 The word is going right, okay? That's for sure. And it's just the beginning, it's just the beginning, it's not the end. Worst to come? Sorry? There is more to come? Yes, of course. What happened in Italy in less September is going to happen in Spain very soon. In Germany very soon, probably in France, in Sweden already happened. In the States? Yeah, in the States and so on. So, is this the coming back of fascism? No, I don't think so. If we look at fascism, sorry, as an historical formation. But is it the coming back of Mussolini? I would say yes, it is. In which way? In the way that Mussolini has been not only the founder of fascist movement and party and dictatorship, but even the first populist leader of modern times. The point is that every time that history drives to a crisis, like Mussolini understood very well, people want, goes to the strong colors. You used to say the banner well with the strong color, red or black. And we are at the same moment of history as 100 years ago. We are in a crisis. We are in a crisis for many reasons now. And now people don't listen to the sophisticated argument of liberal and democrats and they still want primary colors, red or black. They prefer a rhetoric of fear to a rhetoric of hope. It's the last thing I want to say that makes Mussolini the father of every populist leader nowadays. Mussolini came from Socialist Party. It was a very beloved leader of the Socialist Party. The Socialist Party was the party of hope, not the great 19th century's idea that the life of our son and daughters would be better than ours and so hope, the rising sun. Mussolini was kicked out of the Socialist Party and after the World War he understands one simple thing, terrifying things, that there is only one political passion stronger than hope and that is fear. So it bets everything on fear, on fear of what? Fear of other people's hopes. And so that's the drill. One problem, not many problems. We don't need a parliament that represents the complexity of society and of our problems. There is only one problem. That problem is an enemy and that enemy is a foreigner. And the foreigner used to be Socialist at the time and immigrants nowadays. If you see all the populist leaders, of course when they say power they do many things. But when they campaign, okay they campaign on one thing, immigration, enemy, fear, invasion. But there's another important way briefly to say what you just said which is that the modern period is not as different as the pre-modern period as we think it is. In other words, you look at these elements that come into play in the war on liberalism and the resurgence of fascistic things and what do you see? You see the fear of difference. You see the fear of the other. You see resentment of the privileged. You see the love of power. You see this archaic sense of the group. In other words, it's very important and this goes to what you said before. Yes, there was a rupture in the modern period and everything was there was the enlightenment and so on. But you know, Virginia Woolf wrote once that human nature changed on February 21st, 1910. It's one of the stupidest sentences that anybody ever wrote. And human nature did not change. And one of the things that you see in the resurgence of fascism, it's a kind of adivism. It's a return to fundamental qualities if you want to say of the human heart or of human life together with other human beings that no amount of rationality and technology and industry is ever going to erase. Fascism is a modern phenomenon. I think that I think it builds on atavistic trends of human condition such as enemy distinction and the fear of difference. But at the same time fascism, it's a modern phenomenon because it's another face of democracy. It's another possibility, the darker possibility of democracy. And it's the possibility of homogeneity, of being afraid of singularity, being afraid of individualism. And that's why fascism, it's a 20% or 20% of the phenomenon. That's why there are so many historical analogies between the 1920s and 1930s and the present. Because we are in a democratic era. And so democracy can take those two faces. And I think when in the middle, we're right now in the middle of a battle between two interpretations of democracy. Whether democracy is about popular sovereignty and all the implications that has in terms of homogeneity and also call to a leader, or if democracy is about pluralism and individuality and institutions and distinctions and separation of powers. But in a way, historically, both are consequences of democracy. Nationalism, nationalism without its ugly problems, it's a consequence of democracy, of the idea that they're sovereign people. It's sovereign, so it has to have a certain identity. And in order to have a certain identity, it has to share certain common cultural features, imagined, or real, or artificial. And so much of the horrors we have seen in the 20th century, in terms of totalitarianism, in terms of fascism, in terms of communism, are also consequences of modernity and democracy and popular sovereignty.