 It's time for the Laun Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, brought to you every Monday, Wednesday and Friday. A presentation of the Laun Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Laun Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Laun Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Laun Jean Chronoscope? Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor and analyst, and Mr. Elliott Haynes of United Nations World. Our distinguished guest for this evening is Mr. A. A. Burley, Jr., former United States Assistant Secretary of State. Mr. Burley, it's a pleasure to have you with us tonight, sir. Our viewers, of course, remember that you've been a student of this nation's foreign affairs back since the First War and back to Versailles. Now, recently, sir, on this program, we had a guest who made some rather favorable statements regarding the Franco regime in Spain. Tonight, sir, we'd appreciate your analyzing rather realistically some of the things that are going on between our nation and Spain. First of all, sir, do you think that it's proper for our government to negotiate a pact with the Franco regime? Yes. I know, of course, that there are many people who believe that the United States government should never negotiate treaties with governments of which it doesn't approve. That rather limits your ability to act in international affairs. Well, Mr. Burley, is there a special need for us to negotiate a treaty with Spain? What do we need from Spain? Well, if I can finish the other statement, it seems to me that it is always right for the United States to negotiate an agreement with another country, irrespective of what you may think of its government, up to the point where you're really following a common interest of both peoples. Now, in the Spanish case, the Spanish people undoubtedly want to be protected against, to have defense against Russian aggression, either direct by an army or by a reason of a package revolution exported to them. We have a common interest in having them protected. That's one of the most valuable pieces of real estate in the world and has a tremendous strategic importance. You see, you can lose all Europe, but if you hold the Mediterranean, you can reconquer the territory. That's happened several times in history. To that extent, therefore, and up to that point, the Spanish people and the American people have a common interest. Well, now, Mr. Burley, there is this very definite need for some sort of a treaty between the two peoples in common defense. Do you think there's a danger in a democracy like our country making a defensive treaty with a fascist dictatorship such as Spain? Well, one thing, dictatorships are notoriously temporary and they are succeeded by another government, a democratic or perhaps another dictatorship, pretty apt to undo exactly the arrangements that were made by the predecessor government. That's one difficulty, so that you might wind up by not having got precisely the result you wanted. The second, which is a very solid moral difficulty, of course, is that there is always a danger that in accomplishing a common interest, you may be construed as undertaking to create or back a force, both moral and political, which is going to weaken rather than strengthen you. Quite irrespective of your moral judgment. Well, sir, on that point, if we make a pact with Spain and if we spend money in Spain, does it necessarily follow that we as a nation strengthen the Franco regime? No, I don't think it does. I think that in that respect, if negotiations are well handled, the common interest can be maintained without committing either Franco to American democracy, which he won't do, or committing us to a Franco fascism, which our public opinion would not allow us to do. Well, then you don't think even the most liberal-minded American could object to the sort of a treaty which the Americans are now negotiating with Spain? I can't say. We're talking about an agreement that hasn't been negotiated yet. We don't know what it is. It might be a good idea before everybody gets very vigorous about it to find out exactly what we're talking about. As I understand it, the last negotiations really encountered difficulties because the Franco government wanted the United States government to go a great deal farther in working with its army on re-equipment. There, you were getting into Spanish politics, and as I understood it, the American government did not wish to do that. With reasonable common sense, it ought to be possible, I think, to get back to the point of common interest. Well, now, and in your opinion, sir, what our government should seek is the basis we need, but I gather that you do not believe we should go too far in building up the Spanish armed forces themselves. On the whole not. I don't feel that we ought at this stage of affairs to assume great responsibility for the Spanish army, whether a way could be found by which it could be done within the framework of the kind of European army we're building elsewhere. It is possible that it was for the first class head work. The Spanish army could be somehow handled within the framework of a European army defense so that it would not be also building up an instrument for one or another party in Spain. Now, Mr. Burley, I'd like to change the subject a little bit to another hot spot in the world, Latin America. You've had quite a bit of experience in that region of the world. It appears that the United States relations with Latin America are growing very bad. Do you think this is true? Well, you're talking diplomatic language there. Our relations with them are not bad. Our relations with them are, as the diplomats say, deteriorating. This is a different... it's quite a large difference. Are there any particular countries where they're growing very poor? Well, I can take three situations that are on my mind at the moment. The first is the situation in Guatemala. There, a government very thinly disguised as democratic is actually controlled by communist elements and is carrying on a vigorous communist campaign against us and intriguing against their neighbor states. That is in Central America, perilously close to the Panama Canal. That is a case where we ought to be working on it, preferably with the goodwill and concurrence of the neighbor states were equally worried. Another situation, of course, is in Brazil. There, the debt negotiations to provide foreign exchange to cover the over importation of goods of Brazil were moving along during the post-election period and the incoming government now. They, fellow pieces more or less, or at least, were not followed up with the result that some blighter has now attached the Brazilian gold reserve in the Federal Reserve Bank, which is a scandalous proceeding anyway. And, of course, the Brazilian newspapers are making a great deal about the insult to Brazil and one thing and another. Now, that means that somebody's got to get to work fast. Well, Mr. Burley, do you have one suggestion by which you think that we could improve our relations or recover the situation in South America? Yes, I do. I think that there ought to be a high-level American official charged with taking care of those relations all the time. I should like to have him of cabinet or sub-cabinet rank. If I were doing it myself, I'd like to have a Secretary of State for the Hemisphere acting under the Secretary of State, but having a seat in the cabinet just as a Secretary for Air or the Army does under the Secretary of the... Well, sir, our viewers hear so many grim expressions on this program, sir. From your long experience, I wonder if you could offer us some little hope. Do you see some things that are going our way in the world now? Yes, I do. We've taken two very grim and difficult situations and not the grimest or the most difficult on this program. But I'm beginning to feel better about the situation for the first time in a long time. There are various reasons for it, but two will do. The Europeans are beginning to pull themselves together. Economically, their condition is better. Monet was successful in bringing them together in the European coal community, and I still believe that they will pull together in the European Army. That's a solid piece of advance. On the other side of the Iron Curtain, I think the Russians have finally cracked. The anti-Semitic campaign, infernal as it is, is a hopeful sign in that respect. For when they did that, they overtly abandoned their own revolution. It stopped being a universal religion, offering hope, and became a straight power mechanism which one race will endeavor to make itself the master of another race. Then you think that the anti-Semitic campaign in Russia will make it harder for Russia to win converts in the West? I am very clear that that would be the result. When a revolution denies itself, it loses force as a revolution. It still can make a great deal of trouble as an army. It can still mean a great deal of blood, sweat, and tears to conquer the imperialism. But the universal appeal is gone, and the light has gone out, and never in history has a revolution converted into an imperialism succeeded for a very long time after it has denied itself. Well, sir, I'm sure that our audience is extremely grateful to you, sir, for this excellent analysis, and particularly for these very hopeful words, and thank you for being with us, sir. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Elliot Haines. Our distinguished guest was Mr. A. A. Burley Jr., former United States Assistant Secretary of State. The pleasure of receiving a Lawn Jean watch is surpassed only by the pride that comes from owning one, but owning a Lawn Jean watch is like owning a thoroughbred, a champion, the very best in its class. Yes, only Lawn Jean, among the world's finest watches, has won so many honors for elegance, excellence, and accuracy in international competitions at World Spheres and at the great government observatories. Remember, too, that Lawn Jean is the most honored watch in sport, in aviation and science. The perfect craftsmanship of the Lawn Jean watch is evidenced in its faultless performance as a timepiece and in its rare beauty as a piece of fine jewelry. And yet, unbelievably, you may buy and own or buy and proudly give the Lawn Jean watch for as little as $71.50. And mark you this. If you pay $71.50 or more for a watch, you're paying the price of a Lawn Jean. Why not insist on getting a Lawn Jean? The world's most honored watch. The world's most honored gift. Premier product of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company since 1866, maker of watches of the highest character. We invite you to join us every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday evening at this same time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, broadcast on behalf of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world's honored Lawn Jean. This is Frank Knight, reminding you that Lawn Jean and Wittner watches are sold and serviced from coast to coast by more than 4,000 leading jewelers who proudly display this emblem, agency for Lawn Jean Wittner watches. Challenging Entertainment, omnibus on the CBS television network.