 Thank you chair and thank you very much to the audience for coming to the health session. This was made at the sort of late in the game of the conference structure and we really appreciate your coming and the chair and the other speakers for coming. Thank you very much. So MDGs to SDGs, the role of health in the MDGs as you can see of the eight goals, three of them specifically addressed health, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, and combating HIVase, tuberculosis, malaria and other diseases. And that's only directly, direct health goals and also the reducing hunger and environment of course is also deeply related to health. SDGs out of the 17 goals, one specifically addresses health, improving health. So looking up, looking back at what we achieved in the last 15 years, 25 years, so it's almost the 30th wider longevity in longevity, but you can see the left side is the under five mortality rate in 1990. And to your right, it's the under five mortality rate in 2015. You can see that the under five, under five mortality is the under the children that die before reaching their fifth birthday. And out of that's out of 1000 wife births, that's the rate. And you can see that in Sub-Saharan Africa countries, the rate was more than 200 in many of the countries. And we don't see that in 2015. And the latest report says that in 1990, about 13 million children died before reaching their fifth birthday. And now it's cut into half, 6 million in 2013 globally. But it's a bit deceptive to see this global number because in absolute terms, which is the second row, much of this reduction in children dying are due to the statistics from South Asia. You can see this huge reduction in child mortality. But then in Sub-Saharan Africa, when you see the rate of decline, they've really done remarkable job in the last many five years. It's really amazing how much the rate has gone down. So I think in Sub-Saharan Africa, the rate of decline of child mortality rate was about 0.8% in the 1990s. And then now the rate of decline is 4.2%. So it's really declining fast. Why did we see that? We don't really know the answer, but we do know that development assistance for health has really gone up in the same period. And this graph shows how much money has gone into development assistance for health. And each, how much money has gone into which area? So you can see that on the bottom, like the darker colors, those are for HIVAs, a newborn child health maternal health, those are the orange colors. And so when we review how much money has been spent since 1990, $460 billion has gone into health. About 30% went into maternal and child health, 20% went to HIVAs, 4% malaria, really neglected areas such as non-communicable disease. It was less than 2%. Mental health not mentioned even. And another point in this graph is that between 2000 and 2010, the development assistance for health increased by 11% yearly, annually. So that's really rapid. So with all the money that's gone into health and the prioritization for maternal and child health and combating the infectious diseases, what have we achieved? In terms of child mortality rate, we've done well, but still Africa, as a region, will not be able to meet its goals. So this puts us, you know, this gives us some questions. In the big picture, like what are the links among development, inequality and health? How are they all interrelated? Was if the country developed weren't we supposed to get healthy? Just by directly isn't that that was supposed to happen in development? And then also it gives us more sort of granular questions. What interventions contributed to these reductions in child mortality? What worked? And then with all the money that's going into health, I mean, was it really used efficiently? I mean, global funds, which Michael is the chief economist of, they disbursed four billion dollars to developing countries just to fight these three diseases. How have they been spent? So one of the research that I'm doing is to exactly address this question. What key intervention coverage is associated with child mortality? So what we did was to pull all of the DHS surveys in Sub-Saharan Africa that was more than that we could compare more than two time points. So we have I think 24 Sub-Saharan African countries and we made the panel so that we can do a cross regional level comparison. I mean, there's a lot that we'll lose if we just do look at the national level. So we looked into sub-national levels and then we came into we have two panel of 241 sub-national regions, 550,000 children under five and we ran some regional fixed effects. We included the regional fixed effects and country time trends. We used both logistics and or less models and we looked into several key health interventions like benefit coverage against malaria, water and sanitation, vaccination, institutional deliveries, antenatal care, breastfeeding practices, of course, controlling for individual wealth and maternal education and such. And what we found was that sanitation mattered, vaccination coverage mattered, antenatal care mattered and breastfeeding mattered. So that was quite interesting but unfortunately in this breastfeeding we saw a huge protective effect which we were quite puzzled by but I guess it makes sense because I mean HIV can be transmitted from mother to children and in Sub-Saharan Africa so there was a big debate about should the mothers continue breastfeeding but the protective effect of breastfeeding was so large that they said no in these settings you have to continue breastfeeding in spite of this 2% risk or so quite high risk of mother transmitting HIV through breast milk but anyway so that's my one of the resources that I'm doing and I just want to also talk about the link among health, income and poverty. I know that many of you here are economists and we have always known that if you become wealthier, if the population becomes wealthier you'll become healthier but the direction isn't just one way. If you're healthy you become more productive, I mean that's quite easy to understand at individual level and that channel goes in several modes so microeconomic studies have shown that for example Duncan Thomas study if you give iron supplements to productive adults and they used a randomized control study and these adults that were given iron supplements they became more productive, they were less sick from work and they earned more money and also it's also through education so if you're healthy the children can go to school they have more they develop cognitive they're they develop cognitively they can absorb more knowledge they obtain more skills and they get they find work alternatively and then it's also through investment if you if people can live longer they start planning ahead they start saving so there's a behavioral change and that affects the economy so there's several channels and also there's a demographic channel when mortality rate goes down and usually the birth rate also goes down but there's a bit of time lag like this and that's when the population grows happens and when looking into development you have to consider a population growth rate and age structure so we've talked a lot about this East Asia miracle at this conference and we keep referring to it as something that why doesn't not happen in other countries East Asia miracle happened at a very specific time and they say that it may be because of what's called demographic dividend it's a demographically driven time limited economic boom that happens because there's the more tirade goes down and then there's this surge of educated young populations that goes into the labor market and becomes very productive and contributes to the economy and as you can see uh this left side of the graph is the demographic age structure of Asian countries East and Southeast Asia several countries all together and these are the age group and then these are the years from 1950 to 2050 and you can see oh sorry thank you uh you can see how it's this whole sort of bulk moves this uh big age group moves into and becomes a surge whereas the Sub-Saharan Africa countries I think it's a 24 30 Sub-Saharan African countries put together the age group age structure is completely different so how can you how can you say I mean you know we start at different stages we have a complete different population we have a different structure um and little own culture and whatever the starting point is it's just not comparable and that's quite obvious when you just look at the age structure and also also start thinking about the health of the population um and then I just also like to mention about investing in work in child health and why maternal and child health have been prioritized in the health agenda uh it's because childhood health strongly affects the health status and productivity as an adult so Barker's hypothesis uh says that the fetal environment affects the health of the adult um childhood health and nutrition have a substantial impact on both physical and cognitive development and eventual health status and productivity as an adult so that's that individual level but you can see that that can be applied to the population level as well. Amartya Sen and wrote this paper called hidden penalties of gender inequality fetal origins of ill health and that talks about how the undernourishment of mothers this inequality in undernourishment of mothers that affects the next generation of children both of both sexes of men and women because if the girl is undernourished grows up to be a mother and then gives birth to the children then that it affects the the health of this children and that goes on to their adult so so this is why one argument for investing in health of mothers and children and it just means that this investment in health of mothers and children means that investing in the country's economy and future and then one last few words on measuring health and research so there was a lot of talk at the conference about we're getting a bit tired of using GDP per capita to measure welfare um well you know measuring health is also difficult and I've only mainly talked about child mortality rate but health isn't just about living or dead you know it's we have all sort of variation in between so it's quite difficult to measure that um and indicators of health and well-being there's a biological standard of living and economic standard of living and they go hand in hand but they're not exactly the same so in health research we in addition to mortality rate we use physical measures such as birth weights stunting wasting in adult height so for example adult height could be a good indicator population health economic historians have used adult height as an indicator of standard living because there was there's no income wealth data available from hundreds of years ago but height data that's available from construct conscript data slave data etc and for example one of the studies that we did looking into modern populations of adult height cohort height we found that in Latin America and Asia populations are shorter than populations in sub-Saharan Africa but then when we look at the last what's happening in the last decades in Latin America and Asia adult height adult average height is increasing quite fast whereas in sub-Saharan Africa it's been quite stagnating and we're wondering why you know is is it because in Latin America in Asia the development is happening sort of hand in hand with infrastructure development and economy whereas in sub-Saharan Africa there's some view on whether it was driven a lot by medical interventions and such and not necessarily followed by better nutrition so it's there's a lot of puzzles remaining and then sources of health data I'm just running out of time so I was just going quickly but we use census population surveys of illustration individual records Kerry will be talking about very unique data sets that he uses in the research in health but it's and then so just setting the stage for the next presenters I talked about investment case for health and especially maternal and child health but Michael will go on talking about how do you if investing in health is important how do you approach the head of states and minister of finance to convince them to invest in health put more money in the in health sector also he'll talk about the innovative mechanism to aid in health I think this results-based financing etc it's quite innovative the way cash on delivery system etc how do we do how how do we do aid in health with so much money we have to make sure that we're it's being used in the most efficient way so what are the things that's being explored these days and externality of health budgeting for health when the benefit goes beyond the health sector and then Kerry the third speaker will talk about the major will talk about ncd's non-communicable disease so we're at the time changing from mdgs sdgs and non-communicable disease which has received less than two percent of all funding for aid assistance that's going to be a major focus so what does that imply to developing countries and then he also talked about the data set thank you very much