 Book 6, Chapter 6, Part 1 of the History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 2 by Henry Charles Leah. Book 6, Practice, Chapter 6, Part 1, Confession. The heretic was not only a criminal but a sinner. This imposed on the Inquisition a twofold function to discover and punish crime and to save the soul of the sinner. Its position was anomalous. It could scarcely be called a spiritual tribunal, for inquisitors and members of the Suprema, as we have seen, might be laymen. The jurisdiction over heresy was a special delegation from the Holy See. But although the inquisitor might excommunicate, when the censure was to be removed, he did not do it himself, but empowered any priest to perform the ceremony. He never received sacramental confessions or administered the sacrament of penitence. Even when a Protestant applied to him to be admitted to the bosom of the church, the priest was called in to hear the confession and grant absolution. Thus, while exercising spiritual jurisdiction, the inquisitor, even if in holy orders, abstained from exercising spiritual functions. Yet, as a judge, his duties were not purely secular. In theory, the object of the Inquisition was the saving of souls. The detection and punishment of heresy were merely a necessary means to that end. The burning of the obstinate impenitent, besides avenging the offense to God, was the removal of a again-greened member to preserve the body from infection. The penalties inflicted on the repentant were not punishment, but penance, and he was not a convict, but a penitent. Whatever statement he made during his trial, even in obstinately denying the charges, was a confession, and the penal prison to which he was consigned was a casa de penitencia or de misericordia. Even denunciations and the evidence of witnesses for the defense were sometimes called confessions. While the distinction was fully recognized between judicial and sacramental confession, and the inquisitor was in no sense a confessor, there was a curious assumption that in the tribunal confession was of a mixed character partaking of both classes. The whole procedure was directed to induce the accused to confess his errors, to profess repentance, and to beg for mercy. He was adjured by the love of God and his blessed mother to discharge his conscience and save his soul by a full confession as to himself and others without uttering false testimony as to himself or to them. The so-called advocate who was furnished to defend him was instructed to urge him to this and to explain that the holy office was not like the other tribunals whose business it was to punish the body. For here the only object was to cure the soul and to reunite to the church those who by their sins had left the holy congregation of Christians in violation of their baptismal promises. He should therefore cast aside all thought of that which concerns the body and think only of his soul confessing his crimes so that the holy office could cure his infirmity which was beyond the power of any other judge or confessor. No doubt there were many inquisitors who conscientiously believed that this was the lofty duty to which they were devoted. There was another motive, however, which was not without weight in prompting the earnest and sometimes cruel means resorted to for it was held that confession, however it might be obtained, cured all defects and irregularities in the trial. An inquisitor conscious of having overstepped the limits was therefore doubly anxious to extort from the accused admissions which should exonerate him. Thus from the first audience to the final reading of the sentence at the Alto de Fe, the effort of the tribunal was to bring the sinner to repentance or at least to confession by adjurations, by misleading promises of mercy, by threats and, if necessary, by torture. On his way to the stake the man who had persistently denied his guilt was accompanied by confessors urging him to admit it and to repent. Similar advantage was taken of the deathbed fears of those who died in prison when, as we have seen, confessors sent to them were instructed to listen to them only in case they confessed sufficiently to satisfy the adverse testimony. This urgency to induce confession produced the natural result that the unfortunate subjected to it were led, not infrequently, to gratify their judges by admitting whatever they thought necessary to win the favor of the tribunal. This was recognized in a warning issued by the Suprema in 1541 that much caution was required in weighing the truth of confessions because the accused, through malice, were wont to confess against themselves and others in order to obscure the truth. This warning was doubtless needed, but there is little evidence that it was heeded. As a rule, the confession was accepted, provided it was sufficiently criminatory and, as far as regarded its implication of accomplices, it was used for their conviction. An unexpected feature of the inquisitorial record is the number of espontaneados of those who, from various motives, voluntarily accused themselves. In 1,172 cases occurring in Toledo between 1575 and 1610, there are 170 of these, or about 1 in 7. This, of course, is attributable to the assumption that self-denunciation was an evidence of contrition which merited benignity. It is true that, in the earlier period, when addicts of grace were published, those who came forward within the term were subjected to reconciliation in heavy modes. Their confessions were taken down by notaries to be used against the friends whom they incriminated and against themselves in case of relapse. It is further true that, after the expiration of the term, spontaneous confession did not avert confiscation and such other penance as the inquisitor might impose. In fact, it was virtually no better than if rendered under prosecution. But, after the first fury of persecution, when spontaneous self-denunciation might be considered as arising from conviction and not from fear of accusation by others, it was regarded more mercifully. In 1568, we find the Supremes sharply rebuking the Tribunal of Barcelona for having condemned reconciliation and confiscation a French girl of 18 and Antoine Caudry, a Frenchman who had spontaneously confessed to Protestantism and against whom there was no other evidence. The confiscated property was to be returned to them within nine days, whether or not it was still in the hands of the receiver. The Tribunal was also told that it had erred deplorably in the case of Alonso de Montoya, who had spontaneously confessed to having been a renegade when captive in the hands of the Moors and whom it had thrown into the secret prison and condemned to confiscation, reconciliation and appearance in an auto-defe with a mitre. Not long after this, the reports of the Tribunal of Toledo present numerous cases of spontaneous self-denunciation, which show that its influence on the sentence varied with the character of the confession and the motives to which the inquisitors attributed it. There was a curious case of 12 Judaizers of Alcázar de Consuegra who came forward to accuse themselves and implicate 12 others. All 24 figured in the great auto-defe of 1591 and all had the full penalty of reconciliation, confiscation and perpetual prison with the San Menito. On the other hand, Andrés de Palacios in 1586 presented himself and confessed that when sailing in the Gales, he had made the acquaintance of an English captain who converted him to all the Lutheran heresies. For six years and until within a few weeks he had believed them, but now with tears he begged for mercy and for readmission to the church. He was duly put on trial and was privately consiled with only some spiritual penances. In the same year occurred the more complicated case of Uxul de la Coa, a French nun in the convent of Santa Margarita at Alcázar de Andrés. She confessed to a commissioner there that she had imbibed some of the errors current in her native land. She had deliberately struck a crucifix and had eaten meat on Fridays. The Suprema examined the confession and ordered the commissioner to absolve her. Subsequently, she returned to confess that she still held the errors which she had abjured. The Suprema ordered her to be confined in the secret prison in her trial to proceed during which she repeated her confession, begged for mercy and professed her desire to live and die in the Catholic faith. The Consul de Fe was puzzled and on reference to the Suprema it ordered her to be secretly reconciled, the San Benito to be at once removed in her reclusion for a year in a convent cell. As she was a relapsed and as Lutheranism was the object of special severity, this mercy shows ample consideration for a spontaneous confession, but the event proved that the patients of the Inquisition might be tried too far. The unstable mind of the poor creature continued to torment itself and in 1594 she again accused herself of the same errors. The Tribunal reported this to the Suprema with the statement that she had already been thrice reconciled and the order came to relax her to the secular arm when she was duly burned. Thus far there appears to have been no formal modification of the instructions of 1484 which made no concessions to his spontaneous except during a term of grace, but evidently each case was treated on its merits. It was not until 1605 that the Suprema decreed that foreigners confessing their errors voluntarily were to be reconciled without confiscation. This did not apply to natives, especially Judaizers and Moriscos in whose cases the Suprema was consulted which usually remitted the confiscation. The matter remained in this uncertain condition with an increasing tendency towards leniency in practice. In trivial cases such as heretical blasphemy or thoughtless propositions the offender was reprimanded, warned and told to confess sacramentally even though there might have been previous denunciation insufficient to justify arrest. In more serious matters we are told that the espontaneado was treated with great benignity even when it appeared that he had come forward through fear of denunciation by accomplices who had been arrested. He was given his house or the city for a prison unless it was necessary to seclude him from those who would pervert him. If he confessed to formal heresy with belief and intention it was customary to vote secret reconciliation with the immediate removal of the San Benito and with confiscation but the Suprema usually remitted the letter or agreed to a composition. In some cases at Santiago in the 17th century the parties offered a payment nearly equivalent to the value of their property but the Suprema told them that they could retain it on paying what the tribunal thought proper. Confession, whether spontaneous or after arrest to be valid in the inquisition implied repentance, renunciation of error and prayer for readmission to Catholic unity. Although judicial it had this in common with sacramental confession that it must be full and complete. Every separate heretical act was a sin and like sins in a confessional it had to be enumerated. There must be no omission else the confession was nougatory, ficta and diminuta and aggravated guilt for the truly penitent sinner was held to be eager to expose all his sins in order to gain absolution for them and to betray all his accomplices in order to satisfy his newborn hatred of heresy. Thus the diminuto was as bad as the negativo for he was still a heretic at heart. The instructions of 1484 treat diminutos as impenitence to be prosecuted if subsequent testimony shows that they have concealed anything as to themselves or to others. Tried by this standard the confessions in the early terms of grace were apt to be imperfect and in the endeavor to avert the awful consequences of this it became customary to add to them a protest that if through lapse of memory facts had been forgotten the penitent on remembering them would come and confess them or if testimony was received of matters omitted he now accepted it as true and asked penance for them. These protests availed little. In the case of Mencia wife of Diego Gonzalez before the tribunal of Guadalupe in 1485 she added this to her confession but additional incriminating evidence was given by other penitents. She was duly prosecuted and the tribunal apologized for not sending her to the stake in view of her youth her tearful contrition and her heartfelt desire to return to the bosom of the church wherefore she escaped with perpetual prison. Beatriz Núñez was less fortunate she was reconciled on January 13th 1485 in the time of grace after presenting a long confession including all the recognized Jewish practices. On July the 1st she was arrested on the strength of evidence relating to acts running back for 20 years and raising details that happened not to be contained in her confession although it had included a protest admitting all that she did not remember. The tribunal held that her confession had been diminuta that consequently it was feigned and she was an impenitent heretic so she was burnt alive on July the 31st. Similar was the fate of Andrés Gonzalez the parish priest of San Martín de Talavera who was reconciled in the time of grace but when imprisoned on November the 12th 1485 made a fuller confession imploring mercy in terms betraying the utmost despair. There were but two adverse witnesses evidently prisoners on trial whose evidence was simply confirmatory of the confessions but it sufficed. There also have been some delay in getting a bishop and an abbot to degrade him for he was not burnt until August the 17th 1486. Now in all these cases the confessions had amply admitted Judaism and the subsequent testimony was but surplusage in detail. This cruel practice goes far to explain the great number of burnings in the early period which continued to furnish victims. In 1531 the tribunal of Toledo condemned reconciliation, confiscation and prison an old woman named Teresa de Lucena for nearly 50 years she had been living a Catholic life but in 1484 she had been reconciled on a confession which subsequent testimony showed had admitted some Jewish observances and had not named everyone whom she had seen practice them. This demand for an absolutely perfect confession exceeded that of the confessional where forgotten sins are charitably held to be included. It explains why inquisitors labored so strenuously and often so cruelly to make the penitent remember and declare everything testified against him what they termed satisfying the evidence. It is true that Simancas argues that defective memory may render confession imperfect that he who admits himself to have been a heretic includes all heretical customs and that the rigor of the law should not be visited on those who return to the Catholic faith while Rojas condemns the severity of those who hold that a penitent not stating the full term of his heresy should be burned. Yet the old sternness was held to be invigor throughout the 18th century and the only concession of the authorities seems to be that if the penitent admits in his confession anything worthy of relaxation or any accomplices when these have been proved by witnesses he may have the chance of purging himself by torture. Yet this ferocity had become rather academic than practical as early as 1570 the Suprema ordered that in all cases of diminucion the matters suppressed or omitted were to be recorded in the process submitted to the consulta de fe and then without taking action to be sent to it for its decision. This can only have been for the purpose of mitigating the execution of the law without modifying it in principle. It remained nominally enforced but I have met in the later periods with no case in which its extreme rigor was enforced. It was not an infrequent occurrence that reconciled penitents were found by testimony in later trials to have made imperfect confessions. Apparently a careful watch for this was maintained and when it was discovered they were tried again but in the second half of the 17th century the sentences were remarkably mild a few years of prison and San Benito and exile or possibly operating in vergüenza with the recrudescence of persecution in the first half of the 18th century there was greater severity a remissable prison and San Benito for life and in a Barcelona case of 1723 a woman had 200 lashes in addition closely connected with the minucio was the confession of acts accompanied by a denial of intention as we have seen the inquisition relied for proof on acts or words from which heretical belief was inferred it being assumed that after baptism anyone practicing Judaic or Muslim rites or customs was an apostate. Many of these were wholly indifferent in themselves and their significance depended on the intention with which they were performed so that it was not unusual for the accused to admit the acts while disclaiming knowledge of their religious character. He might confess avoidance of pork but alleged that it disagreed with him he might acknowledge to washing hands or changing linen but assert that it was for the sake of cleanliness he might not deny uttering an erratical proposition but say that it was thoughtless or jocular as human intentions are inscrutable in such cases resort was inevitable to the universal solvent of judicial doubt torture at least in the later period in the earlier time it was more inconsonance with the swift justice than habitual to condemn him such acts it was argued did not admit of doubt they were in themselves sufficient truth and the accused was not to be allowed the privilege of torture in the later period the authorities are not wholly unanimous for the shades of guilt and the collateral circumstances varied so infinitely that a definite rule was difficult to frame in general it may be summed up as admitted that for heretical acts under the law no plea of non-intention could be entertained and that the offender must be relaxed but in practice he had the benefit of torture if he succumbed in it he was reconciled with confiscation the galleys and perpetual prison if he endured it without confession according to the judicial logic of the age he was not acquitted but was punished less severely for the suspicion for words and opinions and heretical propositions if serious he was to be tortured on intention but not for lesser offenses in which the appropriate penalty would be less grievous than the infliction of torture yet one writer admits the use of torture when intention is denied in the widely current proposition that simple fornication is no sin when in these minor cases torture was used if according to the legal phrase it was endured sufficiently to purge the testimony it became customary to suspend the case or to acquit the accused in the previous chapter there are one or two instructive cases as to the danger of construing Judaic observances as implying heretical intention in the wider sphere of propositions an illustrative instance is that of the Augustinian tried in 1601 at Toledo for denying the papal power to release souls from purgatory he admitted it but denied intention asserting that he had only used the phrase in the course of an argument the consulta de fe voted for abjuration de levee and a sharp reprimand but the Suprema ordered that he should be threatened with torture up to the point of stripping him in the torture chamber he endured this without confessing and the sentence of the consulta de fe was executed one of the most essential requisites to completeness of confession was the denunciation of all accomplices that is of all whom the penitent knew to be heretics or addicted to heretical practices this, as we have seen was required of all who came in under addicts of grace and in the instructions of the 1500s the inquisitor was ordered when anyone confessed to examine him exhaustively as to what he knew of his parents, brothers, kindred and all other persons and this evidence to be used against them was to be entering registers apart from the personal confession there was usually little hesitation on the part of the penitent to incriminate his family and friends for they might, for all he knew of himself under trial and informing on him so that any reticence on his part would convict him of being a diminuto with all its fateful consequences the information thus obtained was registered with alphabetical indexes so that the tribunals obtained a mass of evidence against those who were Jews or Moors at heart which largely explains the rapid extension of its activity the value attached by the inquisition to this source of information is expressed by the Suprema in its remonstrance on February 23rd, 1595 to Clement VIII against a jubilee indulgence one of its chief arguments was that as heretics were all allied and known to each other the principal means of detecting them was through the confessions of those who were converted while the absolution obtained through the indulgence would release them from pressure and this mode of extirpating heresy would be lost in the formulas compiled for interrogating the accused we find special stress laid on making those who confess enumerate all who had joined with them and believe in worship or whom they knew to be heretics these were recorded one by one the penitent being required to state all details concerning them including personal descriptions so that they could be tracked or if there were several individuals of the same name error could be avoided in identifying them any omissions in this expose the penitent to severe punishment in the Seville-Auto de Fé of July 5th, 1722 there appeared Melchor de Molina who had been reconciled for Judaism in 1720 from evidence gathered in subsequent trials it appeared that he had not denounced all whom he knew he was prosecuted anew and for this, as a falter and protector of accomplices his temporary prison was now made perpetual and irremissable this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org this is a recording by Wang Anqi the history of the Inquisition of Spain Volume 2 by Henry Charles Lee Book 6 Practice Chapter 6 Part 2 Confession perhaps the most striking illustration of the effectiveness of the rule-required denunciation of others is furnished by Robisco Valencia named Francisco Safar Edibera he had been a Christian only in outward show when a miraculous change of heart sent him on a pilgrimage to Montserrat where he confets his heresy to a priest the good padre, unable to absolve him referred him to the Barcelona Tribunal where, as a Conditioned President he was required to denounce all whom he knew to be Moors the Inquisitors finally leased to be Valencians his fast-change of Valencia where he gave the names of no less than 4,000 he had been a wandering tailor and his acquaintance was extensive few of those who fell into the hands of the Inquisition had the heroic courage of Manuel Diaz a victim in the great Mexican alter the fate of December 8th, 1596 although 10 of his fellow sufferers had testified against him he steadily denied his guilt and was proof against both the threats and the blandagements of the Inquisitors there was nothing to do but to burn him as a negativo impenitente except that he might be used to enculpit others and for this he was sentenced to torture and kaput alienum when this sentence was read to him he simply said that he was ready for them to deal with him as they pleased he was in his 38th year and a vigorous man for he endured a torture of unusual severity and although he shrieked and begged to be put to death and called upon his foreman jurors to have mercy on his five children he denied all knowledge of the law of Moses and went to the stake without bearing witness against his fellows this was held to aggravate his guilt and in his sins he was stigmatized as a falter and protector of Judaizing heretics if the inquisitorial records occasionally ennoble human nature with such examples of self-sacrifice they more frequently exhibit it in its most despicable aspect through the eagerness with which unfortunates, enfeebled and despairing in their protracted incarceration seek to gain the favor of pitigalous judges or to render their confessions complete by hastening to betray the confidences of their self-companions who unconsciously relieve their hearts in careless talk with comrades in misery the instances are innumerable in which the recipient of such avowals at once asks an audience and proves the sincerity of his own conversion by detailing what he had heard there is a certain grim satisfaction however in noting that these revelations however damaging to the victim seem never to benefit the informer for I have no where observed that they are accepted as attenuating circumstances to diminish his own punishment the time at which a confession was made was an important factor in determining a greater punishment at first these distinctions were creepily drawn and there was hesitation in accepting a confession as an infallible sign of repentance and conversion the instructions of 1484 merely say that if it is made early and before a publication of evidence the regular penalty can be commuted to those who manifest contrition if after a publication and before a definite sentence the culprit is entitled to reconciliation with perpetual prison but their inquisitors must determine whether he is sincerely converted or if they have no hope of this they should relax him as an impended heretic it seems to have been thought that under these rules too many fictitious converts escaped for in 1498 the tribunals were warned to be cautious about admitting to reconciliation those who confessed after arrest in view of the length of time since the establishment of the inquisition thus after arrest confession and profession of conversion by no means saved the victim from the stake but it depended upon the inquisitor's belief and sincerity this excess of severity was moderated in time and there came to be established a kind of sliding skill which got sincerity by the period in the trial at which confession was made an elementary form of this is displayed in the report of an alto de fe at saragossa june 5th 1585 where many mortiscos suffered there is a group of ten of whom it is said that as they confessed at the beginning of their trials they were imprisoned for two three or four years according to the gravity of their offenses then there are others sent to the galleys for terms of from three to eight years because their confessions were tardy or delayed to the end of their trials as women were exempt from galley service this classification was impossible for them but their terms of prison were regulated in the same way and two of them had their son venitos removed at the close of the proceedings because they had come forward and confessed before arrest though after they had been testified against this system was gradually perfected and as presented by a writer of the middle of the 17th century it appears that if confession was made before the fiscal presented his formal accusation the prison and son venito were inflicted for a very short time if after accusation they were for one or two years if not till after publication of evidence for the three years styled perpetual if after torture they were in the civil prison and if able bodied the first three or five years to be spent in the galleys this might be modified according to the manifestation of repentance and whether the culprit was a good confessor both as to himself and others and in the case of slaves to avoid wronging their owner scourging was substituted for prison in galleys subsequently this resource of scourging was freely employed for those who were not slaves and that the frequent altos of 1721 and the following years the cases are numerous in which men and women are sentenced to 200 lashes an irremissible prison and son venito as a special punishment for authority confession confession under torture was originally not regarded as voluntary and did not relieve for relaxation showing that it's used on a culprit who denied was either merely to gratify curiosity or to obtain information as to accomplices subsequent cause was however, argued that the gratification of the confession which was necessary after 24 hours rendered it voluntary and the more usual practice was to admit such cases to reconciliation the instructions of 1561 accept this but war inquisitors that they must observe much caution as to such cases and consider the quality of the heresies and whether the offender had simply been taught or had taught others still, this distinction was disregarded and samankas tells us that the universal practice was to receive to reconciliation those who confessed under torture it can readily be conceived that those who confessed under the all inspiring formalities of the trial the pressure of prolonged imprisonment the threat of torture and the fear of the stake and whose submissions came gradually with greater or less fullness as they vacillated between opposing influences were not infrequently inconsistent and variable in their utterances this was naturally provoking to the inquisitor and the vario who thus wavered cast doubt upon the sincerity of his repentance he was submitted to reconciliation indeed, but he paid the penalty of his vacillation in extra punishment thus, in the Morcia Alto De Fe of October 18, 1722 Francisco Enriquez de Marina Imelo besides the regular penance was sentenced to a hundred lashes for vario in sus confesiones even more provoking was the revocante who through a revoked confession an occurrence by no means rare as might be expected from the methods employed to obtain it the writers all treat this as impenitence requiring relaxation in cases of formal heresy in practice it was so regarded as a general rule though we find occasional exceptional cases in which, however, care was usually taken to inflate heavier punishment than if the confession had been adhered to in a Toledo Alto of 1603 a Morisco, Andrés Menús who had revoked his confession and consequently had been sentenced to relaxation was saved by the Suprema which ordered torture and, on his overcoming it gave him five years of galleys and a heavy fine another case occurred in Guanada in 1593 where Jusuarte López, a Portuguese confessed to Judaism and then on finding that there was little evidence against him revoked his confession and was condemned to five years of galleys followed by irreversible person and some bonito this apparent inconsistency arose from the infinite perplexities caused to the conscientious inquisitor by the arbitrary methods employed to induce or to extort confession we obtain a glimpse into this from the remarks of an old inquisitor about 1640 who, after laying down the rule of relaxation proceeds to warn the judge that he should proceed with caution and consider the circumstances under which the confession had been made I have known, he adds the mere fear excited by the fiscal's formal demand for torture at the end of the accusation bring a confession which necessitated torture to a certain its truth in 1628 I had a case in Saragossa where a French man voluntarily confessed that he had been a Lutheran and that, as such, he had been reconciled in Toledo on being arrested he stated that his father had taught him Lutheranism and that he was reconciled in Toledo after several audiences he revoked this and asserted that what he had confessed in Toledo was false that there were no heretics where he came from and that his father had not taught him and then in his defense he proved this and that both he and his father were Catholics I voted for relaxation but the supranma ordered torture he overcame the torture and finally sentenced to to undergo public vergüenza and to perpetual banishment from Spain if the revocation, the writer concludes is of things of which there is semi-blenda-proof as of one witness and it appears that it is made to protect of homelessness and friends that in rigor he is to be relaxed but in these times relaxation is rare if he confesses enough to justify reconciliation that the terrors of this situation frequently reduced the prisoner to a mental condition that was practically irresponsible is illustrated in a trivial case concerning the popular assertion that simple fornication was no sin in 1579 at Toledo Diego de Rondo de Prado on trial for this the night at first when the accusation was read with its customary demand for torture he confessed then when the testimony of five witnesses was read in the publication he revoked his confession saying that it was made through fear he did not know whether he had made it or not but if he did so he was out of his senses he remembered that he had said he knew not what and had retracted it and he did not remember and this was what he said they referred the case to the suprama which shared the belief that it seemed to hear high mass approval while his sentence was publicly read and then to spend two years in exile there was another form of revocation which greatly scandalized the inquisition and consequence of the reflection cast upon its method this was the assertion by penitents subsequent to trial that they were innocent and had only confessed through fear of denial it was sufficiently frequent to be included in the edicts of faith among the offenses to be denounced by all cognizant of it in the earliest instructions of 1484 it is ordered that such offenders are to be held as impenitent and as fictitious converts and are to be prosecuted as such which of course meant relaxation this severity was moderated in time but the offense was still punished in a manner to discourage it in 1578 Niccolò Salari who had been reconciled by the tribunal of Sardinia had the imprudence to present to the suprama a petition revoking his confession he was tried for this in Toledo and escaped with two years exile from Sardinia and the royal court a wholesale case of this kind in Valencia in 1540 aroused much excitement a large number of prominent conversals have been punished some with relaxation on the charge of holding conventicals in which Jewish fasts were observed and a crucifix was scorched subsequently they asserted that their confessions had been extorted by fear popular feeling was excited and there was danger that the inquisition would be seriously discredited for ecclesiastics of high repute had recommended them to revoke their confessions and had joined in a letter on the subject to inquisitor general Tavera the honor of the inquisition was to be preserved at all hazards Dr. Aceve was sent as a special commissioner to investigate and his report increased the disquiet to reinforce the Valencia Tribunal in May 1541 Tavera urged Loaces of Barcelona to hasten the there and take charge of the matter promising him support for his advancement then in October two members of the supremo were sent there to assist and two additional inquisitors were put to work the crisis was evidently alarming and there was ample for them all to do prosecutions were instituted against all who had revoked their confessions they were kept segregated to prevent collusion and as a secret prisoner the tribunal was inadequate the inquisitors and officials were turned out of their quarters and seven adjoining houses were hired and converted into jails what was the number involved does not appear the letter of November 26th 1543 mentions that 22 cases had been voted on 20 more were in progress on which they were working night and day and on these days and the remainder it was hoped to conclude so that all might be included in a single the prisoners had no chance the letter of the supremo suggests that the publication of evidence be omitted because many of the witnesses had retracted their evidence and a knowledge of this would encourage the accused in their defense the consultas de fe were to be packed taking care to admit none who were favorable to them and under such conditions the result was inevitable full details are lacking we only know that all those de fe were held in which the culprits appeared for the second time the sentences appear not to have been severe but the honor of the inquisition was vindicated the negativo who persistently denied his guilt in the face of competent testimony was universally held to the epitonaceous impenitent heretic from whom there was no alternative save Bernie alive although as Samanka says he might protest a thousand times that he was a Catholic in which to live and die in the faith this was an inevitable logic of the situation for otherwise a guilty could escape at the mere cost of asserting innocence in the effort to purify the land might as well be abandoned there were indeed comparatively few who did not at first assert their orthodoxy nor many who did not ultimately yield to the effective methods to obtain confession those who resisted to the end and went to the stake asserting their Catholicism were unquestionably good Christians who preferred the most frightful of deaths rather than admit that they had been heretics and confessed and endured heresies that they had never entertained for if they were really guilty there was nothing more to be gained by denial than by the defiant avowal of their beliefs cases of this kind were by no means rare there were five in Toledo between 1575 and 1606 there were three in a single alto in Granada in 1593 there was one in the great Madrid alto of 1680 and two in those of Marjorca in 1691 the inquisitors themselves admitted the danger of burning the good Catholic whose conscience would not permit him of accusing himself of heresy and Pena considers at some length the question whether under the pressure of approaching death by fire it is listed to make a false confession he concludes that this is in no sense permissible and he comforts the victim by assuring him that his constancy will win him the palm of martyrdom the church will never know how many martyrs of this kind the inquisition furnished to his role of uncannized saints it required indeed persistent constancy for the true believer to persevere to the end in denial for the inquisition held open the door to repentance to the latest moment possible if at the alto de fe the negativo asked for an audience it was at once granted he was removed from the staging he had an opportunity to confess and profess conversion his case was gone over and such penance was imposed as was demanded by the gravity of the charges and the delay in the confession such case this was by no means rare and bear witness to the awful strain on the weakness of average human nature when all other means failed to obtain a satisfactory confession including the denunciation of the accomplices there was always in reserve the potent persuasive of torture ended book 6 chapter 6 part 2 this was the recording by opendix of the history of the inquisition of spain volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org the history of the inquisition of spain volume 2 by Henry Charles Lee opendix document 1 as published in Mexico november 3rd 1571 nos el doctor don pedromoya de contreras inquisidor apostolico etc a todos los vecinos y moradores estantes y residentes en todas las ciudades villas y lugares de los dichos arzobispados obispados y distrito de cualquier estado condición, preminencia o dignidad que sean estentos y non estentos y a cada unos y cualquiera de vos a cuya noticia viniere lo contenido en esta nuestra carta en cualquier manera salud en jesucristo que es verdadera salud y a los nuestros mandamientos que mas verdaderamente son dichos apostolicos firmamente obedecer guardar y cumplir sabed que por parte del promotor fiscal de este santo oficio nos ha sido hecho a relacion diciendo que por no se haber publicado carta de edicto ni hecho visita generar por el santo oficio de la inquisición en esta ciudad y arzobispado y distrito no habría venido a nuestra noticia muchos delitos que se habran cometido y perpetruado contra nuestra santa fe catolica y ley evangélica y estaban por punir y castigar y que de ello se seguía de servicio a nuestro señor y gran daño y perjuicio a la religión cristiana por ende nos pedía mandesemos a ser y hiciesemos la dicha inquisición y visita general leyendo por ello edictos públicos y castigando a los que se hallaran culpados de manera que nuestra santa fe catolica siempre fuese ensalzada y aumentada y por nos visto ser justo su pedimento y quisiendo proveer y remediar acerca de ello lo que conviene al servicio de nuestro señor mandamos dar y dimos la presente para vos en la dicha razón por lo cual vos exhortamos y requerimos que si alguno de vos supierdes o hubieres visto u oído decir o algunas personas vivas, presentes o ausentes o difuntas hayan hecho o dicho alguna cosa contra nuestra santa fe catolica y contra lo que está ordenado y establecido por la sagrada escritura y ley evangélica y por los sacros concilios y doctrina común de los santos y contra lo que tiene y enseña la iglesia católica romana usos y ceremonias de ella, especialmente los que hubieren hecho o dicho alguna cosa que sean contra los articulos de la fe mandamientos de la ley y de la iglesia y de los santos sacramentos o si alguno hubiere hecho o dicho alguna cosa en favor de la ley muerta de moisen de los judíos o hecho ceremonias de ella o de la malvada secta de maoma o de la secta de martín lútero y sus secuaces y de los otros heregos condenados por la iglesia y si saben que alguna o algunas personas hayan tenido o tengan libros de la secta y opiniones del dicho martín lútero y sus secuaces o el al corán y otros libros de la secta de maoma o biblias en romanse o otros cualquier libros de los reprobados por las censuras y catálogos dados y publicados por el santo oficio de la inquisición los cuales mandamos se traigan ante nos dentro del término de que juzo irá declarado y si saben que algunas personas no cumpliendo lo que son obligadas han dejado de decir y manifestar lo que saben o que hayan dicho y persuadido a otras personas que no vinieron a decir y manifestar lo que sabían toccante al santo oficio o que hayan subornado testigos para techar falsamente lo que han dispuesto en el santo oficio o si algunas personas hubiesen dispuesto falsamente contra otras por hacerles mal o daño y macular su honra o que hayan encubierto recetado o favorecido algunos herigos dandoles favor y ayuda sus personas y sus bienes o que hayan impedido o puesto impedimento por si o por otros a la libre administración del santo oficio de la inquisición para efecto de los tales herigos no pudiesen ser acusados ni castigados o hayan dicho palabras en desacato del santo oficio oficiales y ministros o de los que hayan quitado o hecho quitar algunos del santo oficio o los que han sido reconciliados o penitenciados por el santo oficio no han guardado ni cumplido las carcelerías y penitencias que les fueron impuestas o si han dejado de traer públicamente el hábito de reconciliación sobre sus vestiduras o si saben que alguno de los reconciliados o penitenciados haya dicho pública o secretamente que lo que confesó del santo oficio an si de si como de otras personas no fuera verdad ni lo había hecho ni cometido y que lo dijo por temor o por temor o por otros respetos o que hayan descubierto el secreto que les fue encomendado o si saben que alguno haya dicho que los relajados por el santo oficio fueron condenados sin culpa y que murieron mártires o si saben que algunos relajados o hijos o nietos de condenados por el crimen de la erigía hayan usado de las cosas que les son prohibidas por derecho común leyes y pragmaticas de los reinos e instrucciones del santo oficio así como si han sido corregidores, alcaldes jueces, notarios regidores, jurados mayordomos, alcaides maestres alas fieles públicos caderes, escribanos abogados, procuradores cerquitarios contadores, concilleres tesoreros, médicos cirujanos sangradores, boticarios corredores cambiadores, cogedores arredadores de rentas algoalciles o hayan usado de otros oficios públicos o de honra por si o por interpósitas personas o que se hayan hecho clerigos o que tengan alguna dignidad eclisiástica o seglar o insignias de ella o hayan traído armas, seda oro, plata corales, perlas chamelotes, pañofino o cabalgado a caballo o si alguno tuviere habilitación para poder usar de los dichos oficios o de las cosas prohibidas lo traiga y presente ante nos, el término aquí contenido anzimismo mandamos a cualquier escribanos o notaríos ante quien hayan pasado o estén cualquier probanzas dichos detestigos, autos y procesos de algunos de los dichos crímenes y delitos en esta nuestra carta referidos o de otro alguno tocante aeregía lo traigan y presenten ante nos originalmente y a las personas que supieren o hubieren oído decir en cuyo poder están los tales procesos y denunciaciones los vengan a decir y manifestar entre nos y por la presente prohibimos y mandamos a todos los confesores y clerigos presbíteros y religiosos y seglares no absuelvan a las personas algunas cosas de lo en esta carta contenido supieren sino antes lo remitan ante nos por cuanto la obsolucion de los que han si hubieren incurrido nos es reservada y an si la reservamos lo cual los unos y los otros asi hagan y cumplan la pena de excomunión y mandamos que para que mejor se sepa la verdad y se guarde el secreto los que alguna cosa supierdes y entendierdes o hayais visto o entendido o oído en cualquier manera sabido de lo que en esta carta contenido no lo comuniqueis con persona alguna eclisiastica ni seglar sino solamente lo vengais diciendo y manifestando ante nos con todo el secreto que ser pueda y por el mejor modo que os pareciere porque cuando lo dijeredes se vera y acordara si es caso que el santo oficio deba conocer por ende, por el tenor de la presente, vos mandamos en virtud de la santa obediencia y so pena de excomunión mayor, Trina, Canónica, Montignoni, Permisa que dentro de seis días primeros siguientes despues que esta nuestra carta fuere leida y publicada y de ella supierdes en cualquier manera los cuales os damos y asignamos por tres plazos y término, cada dos días por un término y todos seis días por tres términos y el ultimo perentorio vengais y parescais entre nos personalmente en la sala de nuestra audiencia a decir y manifestar lo que supierdes hubiere des hecho, visto a ser o decir cerca de las cosas arriba dichas y declaradas o otras cualesquier cosas de cualquier calidad que sean tocantes a nuestra santa fe catolica y al santo oficio así de vivos presentes ausentes como difuntos por manera que la verdad se sepa y los males sean castigados y los buenos y fieles cristianos conocidos y honrados y nuestra santa fe catolica aumentada y ensalzada y por que los uso dicho a noticia de todos y ninguno de ello pueda pretender ignorancia se manda publicar dado en mexico tres días del mes de noviembre de mil quinientos setenta y un años el doctor moya de contreras por mandado del santo inquisidor pedro de los rios end of appendix document one appendix of the history of the inquisition of spain volume two this is a libra vox recording all libra vox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libravox.org the history of the inquisition of spain volume two by henry charles lia appendix document two confessional letter of absolution issued by the papal penitentiary for 1481 julianos miseratione divina episcopus sabinesis delectis in christo francisco ferdinandi de sevilla e blankse ferdinandi eius uxsori a cflora martin eiusdem franckiski matri kiwibus ispalensibus salutem in domino sedes apostolica pia mater deuestro et aliorum pistifidelium salute solicita li benteruobis ila concedit per quae conscientia i paquem et anima i salutem deo propitio consecui qualeatis nos igitur autoritate domini papae cuius puenitentiari scurum gerimus et deeius speciali mandato superhoc wiwaiwokis oraculo nobis i botioni westrae con cedimus quatenus likeat wobis idonium et discretum presbiterum saicularem wiwel cuius wis ordinis regularem inconfessorem eligere quiwos et quemlibet westrum detestatis prius in eius manibus secrete apostatiais secta superstitioonibus et hairesis reatibus ac omnibus haireticis reatibus etiam si deprimisis difamati suspecti convicti probationibus superati alt per hairetica e prauitatis inquisitores seul lochi ordinarium bocati et aprehensi ac posteorum monitioonis deli queritis alt etiam quod alios cuius modi criminum compliques non manifestaueritis censuris ecclesiasticis et uttales pubicati ac in eisdem censuris per annum et ultra per manseritis wel ut haireticis difamati perseueraweritis alt alias contrawos premisorum ocassione comodolibet sit prokessum adictis secta superstitioonibus reatibus et censuris ac excesibus cuius modi etiam si ritus et monias judaicas observando et ilos wel ilas alios do kendo et abortodoksai fide credulitate recadendo alterios hairesis et apostasiai notam incureritis etiam asuis erorum sic anatematizatioonis et malediktioonis aiterne censuris et painis intales tam per prokessus apostolicus com alias ayure etiam per inquisitores fraidiktus et suos acessores et ordinarias wel alias comodolibet latis et promulgatis praiter praenisain cursis absoluat informa eclesia i consueta et iniungat woobis promodo culpai poinum salutarem et secretum ac a woobis omnem infamiai maculam nesque alias yuris poinus etiam corpordis afliktivas absoluat et totaliter remitat et woos atkuitum christifidelium et sanctaimatris eclesiai negnon unitatem catholicai eclesiai ac in pristinum et purum statum incoeratis antequam in praediktus excessus prolapsi fuisetis auctoditate et mandat o praediktis reponat reintegrat restituat et reducat contradiktores percensuras eclesiasticas auctoditate et mandat praediktis compescat et omnibus yuris remediis oportunis woobis assistat datum romai apus sanctum petrum subsigilo o fiki poinitentiariai duai antenonas dekembris pontificatus domini 60 papa quattor ano duodekimo document 3 revocation of letters of absolution and of exemptions made 17th 1488 inokentius episcopus servis servorum dei dilectis filis universis et singulis locorum ordinaris et inquisitoribus et politicae pravitatis inregnis et dominis carissimi incristofilii ferdinandi regis et carissimai incristofilii elisabet reginae castilii et legionis ilustrium salutem et apostolicam benediktione cuya secud a chepimus quam plurimi hairesis et fidei apostasiai crimine poluti infralimites woestra iuris dictioniis degentis ut criminum woiusmo di publicam iusta sanctorum patrum decreta abiurattionem woestramque iuris dictionem evitem, tam afeliki recordatione 60 papa quarto quam anubis superiorum exemptione apotestate et iuris dictione woestra negnon abiurattionibus irrorum suorum aliter quam informai iuris faciendis ac alias diversi mode literas obtinuerunt quibus obstantibus quae woestro incumbunt oficio ko ad eos eqsequei haithenus non potuistis nek botestis non si ne animarum eorundem periculo ortodoxai fidei detrimento mali eqsempli pernicie et scandalo plurimorum neigitur haicuia tanta ipietatis oficio tam grande impedimentum praistetur et ut comisii woobis oficii devitum liberius et plenius exercere positis felikis recordationis clementis papa e quarti et aliorum paidekesorum nostrorum vestigiis in hairentis motu propio et exkertas chientia et mera deliberatione woobis comitimus et mandamus ut cuscunque de hairesis et apostasiai criminiibus huiusmudi culpabilis suspectus weldifamatos aqfautores receptatores et defensores eorum in regnis et dominis praidictis qui haeternus huiusmudi exemtionis privilegia et inquisitionis de eorum exkessibus comisione et super admitendis eorum abiurationibus aliter quam informa yudis literas huiusmudi anobis seu sexto praidekesore praifatu obtinuerum ad abiurandus erores eorum publike seruata forma yudis et si coismodu relapsi diki posent inframensem post cumpraisentes literai fuwerint incatedrali et parochiali eclesia eorum publicatas ita ut de ilis nequeant ignorantiam alegare ekipiatis et admitatis perinde aksi relapsi non forend menseweru praidicto elapsu deum prai oculis habentes contraeus ecoscunque alios eusdem criminis reos juxtasacrorum canonum institutaprokedatis comisioribus huiusmudi at literis at alios yudis directis ecos dirigi continga quibus cumpu e personis cuiuswis dignitatis gradus, ordinis welconditiones existant etiam si chister quintium praidicatorum et minorum aut alterius cuiuswis ordinis et religiones fuwerint sub quacunque verborum expressione et cumpu ebuswis etiam motus propri et kertais kientiae at plenitudinis potestatis aliiswe fortioribus et efficacioribus clausulis etiam derogatoriorum derogatorius conkesis et conkedendis quae omnia cum indesekutis proinfectis haberi wolumus necnon constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis caiterisque contraris nonobstantibus quibus cumpu e datum romai apus sanctum petrum ano incarnationis dominicum cumpu ebuswis no incarnationis dominicum bilesimo quadric entesimo octuagesimo octauo sexto decimo calendis juni pontificatus nostri ano quarto gratis de mandato sinedatum notarium papai eff de valentia end of appendix documents 2 and 3 appendix of the history of the inquisition of spain vol. 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org this recording by herehis.com the history of the inquisition of spain vol. 2 by henry charles lea appendix document 4 petition of heronimo zarita llamo y romo señor el contador heronimo zarita dice que va en vente y cuatro años que subre en el santo oficio de la inquisition los doce servio en cocejo de la general inquisition del secretario y va en doce que tiene a su cargo la contradauría general de los inquisiciones de la corona de argon y en este tiempo ha recibido las cuentas de la inquisición de cecilia que había 20 años que no se recibieron y se financieron harto beneficio de escuela inquisición por estar las cuentas de los receptores pasados muy ofuscados y en muy mala orden como es notorio en escuela inquisición y a su mismo ha recibido y fenecido las otras cuentas cuestan a su cargo con toda la justicia y cuidado posible y con menos salario que sedio al contador mozen granada que no entendio en las cuentas de la inquisición de cecilia y en todo esto se ha ocupado con grande trabajo y fatiga de su persona y con gastar su patrimonio sin recibir merced ni remuneración ninguna de sus servicios supleco a vuestro señoría llama que concerrando que ha envejecido en este oficio y no es para por ello otras mercedes y que ha dejado otras caminos a donde se la ofrecieron mayores esperabas y mas ciertos de poder merdrar y todo lo pospuesto por acabar en servicio del santo ofecía se le haga merced detalle por al junto en el dicho oficio de contador amiguel garita su hijo al cual aunque es mozo de 18 años es bien habil toctrinado y inclinado con admitirle en el con mejor aficion de despondrara a ejercitarse y industriarse en todo lo que concierne al dicho oficio y el dicho contador empleara lo que le queda de la vida en su cargo en la ciudad de Toledo de Mayo de 560 años vista este petición presentando por Granmo Gorita contador general por el romo señor don Fernando de Valdez Arzbisibo de Sevilla inquisidor general y por los señores don Diego de los Cobos Obispo de Avia y lesenciado voltando y se mancas y Hernan Perez del consejo de la Santa General en cuestion de Xierron que tiene nido el dicho Miguel Gorita su hijo edad de la habilidad que se requiere para servir el dicho oficio de contador se interna con serracion a lo mucho y con el cuidado que el dicho Geranmo Gorita y Juan García su suegro han servido en el santo oficio para le hacer la merced que suplica lo que paso ante mi Pedro de Tapia secretario del dicho consejo Pedro de Tapia Inquisition of Spain Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org The History of the Inquisition of Spain Volume 2 by Henry Charles Lee Appendix Document 5 Details of the Organization the Suprema in 1746. All Salaries in Reales, Veillon. Felipe Muñoz, Inquisitor, Salary, $7,352.4 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $1,470.20 Reales. Also, juez de bienes, Salary, $1,176.15 Reales. Antonio Silvestre Espinosa, Inquisitor, Salary, $7,352.34 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $1,470.20 Reales. Andrés de Priego y Cabrejas, fiscal, Salary not stated, but doubtless the same as that of the Inquisitor. José de Buendía, Al-Guasil Mayor, Replace the Conda del Valle de San Juan in 1717, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Salvador Hermosa y Espejo, Secretary, Commenced as Receiver in 1713, Secretariat added in 1715, Jubilated as Receiver in 1723, with Salary of $250 Ducats in addition to Salary as Secretary. Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Pedro de Parraga y Bosaya, Secretary, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Antonio Gonzales Campurano, Secretary, Serves without Salary in place of his father, Will succeed at his death. Fernando Ayon, Secretary, was a Commissioner in 1736, Made Depositario de Pretendientes in 1741, Made Secretary without Salary. Andrés Garcia Ibenito, Secretary, in 1739, Made Honorary Secretary without Salary, in 1745, Made Full Secretary without Salary, but with fees and emoluments. José Gonzales Campurano, Appointed Secretary in 1692, Jubilated in 1736 with Full Salary, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Antonio de El Geta Vigil, Appointed Secretary in 1717, in 1732, Made Receiver with Salary of Blanc, is also Jubilated Secretary without Salary, Salary, $5,955.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Francisco de Guzmán, Appointed Secretary in 1699, Jubilated in 1716 with Salary of $2,944 Reales. Antonio Villafranca, Secretary, appointed in 1744, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Jose Fernández de Lima, Abogado del Fisco, Salary, $294.4 Reales. Diego Fernández de Zengano, Secretary, Serving in Logroño by Order of Suprema, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Antonio de Arnuero, Secretary, Serving in Corte by Order of Suprema, Salary, $2,352.30 Reales. Ayuda de Costa, $588.8 Reales. Matías Rosique, Abogado del Fisco, in the Absence and Sickness of Fernández de Lima and Draws His Salary. Miguel Morote, Advocate of Prisoners, Absent and Sick, Salary, $294.4 Reales. Juan Ignacio Navarro, Advocate of Prisoners, Without Salary. Alejo Manresa, Notary of Sequestrations, Office sold by Soto Mayor, 1632 to 1643 for four lives of which Manresa is the last. Salary, $294.4 Reales. José de Eguea Carreño, Notary of Juzgado, appointed in 1733 with dispensation of making proofs of limpieza, serves without title but has the salary. This office was sold by Soto Mayor for four lives of which this is the third. Salary, $294.4 Reales. Baltazar Espín y Bienvengut, Auditor, appointed by the King in 1745, office served by his deputy, Pedro Carmeno, with salary. This office was sold by Soto Mayor for four lives of which this is the third. Salary, $729.14 Reales. Antonio de Palacio, Alcaide of the Secret Prison, since 1741, he serves as Depositario de Pretendientes without salary but with a fee of 2% on the deposits. This office of Depositario was sold by Soto Mayor for three lives of which two have elapsed. The third belongs to Sebastián de Pineda who is not qualified and has not the title so the office is served as above. Salary, $2352.32 Reales. Alfonso Manresa, Jubilated in 1720 as Alcaide of the Secret Prison, Salary, $330 Reales. Jose Garcia Ventura, Notario de Asotaciones, Salary, $2491.5 Reales. Juan Jiménez, Physician, not having furnished proofs of limpieza, he has not a title, Salary, $235.10 Reales. Pedro Carmona Ivejar, Nuncio, also serves as Deputy Auditor to Baltazar Espin, above. Also as Alcaide of the Prison of Familiars without salary except the house, Salary, $1,470.20 Reales. Felipe Garcia Conde, Portrero de Cámara, $1,470.20 Reales. Jose de Elizondo, Alcaide of the Penitential Prison, $235.10 Reales. Alejandro Rosique, Procurator of the Fiscal, $235.10 Reales. Antonio Roche, Surgeon, $235.10 Reales. Antonio Fernandez Alonso, Deputy of the Porter, Antonio Idles, Deputy of the Notary of Sequestrations, with salary of $550 Reales, paid him by the Proprietor, Manresa. Calificadores en Murcia, Fry Pedro Pablo, Fry Salvador Serrón, Fry Antonio Capistrano Rizzo, Fry Jose Blanco, Doctor Francisco Lopez Oliver, Fry Isidro de Murcia, Fry Joaquín Petrel, Fry Francisco Perez, Fry Antonio Tomás. Calificadores en Cartagena, Fry Baltazar de la Fuente, Calificadores en Albacete, Fry Jose Pedreno, Calificadores en Villena, Doctor Juan Alfonso Meynas, Calificadores en Manforte, Doctor Francisco Cremades, Calificadores en Cuenca, Alonso Camacho, Fry Jose Fernandez Quevedo, Fry Juan Calatrava, Fry Nicolás Clarrer, Commissioners at the Ports en Alicante, Luis Canicia y Juan, Juan Canicia Doria, with Kennan Carlos Campos as Notary, Commissioners at the Ports en Cartagena, Salvador Garcia Siles, with Pedro de Tapia as Notary, Commissioners at the Ports en Oriuela, Doctor Juan Timer Jubilado, Francisco Ros de la Vallesta, with Pedro Quiles as Notary, Familiars. In Murcia and other parts of the district, there are not only no supernumeraries, but there are many vacancies, so that in many places we have to avail ourselves of clerics and other competent persons to perform necessary duties. Commissioners. It is the same with commissioners and notaries. In many places where there were formerly commissioners, there are no applicants. In other places, there are many applicants and it has been found necessary to appoint from these to places where there are none. The tribunal finds itself without ministers to execute its commands in many places. End of Appendix, document five. Appendix of the History of the Inquisition of Spain, volume two. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The History of the Inquisition of Spain, volume two by Henry Charles Lee. Appendix, document six. Commission of an Inquisitor. Nos, Don Juan Tabera. Por la miseración divina cardinal en la Santa Iglesia de Roma, título de San Juan ante Porta Latina. Arsobispo de Toledo, primado de las Españas. Chancellor Mayor de Castilla, gobernador de estos reinos e inquisidor apostólico general contra la erética provedad y apostasia en todos los reinos y señoríos de sus majestades, etc. Confiando de las letras y recta conciencia de vos el Dr. Blas Ortiz, canónico de la Santa Iglesia de Toledo y que soy tal persona que bien y fielmente y diligentemente haréis lo que por nos vos fuere cometido y encomendado. Por el tenor de la presente, por la autoridad apostólica, anós concedida de que en esta presente usamos, vos facemos, constituimos, creamos, e deputamos, inquisidor apostólico contra la dicha erética provedad y apostasia en el reino de Valencia y su distrito y jurisdicción y os damos poder y facultad, simul et insólidom con el venerable Dr. Juan González, inquisidor del dicho partido para que podáis inquirir e inquirades contra todas y cualquiera personas ansí hombres como mujeres vivos y difuntos absentes e presentes de cualquier estado, condición prerrogativa, preeminencia y dignidad que sean extentos y no sean extentos vecinos y moradores que son o han sido en las ciudades villas y lugares del dicho reino de Valencia y su distrito de que se hallaren culpantes, sospechosos e infamados en el dicho delito y crimen de erergía y apostasia y contra todos los factores, defensores y receptadores de ellos. Y para que podáis hacer y hagáis contra ellos y contra cada uno de ellos, vuestros procesos en forma de vida de derechos según los sacros canónigos lo disponen y para que podáis tomar y recibir cualesquiera procesos y causas pendientes sobre los dichos crímenes o cualquiera de ellos ante cualquiera inquisidor que haya sido en el dicho partido en el punto estado en que están y continuarlos a hacer y determinar en ellos lo que fuera justicia y para que podáis a los dichos culpantes encarcelar, penitenciar, punir y castigar y se de justicia fuera a relajarlos el brazo seglar y fazer todos los otros casos el dicho oficio de inquisidor tocantes y pertenecientes para lo cual todo lo que he dicho es y cada una cosa y parte de ella con todas sus incidencias y dependencias a negidades y conegidades vos damos poder cumplido y cometemos nuestras veces hasta que nos especial y expresamente las reboquemos. En testimonio de lo cual mandamos dar y dimos la presente firmada de nuestro nombre y referendada del secretario en frascripto dada en la villa de madrid a cinco días del mes de abril del mil quinientos cuarenta años jay cardinales por mandado de su ilustrísima y reverendísima señoría Jerónimo Surita secretario con señales de los señores licenciado a guire y obispo de balajós y prior de ronces valles and of appendix document six appendix of the history of the inquisition of spain volume two. This is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org the history of the inquisition of spain volume two by Henry Charles Lee. Appendix document seven personnel of the inquisition in seventeen forty six inquisitors and fiscals madrid two sevill two cordova four granada three valladolid five murcia three yerena three cuenca four logroño three Barcelona three Santiago three Valencia three Zaragoza five Mallorca two Toledo four Canaries three secretaries madrid eleven sevill thirteen cordova nine granada seven valladolid four murcia ten yerena eight cuenca five logroño nine Barcelona two Santiago five Valencia six Zaragoza six Mallorca four Toledo nine Canaries three auditors madrid two sevill two cordova one granada one valladolid one murcia two yerena one cuenca one logroño two Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia two Zaragoza two Mallorca one Toledo one Canaries one al-Qaeda's of secret prison madrid one sevill one cordova one granada one valladolid two murcia two yerena three cuenca one logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia three Zaragoza one Mallorca one Toledo four Canaries one porteros madrid one cordova one granada two valladolid one murcia two yerena one cuenca two logroño one Santiago one Valencia one Zaragoza one Mallorca one Toledo one Canaries one Nuncios madrid one sevill one cordova one granada one valladolid one murcia one yerena one cuenca one logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia one Zaragoza one Mallorca one Canaries one Advocates of the prisoners and of the fiscal madrid one cordova three granada one valladolid one murcia four yerena one cuenca three logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Zaragoza two Mallorca five Toledo one Canaries one Physicians madrid two sevill two cordova two granada one valladolid one murcia one cuenca one logroño one Santiago one Zaragoza three surgeons madrid two sevill one cordova two granada one valladolid one yerena one logroño one Santiago one Alguaciles mayores sevill one cordova one granada one valladolid one murcia one yerena one logroño two Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia one Zaragoza one Canaries one Receivers sevill two cordova one granada one murcia one yerena one cuenca one logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia one Zaragoza one Mallorca two Toledo one Canaries two Advocates of the Fiscal Sevill one Depositories Sevill one Cordova one Valladolid one Murcia one yerena one Cuenca one logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Toledo one Procurators of the Fiscal Sevill one Cordova one Valladolid one Murcia one yerena one Cuenca one logroño one Zaragoza one Mallorca one Canaries one Chaplains Sevill two Cuenca two Canaries two Commissioners Sevill six Cordova four Granada six Valladolid six Murcia seven Yerena six Cuenca two Logroño five Barcelona 28 Santiago six Valencia seven Zaragoza 38 Canaries 23 Commissioners with Notaries Granada three Barcelona four Valencia 50 Zaragoza seven Canaries 22 Calificadores Sevill 16 Cordova 19 Granada 14 Valladolid 12 Murcia seven Cuenca five Logroño two Barcelona 26 Santiago three Valencia 40 Zaragoza 29 Mallorca 24 Toledo eight Canaries four Notaries of sequestrations Cordova one Granada one Valladolid one Murcia four Cuenca two Logroño three Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia three Mallorca one Notaries of the juzgado Cordova one Valladolid one Murcia four Yerena one Cuenca two Logroño three Barcelona one Santiago one Valencia three Zaragoza one Mallorca one Toledo one Alcaides of the penitential prison Cordova two Granada one Murcia one Assistance of DO Cordova one Barbers Cordova one Valladolid one Canaries one Provedores Cordova one Valladolid one Yerena one Logroño one Barcelona one Santiago one Mallorca one Consultors Cordova three Granada four Valladolid one Cuenca one Santiago one Mallorca eight Familiars Zaragoza 36 Canaries four Juez de Bienes Mallorca one Algoaciles Canaries 11 Totals Madrid 25 Seville 53 Cordova 61 Granada 49 Valladolid 43 Murcia 59 Yerena 32 Cuenca 32 Logroño 36 Barcelona 70 Santiago 30 Valencia 118 Zaragoza 135 Mallorca 54 Toledo 31 Canaries 83 End of Appendix, Document 7 Appendix of the History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org The History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 2 by Henry Charles Lee Appendix, Document 8 Certificate of Limpieza Don Cristóbal de Cos y Vivero, Secretario, etc. Certificó que por el excelentísimo señor Obispo, Inquisidor General, se hizo gracias de pruebas para ministro oficial del santo oficio al excelentísimo señor Don Carlos Miguel Fitz James Stewart, Silva, Stolberg y Palafoz Duque de Vervich y de Alba y la de que se le recibiesen en esta Corte por Patria Común con dispensa de la extranjería de su padre y abuela paterna y teniéndose por bastantes las partidas que acompañan legalizadas en su consecuencia por mandado de los señores del expresado consejo se recibieron dichas informaciones al tenor de las memorias de sus padres y abuelos que presentó y es del modo siguiente. Arbol genealógico del excelentísimo señor Duque de Vervich y Alba, Don Carlos Miguel El excelentísimo señor Don Carlos Miguel Fitz James Stewart, Silva, Stolberg y Palafoz Duque de Vervich y Alba, Marqués del Carpio Alhuacil Mayor de la Santa Inquisición de Córdoba, nació en Madrid el año de 1794 Padres El excelentísimo señor Don Jacobo Felipe Carlos Maria Fitz James Stewart y Stolberg Duque de Vervich y Liria, Grande de España de primera clase, nació en París el año de 1773 Difunto Y la excelentísima señora Doña María Teresa de Silva y Palafoz nació en Madrid año 1772 Abuelos paternos El excelentísimo señor Don Carlos Fernández Fitz James Stewart, Duque de Vervich y Liria, Grande de España de primera clase, nació en Liria año de 1752 Difunto Y la excelentísima señora Doña Carolina Augusta de Stolberg, Princesa de Stolberg nació en la aldea de Guedem de Alemania Año de 1755 Abuelos maternos El excelentísimo señor Don Pedro de Alcántara, Fabrique Fernández de Ijar, Silva, Duque de Ijar, Grande de España de primera clase, Presidente del Real Consejo de las Ordenes, Difunto, nació en Villarubia de los Ojos de Guardiana, año de 1741 Y la excelentísima señora Doña Rafaela de Palafoz, Croix de Abre, nació en Arisa, año de 1744 Difunto Como agente de la casa de su excelentísima, presentó testimoniadas las partidas de bautismo de los señores comprendidos en el árbol genealógico que antecede cuya procedencia de cristianos viejos, limpios de toda mala raza por notariedad certificó y juro en Madrid a 26 de junio de 1815 Miguel Antonio Forrent Y ejecutadas las referencias e informaciones en esta corte por patria común con arreglo a las referidas gracias y según práctica del santo oficio, Vistas por los señores del mencionado Consejo, por su auto que proveyeron con fecha de este día, los aprobaron y dieron por bastantes, para que el nominado excelentísimo señor Don Carlos Miguel Fitz-James-Tuart Puede ser y sea ministro oficial del santo oficio, según por menor resulta de dichas informaciones que por ahora quedan originales en la secretaría de mi cargo a que me remito Y para que conste donde convenga, en virtud de orden del propio consejo, doy la presente al susodicho excelentísimo señor Don Carlos Miguel Fitz-James-Tuart sellada con el sello de la General Inquisición en Madrid a 24 días del mes de mayo de 1816 Don Cristóbal de Kos y Víbero End of Document 8 Document 9 Receit March 30, 1524, by the wife of a reconciled heretic for her dower from the confiscated estate sea a todos manifiesto que yo doña Beatriz de Spooch de Sanpoy, mujer que soy de Pérez Alcañiz y presente aquel y de voluntad de aquel degrado y de mi cierta ciencia otorgo haber habido y en poder mío recibido en la forma infrascrita de de vos, el magnífico Cristóbal de Medina, receptor de los bienes confiscados por el crimen de la Erejía y apostasía en el santo oficio de la Inquisición de Valencia que sois presente es a saber 32 Libras 7 sueldos monedad reales de Valencia los cuales me habéis dado y pagado a toda mi voluntad en paga rata de las cantidades que yo tengo de haber y cobrar por razón de mi dote en virtud de una sentencia dada por el muy revendísimo doctor Miser Melchor Esteve teniente de Inquisidor y juez subdelegado de bienes confiscados en dicho santo oficio quedada fue 22 días del mes de diciembre próximo pasado de 1523 que pasó ante el discreto Francisco Mudarra notario escribano de la audiencia y judicatura de dichos bienes confiscados y por las causas y razones en la dicha sentencia contenidas el modo de la paga de las dichas 32 Libras 7 sueldos de la dicha moneda es este que de mi voluntad os la retenéis por consenblante cantidad que yo os debía de los precios y bienes muebles por mi comprados de alimentario y secreto de dicho pero al cañiz mi marido como parece por acto recibido por el notario infrascrito a 30 días del mes de junio del presente año la cual confesión y a poca otorgó y hago sin prejuicio de mis derechos por cuanto yo pretendo que los dichos bienes o parte de ellos que yo compré son míos propios y de los contenidos en el pagamiento que el dicho pere al cañiz mi marido me hizo porque es verdad por tanto renunciando toda excepción de fraudo o de engaño otorgó y hago vos la presente a poca en poder del notario infrasquito que fecha fue en la ciudad de valencia a 30 días del mes de marzo del año nacimiento de nuestro salvador jesucristo de 1524 señal de la dicha doña Beatriz despuch y de sandboy que las dichas cosas otorgó y firmó testimonio que fueron presentes a las dichas cosas los honrados francisco mudarra notario y martín de durango escribiente y visitadores de valencia end of appendix document nine appendix of the history of the inquisition of spain volume two this is a librebox recording all librebox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit librebox.org the history of the inquisition of spain volume two by henry charles lee appendix document 10 abstract of a partial statement of receipts charged against the canon juan de astorga receiver of confiscations in valencia for the year 1493 february 6 from violent dominega for a loan made by her stepmother violent dominega relaxed to geordi on a pair of gold bracelets in which loan she had an interest of three ducats 200 sueldos from the mayorkin seamstress due to the said dominega 8.1 ducats from violent doranega 20 gold coins hidden by her stepmother in a saddle amounting an all to 319 ducats april 19 confiscation isabella morosa relaxed sail by auction of her effects as per inventory 2.10 ducats may 2 confiscation of master anthony tristan sail by as per inventory 137 ducats confiscation of master juan argones and his wife sail by auction of his effects as per inventory some not stated september 10 sail by auction to gaspar ferrol of a house of said juan argones 1100 ducats sail by auction to simon sanchez of a joining house 1200 ducats valuation under commands of the king of three fields and two vineyards of juan argones after deducting encumbrances the fields at 37 libras and the vineyards at 53 in all equivalent to 1800 ducats july 23 confiscation of louis sarayana a house valued by experts at 45 libras as the king had made a grant to ja no arid francisco sarayana of 501 out of the estate the house was made over to them confiscation of calcera nadal of hattiva sail to louis acosta of a house in hattiva subject to a sense of 100 sueldos per annum three ducats confiscation of francisco costa of hattiva sail to guillen murta of a mulberry plantation subject to a sense of 32 sueldos 10 ducats august 9 confiscation of daniel zapata in virtue of a royal provision composition made with his wife leonore zapata at his whole property for the sum of 5000 sueldos of which 1500 are paid down 1500 to be paid in six months and 2000 in one year the said leonore having brought suit for her dower and other large sums all of which are renounced 1500 ducats confiscation of manuel zapata received from the heirs of blay the comis and maria viscaina a balance due to said manuel 80 ducats february 13 confiscation of bernard manseep relaxed sold by auction to juan guillen catalan a sensual on the corporation of valencia of six thousands principal and 400 interest payable september 14 in each year with accrued interest for five months and one day 6205.7 ducats sold to the heirs of mosin juan de peñarosa a sensual on the towns of herica las baraguas and piña of 15 000 sueldos principal and 1000 interest payable may 27 with accrued interest 15 211.1 ducats sold by auction to violent catalan a sensual on the corporation of valencia of 7 500 sueldos principal and 500 interest payable october 2 with accrued interest for four months and 12 days 7 733.4 ducats february 18 sold to cristobal de basurto two sensuales on the town of jativa one of 6000 sueltos principal and 375 interest payable october 29 the other of 5000 sueldos principal and 312 sueldos 6 ducats interest payable november 8 with accrued interest 11 251.10 ducats february 23 sold by auction to the caballero juan luis de villalaza three sensuales of the said bernat mansip one on the city of valencia of 13 000 sueldos principal and 10 56 sueldos 8 ducats interest payable july 14 one on the kingdom of valencia of 13 200 sueldos principal and 880 interest payable march 30 another on the sum of 11 250 sueldos principal and 650 interest payable september 7 proceeds of all three with accrued interest 700 libras five sueldos february 21 confiscation of brigida wife of bernat cortellis received of said bernat on account of the 1200 sueldos which he has to pay for the dower of said brigida 400 sueldos february 8 confiscation of miguel de prochita rented to francette quach a house of said miguel de prochita for 12 years at 12 libras per annum and received six libras 120 sueldos february 11 confiscation of miguel andreo rocel relaxed received a francisco verdum a debt due to rocel 32 sueldos september 5 house sold to gabriel andreo rocel subject to a censor of 7 000 sueldos also to 500 and 400 sueldos chargeable on it and to all other charges 10 sueldos end of appendix document 10