 1979 plejde for admission into the league for rescue and protection from Persia. For the maintenance of their freedom after it should be won, a permanent fleet in the AGM and perhaps strong garrisons for the cities would be required and the Lacedemonians lack at both the means and the will for carrying such a burden. They propose therefore to expel from their homes the European Greeks who had medized and to transplant the Asiatic Hellenes to the lands thus vacated. To the latter fork a migration would have been an unsupportable hardship and some tipus and his colleagues, the commanders of Athenian force would not listen to the proposal. These Greeks are our colonists. We protested in substance and we stand ready to give them the desired protection. The Lacedemonians gladly shifted the burden to the shoulders of the Athenians whose commanders the Rupon entered into close relations of friendship and aliens with the deputies of their unions. This was the small beginning of a union which afterwards developed into the Dalian Confederacy. The transfer of the naval leadership from Lacedemon to Athens, 478. Still clinging to the naval leadership Lacedemon in the following year sent out a fleet of 50 triremes under the regent Pausanias. 30 of these ships were Athenian commanded by Aristides and other generals and the maritime allies added their squadrons. After a partial conquest of Cyprus, Pausanias sailed to the Hellespont and played a siege to Byzantium then occupied by a Persian garrison. The fall of the city reopened the strajt to the importation of grain from the Pontus. During the siege Pausanias arrogantly treated the allies as inferior to the Spartans subjecting them to severe punishments and driving them with whips. Meanwhile the courtesy and gentleness of Aristides and his colleagues won their affection till finally they revolted against the tyrant and placed themselves under Athenian leadership. Pausanias was recalled and eventually the Lacedemonians gave the naval command to Athens early in 477. They saw no advantage to themselves in continuing the war with Persia nor had they a commander whom they could trust abroad. They felt, too, that Athens was competent to the task and friendly to themselves so that while she performed for them favorable but necessary function they would remain in fact leaders of Hellas. Fitness of the Athenians for leadership It was an enterprise which the Athenians were eagerly awaiting. They had been the soul of the Hellenic war of freedom. Their success had given them self-confidence and ambition. With the sluggish conservatism of Peloponnese they now displayed a bold radicalism and a marvelous adaptability to new conditions. Although their territory was far smaller than that of Sparta, the creation of a great fleet had given scope to the naval service of the poorest class and had rendered the whole made population of military age available for war. Their navy, too, was at hand ready for the very object which now presented itself. Organization of the Delian Confederacy 477 As the representative of Athens Aristades arranged a treaty of offensive and defensive alias with the Mauritian Greeks. Casting masses of iron into the sea they swore to remain faithful to their obligations till this metal should rise and float on the surface. The Alice, on their part, agreed to render the money contributions and perform the required services while the Athenians swore to maintain and impaired the constitutions of individual communities. The independence of a Greek state existed essentially in one, the right to live under whatever government it pleased. Two, the right to enter into relations of war, peace and alias with others. A congress of deputies from Alice was to meet under Athenian presidency at the century of the Delian Apollo to deliberate on the welfare of the League. As the seat of an unfictione still in existence Delos was to be the center of the new political union while the temple of the god was to serve as a repository of the confederate funds. The new union, however, was patterned not so much after the unfictione as after the Peloponnesian League. In one respect it marked the great advance upon the letter institution whereas the Peloponnesians, depending mainly upon land forces had little need of a common treasury, the confederacy of Delos required a permanent fleet which necessitated a system of regular taxation. This new element made possible a centralization of power and a consequent efficiency wholly unknown to the Peloponnesian League. The tribute. Our status was commissioned to a portion, the burden. Evidently had first calculated that a fleet of 200 Trurimis would have to be maintained during the seven months of naval campaigning from March to October. As the Criova Trurimi numbered about 200 and the pay at this time was evidently two obos a day the total cost of maintaining the armament would be is likely exceed 460 talents. Necesarily some campaigns would be longer but on the other hand the entire force of 200 ships would rarely be required. Shorter and lesser campaigns would leave a balance that could be applied to the building and repair of ships. Our status accordingly set the entire cost of maintaining the fleet at 460 talents which he apportioned among the ellis according to their several capabilities. The larger states as Athens, Lesbos, Kios, Samos, Nexus and Thaos were to better share by furnishing ships with their crews. The smaller states in general finding it inconvenient and the Criova Trurimi were permitted to pay money instead. All, however were equally free and were represented in the Delian Congress. The trezherers as well as the presidents of the Congress and the chief admirers of the Navy were Athenians. The work of assessment required great labor and travel and still more patience, and tact. It was accomplished to the satisfaction of all. For, as the ancients celebrated the age of Kronos the Athenians allies held in memory the taxation of Aristades. It seems to have been this achievement which earned for him the title of the just. Expansion of the Confederacy 479 468 The work of expanding the Confederacy fell chiefly to Simon. Son of Milciades under his command it progressed steadily through successive years. After expelling the Persians from their remaining positions on the coasts of the Aegean Sea in 468 he sailed with 200 ships of war along the Carian-Elysian seaboard brimning the coast people both Greeks and foreigners into the Confederacy. At the mouth of the Elrimedon he met and defeated a great Phoenician fleet. Then, landing he rooted a Persian army and seized its camp. Enormous spoils were the reward of victory and the hope of regaining lost ground maintained to this time now vanished. Decently the Athenians were acknowledged masters of the Aegean Sea. Fortification of Athens 479 Meanwhile, great changes were taking place at Athens. On the return from exile toward the end of 4079 the Athenians had found their wars demolished and the city in ruins. Their first care as explained above was the rebuilding of the fortifications on which the independence rested. The advice of the Spartans to desist they set it not and applied themselves men, women and children but feverishast to the work. Foundations are made up of all sorts of stones in some places unbrought and laid just as each worker brought them. There were many columns too taken from tombs and many old stones already cut inserted in the work. The structure was about 6.5 feet in width and perhaps 16 feet high strengthened at intervals with towers. It was a modest defense yet sufficient against crude siege engines of those times. The entire circuit of little less than 4 miles included a larger space than had, Hedato been enclosed. The form remained a wheel with the acropolis for a hub. Thinking that this high would still be used as a citadel the mistokles began the improvement of its defenses. In this work he applied the mable drums of the projected Athena temple to increase in the height and steepness of a part of the northern rim. These fortifications were due to his initiative and cleverness supported by the patriotic energy of all the citizens. Their leader had incurred the deadly hatred of Sparta but the freedom of their city was now secure. Homes of gods and men the Athenians had as yet no resources for rebuilding their temples. For the present temporary dwellings for the gods had to suffice while their own homes were mostly small root cabins of sun-dried bricks erected on the old sides along the narrow crooked unpaid lanes which served as streets. In appearance this city was that of a numerous but impoverished population showing little evidence of the vitality, the artistic taste or the versatile resourcefulness which were soon to place Athens in the forefront of Hellenic politics and civilization. The building and fortification of Piraeus 478. No sooner had the Athenians resumed their daily life in their new built homes than the Mistocles persuaded them to undertake a still greater work at Piraeus. Nothing there any more than Athens had survived the Persian devastation. First of all, dockyards had to be provided for the enormous fleet. These, too, were only provisional. The walls, on the other hand, for the protection of the new city soon to grow up about the Piraeus harbors were to be massive and enduring. An account of the work is given by Tuchidis. The Mistocles also persuaded the Athenians to finish Piraeus of which he had made a beginning in his year of office as Arcon. The situation of the place which had three natural heavens was excellent and now that the Athenians had become sailors he thought that a good arbor would greatly contribute to the extension of their power. For he first dared to say that they must make the sea their domain and he lost no time in laying the foundations of their empire. By his advice they built the wall of such a width the two wagons carrying the stones could meet and pass on the top. This width may still be traced at Piraeus inside there was no rubble or mortar but the whole wall was made up of large stones which were clamped on the outer face with iron and lead. The height was not more than half what he had originally intended he had hoped by the very dimensions of the wall to paralyze the designs of an enemy and he thought that a handful of the least efficient citizens would suffice for its defense while the rest might mend the fleet. His mind was turned in this direction from observing that the Persians had met with fewer obstacles by sea than by land. Piraeus appeared to him to be of more real consequence than the upper city. He was fond of telling the Athenians that if they were hard-pressed they should go down to Piraeus and fight the world at sea. The entire circuit following the windings of the shore was about seven miles. The mouths of the arbors were narrowed by moz surrounded by towers and could be closed in time of danger. The laborers are keep of the navy. As there were at this time few slaves in Athens most of the work must have been done by Thetis. In 478 the year in which we may place the beginning of the enterprise only 33 reams had put to sea leaving available the greater part of the poorest class. For this labor, too, we may assume a daily compensation of two arbors. Many who would have sought for their well-employment must have gathered at the port town drawn by the opportunity of work and have built their cabins there. The population therefore rapidly increased. To attract metics Temistocles carried a decree which exempted them from the usual sojourner's tax. Their capital and their skilled hands were needed in the development industry and in the building of ships. For not satisfied with their already powerful navy the Athenians, on the motion of Temistocles resolved to add 20 new three reams a year not like the existing ones but of a more recent and improved type. Here, too, remarked the motion of the citizens to the interest of the state in their willingness for the comforts of private life and the pleasures of festivals and of art for the sake of increasing the political power. Part of the money for the purpose came from the mines of Laorium reopened after the war and the part was supplied by the sale of booty. Workmen found further employment in the construction of merchant ships for private owners and in the various industries now beginning. In time, Piraeus thus founded by Temistocles became one of the most flourishing centers of industry and commerce in the Mediterranean world. Liturgis first Corega second Gymnasiarchia third Estiasis In this age probably in connection with the naval measures above mentioned the duty of commanding a terrain was placed among the Liturgis. Expensive public services performed without compensation by those citizens who were financially qualified. Members of the highest property class were liable to the captaincy of a ship and it was necessary if required to serve in alternate years. The state furnished the hull with a few equipments and expected the captain to pay for the rest and for the training of the crew and to keep the vessel in good condition. Among the other Liturgis established in earlier time were the duty first of equipping the choros for dramatic and other festivals each required it. Second of paying the expensive of torch races at various festivals third of affesting once tribesmen. Each of these duties passed in a cycle according to tribes among those who were liable and the mark of the public spirited citizens was to spend far more on his Liturgi than the state required. Rural economy and the olive industry it was not only the building and fortification of the two cities that demanded the attention of the government. The rural districts too had suffered from the war. The Persians had burned farm houses as well as country sanctuaries and had cut down trees and olive trees. Conquerors however are milled compared with envious neighbors and are disposed to spare a country which is to become their own. Next to the rebuilding of the obsolete homes the first thought of Temistocles on the morrow of the battle of Salamis had been for the restoration of agriculture. Though no record has been left we may be sure that on his initiative the Council of the Aeropagus bent its energies to the restoration of farm buildings, vineyards and olive groves. We know that this body enforced minute regulations for the preservation of olive trees and even of stumps which readily produced fruit bearing shoots. The statement of Herodotus and produced the olive is doubtless exaggerated yet we may well believe that she alone exported oil in considerable quantities and that she attempted a monopoly of the trade. An exhaustless market was Italy where few olives were grown till long after the period now under consideration. The exportation was but slightly interrupted by the war. Imports in exchange Athens imported grain pork Sicilian cheese other food products of various kinds Etruscan metalwork and ornamental slippers from Catholic came tapestries and gaily road cushions. Here too we discovered the hand of the mistocles in trade and political relations with the Hellenic West. With an ending view he cultivated the friendship of Acarnania and Corsera which lay in the trade route to Italy. Under his policy Athens took the place was occupied by Calcis and Eretria in this field of commerce and her coins rapidly crowded out competitors. Aliensis with the Hellenic cities of the west were being format and his devotion to that part of Hellas he named one daughter Sibaris and another Italia. Trade was by no means limited to the west. Athens had to import two thirds of her grain supply. It came from her allies from Italy, Sicily, Egypt and Pontus. Reas great quantities of vegetables were supplied by Megara and Beotsia. These imports are mentioned as items of the wide and varied commerce fostered by the policy of the mistocles. Hellenic statesmanship of the mistocles. In every direction we come upon evidence of his broad far-seeing statesmanship. There is high place in Hellenic politics and his reputation for wisdom and integrity are indicated by the fact that in these times Corinth and Corsira chose him to arbitrate a dispute between them. The case was decided in favor of the letter. At the next Olympic Games says Plutark when the mistoclast entered the stadium the spectators took no further notice of all those who were contesting for the prizes but spent the whole day in looking at him pointing him out to strangers and applauding him by clapping their hands and other expressions of joy so that he himself much gratified admitted to his friends that he then reaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks. Increasing control of Athens over her allies. It was clear to the mistoclasts but to other statement that the political and economic greatness of their city was to rest chiefly upon their command of the daily and confederacy. They were determined therefore to maintain it at all cost and to strengthen their control over it. In this field Aristides and Simon were especially active. There were in the confederacy more than 200 city states all nominally equal and entitled to representation in the Congress. But they varied immensely in importance from insignificant towns occupying a few square miles of territory to larger states such as Kios and Naxos thanks to the vastly greater power of Athens. We spoke various dialects and were widely scheduled over islands and coasts. Under these circumstances and with their slight experience in federal government actual equality was impossible. Most of the allies too were disinclined to military service and some who had originally furnished ships persuaded the Athenians to hanej contributions instead. Depriving themselves thus of the means of self-defense they readily fell into the condition of subjects. From time to time they neglected to render the tribute which in such cases had to be collected by force. For the Athenians were exacting and oppressive using coercive measures towards men and men who were accustomed to work hard. When a state revolted like in both the training and the equipment for war it was easily subdued. Revolt of Naxos 469 More formidable was the revolt of a state which continued to supply a naval force. The first to take this step was Naxos. It seemed that the motives were of a general nature especially the Greek love of absolute independence for the city state and the delusion that as the person had been pushed back from the Aegean region the confederacy had fulfilled its mission and might profitably be dissolved. Athens, however, promptly crushed the revolt by force dismantled the walls renovated her fleet imposed an annual tribute and deprived her of freedom. It was the duty of Athens as the executive to maintain the integrity of the League and to compel every state to bear its obligation. She violated her oath, however, in depriving an alley of freedom. In losing its independence Naxos was compelled forever all diplomatic relations without the states and to accept a constitution conformable to Athenian wishes. The treatment of this alley served as a precedent for future cases of rebellion. Revolt of Thasos for 165 463 A few years afterward Thasos revolted. This island had long possessed mines on the opposite coast of Thrace from which it drew a considerable income. The Athenians had lately intruded within its district and the dispute thus arising led to the rebellion. Simon besidjed the island and after two years the Thasians gave up their claim to the mines on the mainland surrendered their fleet dismantled their walls and accepted the tribute imposed by the Athenians. The crashing of these two rebellions proved the hopefulness of resistance to Athens and the determination of the letter to maintain her control by force. There was injustice in this policy of coercion, yet the employment of some degree of violence was essential to the maintenance of the league. Furthermore there can be no doubt that the welding of the maritime confederacy into an empire under the rule of Athens was in itself advantageous to the population and to Hellas in general. Treaties with individual states From the beginning Athens had taken measures to bind individual states close to herself by treaties which regulated judicial cases arising from their commercial relations. In these agreements the leading city aimed to bring as many of the judicial cases as possible before her own courts. And this effort was seconded by the Hellas themselves who recognized the superiority in the opinion law. In fact in a group of states like those of the confederacy closely united in commerce it was a great advantage that a uniform system of law be substituted for the endless variety of local usage. Not only rebellious states accepted constitutions as the dictation of Athens. One by one she persuaded or forced most of the others to make new treaties with her which provided for democratic governments and required them to send their more important criminal cases for trial. Naturally too all offenses against Athens were brought before her courts. As regards Mercantil Sweets the principle seems generally to have prevailed that the case should be heard in the state where the contract was made. There was little uniformity in these treaties however but the general tendency was less federative than imperial. Progress of democracy 479 461 While Athens was entering upon an imperial policy she was engaged in making her own government more democratic. The patriotic and efficient conduct of the aerobajites in supervising the exodus of circus invasion had given them an ascendancy in public life which they had scarcely known since the time of Solon. But their authority was rapidly undermined by the admission each year of the 9 exarchons appointed by lot since 487 486 and hence of mediocre talent and even more by the general advance of democracy. In the opinion of Aristotle Aristides was chiefly responsible for this development. Afterwards as the citizen of the Athenian state had acquired confidence and a great quantity of money had accumulated he advised them to lay hold on the leadership and to come in from the country and live in the city assuring them that there would be a livelihood for all some serving in the army others in garrisons others attending to administrative work and that thus they would secure the leadership parallel growth of democracy and imperialism. This passage is evidence that Aristides introduced pay for military service and to some extent for official duty thus making it possible for any Athenian, however poor to take part in public affairs. He more than any other therefore was the founder of the radical democracy. The double object was to furnish subsistence to the populace and to gain a more throughout control of the aliens. Imperialism and democracy were in fact correlative in that the revenue from the empire alone made possible the participation of the Athenian masses in public affairs and on the other hand this participation was necessary for the policing and administration of the empire. When circumstances fostered the Athenians to govern with a stronger hand he bade them act as they pleased for he would take upon himself any guilt of perjery they might incur. The two parties a clash between democrats and conservatives. While there was among the leading statesment of Athens no difference of opinion as to the treatment of the confederacy a sharp line of cleavage was drawn through the group in relation to home politics. Those who favor the popularization of the constitution were led by iristades. The conservatives by Simon. Inevitably the latter party clung close to the Peloponnesian League and looked to Sparta as an example and a moral support where they asked the democrats understanding the incompatibility of the two states were ready to break with the Peloponnesian League. Their hands were strengthened by the fact that Sparta gave secret encouragement to rebellion within the confederacy and stood forth as the champion of particularism of the complete independence and isolation of the city states in opposition to the Athenian efforts at political aggregation. The boldness of the mystical class in opposing Spartan interests at every turn added to envy of a greatness that eclipsed all contemporary politicians steered against him a formidable combination led by Simon which forced his ostracism about 472. Political ferment in Peloponnes. The excited statement retired to Argos whence he traveled through Peloponnes sowing everywhere the seats of democracy and of opposition to Sparta. Evidently he was bent on continuing exile his task of weakening Lacedimun in order to make his own city supreme in Hellas. Shortly before his ostracism the Arkadians, supported by Argos, had revolted against Sparta bringing the very existence of the Peloponnesian League into its heart. They were defeated and the Lacedimunian supremacy was restored but the general ill will must have encouraged the mystical class to believe that it was still practicable to undermine the power of Sparta. In this frame of mind he received news of the plotings of Pausanias who hoped to rise to supreme power through the emancipation of the hellots. The mystical class may have encouraged this ambition but the accusation that the great statement ever conspired in thought or act against Athens or Hellas is belied by his entire career. Need of a revolution in Lacedimun. The revolution attempted by the Spartan region was precisely what his country needed to bring her abreast of the general political and social progress of Hellas. It would have maintained an even vastly increased her military strength but though a general of Marka da Vilegi, Pausanias was wholly lacking in statements ship. He disgraced his cause too by intriguing to bring Hellas into slavery to the Persian king. Fearing arrest he fled to a shrine of Athena and was there walled in by his countrymen by this violation of the rite of sanctuary the Spartans brought upon themselves a religious curse. The end of the mystical class. In his fall Pausanias draged the mystical class to ruin. The correspondence of the decisions regent proved that the Athenian statesmen had knowledge of his schemes and this circumstance was made a ground for prosecution brought by the Athenian Archmeonide. Desparing them of justice the mystical class avoided arrest by flight. He tried one place of refugee after another but finding no spot in Hellas to shelter him he finally passed over to the Persian king. Whatever may have been his promise in exchange for protection we know that he never raised his hand against his country. Thus pass it from the stage of history the greatest of the Greeks in obscurity and disgrace. The genius of Temistocles. No better estimate of his genius could be written than that given by Thucydides. Temistocles was a man whose natural force was unmistikable. This was the quality for which he was distinguished above all other men. From his own native acuteness and without any study either before or at the time he was the ablest judge of the cause to be pursued in a sudden emergency and could best divine what was likely to happen in the remotest future. Whatever he had in hand he had the power of explaining to others and even where he had no experience he was quite competent to form a sufficient judgment. No one could foresee with equal clearness the good or evil intent hidden in the future. In a word Temistocles by natural power of mind and with the least preparation was of all men the best able to extemporize the right thing to be done. To him in large measure were due the liberation of Hellas and the greatness of his own city. Democratic policy of Efialtes and Pericles from about 472. Aristades could no long have survived the ostracism of Temistocles but of his end we have no clear knowledge. Their place was taken by Efialtes a clear sighted incorruptible statesmen supported by a son of Xanthippus Pericles who at this time was entering upon his public career. Efialtes inherited from Aristades the policy of democratizing the constitution and from Temistocles the conviction that the duty of Athens to herself was to cut loose from Sparta in order unampered to make the most of the opportunity in the future. Simon's opposition in the intervals between his frequent campaigns Simon was able by his personal influence to hold these tendencies in check. The sailors enthusiastically supported the popular admiral who had often led them to victory. The extensive public improvements which he conducted and which will be described in chapter secured him the vote of a multitude of workmen while his liberality won a host of clients. With an estate like that of a tyrant he not only performed his public services brilliantly but supported many of his fellow Demisman. It was permitted any who wished of the Leciede to come daily to his house in orderate provisions. Farthermore he left all his fields friendsless that anyone who pleased might help himself to the fruit. Evidently the Aropagitas too supported him in his conservative Filolakonian policy. By such means he was able, whenever present at Athens, to control an overwhelming majority of the Helots and Messinian war. It was on one of these occasions shortly after the close of the Thasian campaign that the crisis came in the relations between Athens and Leciedeemon. Sparta had been afflicted by a terrible earthquake which left but five houses standing and destroyed many of her people. It was still more ominous that the Helots who had looked to Pausanias to deliver them from bondage and now saw in the earthquake the vengeance of heaven for the Spartan sacrilege committed in connection with his death revolted and were joined by two periesic towns. As the majority of Helots were Messinians the rebellion is known as the Messinian war and the urgent size Mount Aethon and as the Leciedemonians proved unable to reduce the place by assault or siege they ask at aid of their Alice, including the Athenians. When the Leciedemonian ambassador reached Athens with the request a vehement debate ensued between Simon and Ephialphes in the assembly asked whether aid should be given in accordance with the existing treaty. The latter extremely urged his fellow citizens to take advantage of their rivals misfortune and to let the arrogance of Sparta be crushed and thrown in the dust. Whereas Simon has vigorously favored the motion to send help that Greece might not be lame of one foot or Athens without her yoke mate. Simon won and marched to the relief of Sparta with a considerable force of heavy infantry. The departure of these conservatives with their leaders was doubtless welcome to the reformers who fought with concentrated their attack upon the stronghold of conservatism the Council of the Arobabus. Ephialphes and his associates proposed and carried a succession of laws which deprived the body of all political functions transferring them to the council of 500 the courts and the assembly. Quorrel between Ephes and Lacedemon 462 Meanwhile the expedition of the Athenians to Ithon led to their first open quarrel with the Lacedemonians. For the latter not succeeding in storming the place took alarm at the bold and original spirit of the Athenians. They reflected that the men of Athens were aliancing race and feared that if they were allowed to remain they might be tempted by the hillots to change sides. They dismissed them while retaining the other Alice. Concealing them is trust however they only explained that they no longer had need for their services. The Athenians returned home in great rage at this insult. Simon at once attempted to undo the political reform accomplished during his absence but met only with taunts of over fondness of Sparta and for looseness in his private life. As Ephialphes had been assassinated by political enemies now between Simon and Pericles early in 461 recors was head to a vote of ostracism which resulted in the banishment of Simon. Sicily and Italy 480 461 Galon and Theron Meanwhile the Greeks of Sicily and southern Italy and political and social changes roughly parallel to the development of older Hellas. The great success of Galon in dispelling the Cartaginian Peril added to the prestige and power of his city. All the Greeks of Sicily now acknowledge his war leadership with the exception of Acrogas and her dependencies whose ruler Theron remained his close friend and ally. Thus it was that under the hegemony of Syracuse there grew up a Sicilian union comparable with the Hellenic League under the Sydemonian supremacy. Through respect for its military power the Cartaginians abstained from molesting the western Greeks for a period of 70 years 480 409 Notwithstanding internal life and wars with other Greeks and with the netifs of the interior vast advances were made during this era in material prosperity and in civilization. Growth of Syracuse In far earlier times the city of Syracuse had outgrown the island of Ortigia and had extended over the neighboring height of Accardina. Galon greatly increased its population by bringing to it the wealthier inhabitants of neighboring towns settling most of them in Accardina. This quarter he surrounded with strong walls considerable stretches of which may still be traced but the population rapidly outgrew the enclosed space and flourishing suburbs sprang up to the west of Accardina. Galon connected the island with the mainland by a mole and established arsenals and barracks for the mercenaries who upheld its power. Not least among his public works is an aqueduct still in use which supplied the city with the excellent water. There yet stands in good condition in Ortigia a temple of Athena now used as a Christian church. It was probably built before Galon. A new era in architecture however began with the Battle of Imera. The sale of the vast booty furnished the means and the victory, the inspiration for the erection of temples and other public works of which we have but slight remains. The tyranny becomes a monarchy. Galon had shown himself actually unscrupulous in sizing the tyranny and in maintaining his power. Moreover he had treated the poorest class of conquered towns with rare harshness. The Battle of Imera, however, turned it grumblings to gratitude and exalted the tyranny to a champion of ellas. Of this change in public opinion Galon availed himself for legitimizing his role. Appearing in civilian dress in the midst of an unarmed assembly of citizens to render an account of his administration. Astonish at this confidence in them and unmering him for the democratic act the people anonymously hailed in as their king, their benefactor and the deliverer of their country. Thereafter he and his asexos in the dynasty were spoken of as kings. An era of peace and of unwanted prosperity now set him. Since Galon's temper had grown as mild as his works were magnificent the people idolized him while living and when he died 478 they erected over him a stately tomb paying him heroic honors as the founder of their city. Growth of Akragas Meanwhile, the wrong in like manner was making his city Akragas second only to Syracuse in population, strength and magnificence. In both cities the public works were erected mostly by slave labor. As spoils of the victory at Himera the men of Akragas got for their share a great number of captives with which they enraged their city and the surrounding country. So great was the multitude of their prisoners that many a citizen acquired no less than 500 slaves. Many too were retained by the state and employed in cutting stone for the temples of the gods and in constructing aqueducts for the water supply. The wrong strongly fortified the city. Along the southern wall he began building a chain of temples finished after his death. Among the ruins still extensive the best preserved is the misnamed temple of Concordia a graceful little shrine that has not in fact revealed the name of its deity. The buildings of both cities were of limestone whose exposed surfaces were stickled and painted. Necessarily they wanted their fine beauty of marble and they fell short of the attic standards of taste Yet the two great Sicilian cities had attractions of their own a richness of material life and a splendor of power that inspired the genius of Pindar. In beauty Akragas was the eye of Sicily lover of splendor most charming among the cities of man Hound of Persephone Syracuse was the present of warrior Ares of iron-armored men and states the nursing place divine Hyron 478 467 Italy Gelon was succeeded by his brother Hyron in whose reign Sicily came into closer relations with Italy and displayed by the overthrow of their allies The Etruscans were now bent upon the complete subjugation of Campania When Kume found herself threatened by them land and sea she called on Hyron for aid His fleet came and inflicted a mortar blow on the Etruscan love of power 474 With good hope could Pindar now pray the son of Kronos to grant that definition and the Tuscan war cry be hashed at all since they have behelded the calamity of their ships that befell them before Kume even how they were smitten by the captain of the Syracusans who, from their swift ships hurled their youth into the sea to deliver hellas from the bondage of the oppressor And fourth the Etruscan power which had menest all Italy declined The Latins, and especially Rome the chief city were friendly toward the Hellenes and were adopting from them many elements of culture With the Sibelian peoples too of the interior the Greeks were long at peace and these conditions made possible the accumulation of wealth in the Atlantic states and the advantage of the useful and fine arts philosophy and the comforts and pleasures of life Some of the states as Kume and Regium were under tyrannies like those of Sicily Locri and Tarantum were aristocratic, whereas most of the Achaean cities were ruled by Pythagorean fraternities from tyranny to republic The spirit of liberty and equality which was work in its spell upon the minds of older Hellenes lived to among the western Greeks The ability and beneficence of the great rulers of Acragas and Syracuse guaranteed the survival of monarchy in Sicily during their lives In fact this form of government received a new luster from Heron's court in the most splendid center of culture in Hellas the gathering place of her most gifted poets philosophers and artists It is clear, however that both he and Theron had their troubles with discontented subjects After their deaths their successors men of base character and mean ability were swept from their thrones by the rising tide of liberty Before the end of 466 all the Sicilian states were free and had adopted governments more or less democratic Under the new regime the cities tended to political isolation yet unknowledged the moral leadership of Syracuse About the same time a democratic wave swept over Italy converting tyrannies and aristocracies into more popular form of government The Vitagorians, however maintained themselves for some years longer Troubles of the Republics 463 461 In the new republics great confusion arose over the respective rights of the old citizens and those admitted by the tyrants The trouble was complicated by the fact that the tyrants had arbitrarily transferred much valuable real estate from the former to the latter class Civil war raged over all Sicily between these conflicting parties The old citizens triumphed and in 461 a general Sicilian congress meeting at Syracuse settled the agrarian controversy The old citizens were restored to their properties and the others were compensated by lands to be granted them as colonists in the interior of the island The republics were now firmly established and though no worthy free from internal conflicts Sicily entered upon a new and greater prosperity End of chapter 12