 The 9,269th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a statement. I would like to just say a few words regarding a point of order. We would like to ask you to please clarify what is the basis that you are proposing to give the floor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and to give them the floor before members of the Council speak. We have nothing against his statement, but the Council has its rules which were established long before Malta became president in the Security Council, became a member rather of the Security Council and me, you Mr. President, could at least provide me with the answer to my question. Thank you. I take note of the points raised by the representative of the Russian Federation. This debate is being held on the one-year anniversary since the beginning of the war in Ukraine and the presidency sees value in allowing Ukrainians, foreign minister, take the floor before all the other members of the Council on this occasion as per rule 33 of note 507. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a statement. I give them the floor. Mr. President, I would like to just warn you that the moment you put the gavel down, thus formalizing your decision, you will create any egregious precedent where representatives of Ukraine in the Council are given the kind of privilege that is denied to the representative of others. Let me just give you a specific example from recent practice. The meeting on car on the 21st of February this year, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Ms. Valerie, spoke after members of the Council on the 27th of February. We had a meeting in Mali and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of that country, Mr. Alvarez Gil, also took the floor after members of the Council on the 11th of January. We had a meeting on Colombia and the Vice President of Colombia. Let me underscore this, not a minister, but the Vice President, Mr. Ms. Minow, spoke after members of the Council on the 24th of January this year. We had a meeting on Haiti and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Alvarez Gil, took the floor after all members of the Council have spoken. And he also spoke after all Security Council members at the meeting of Haiti later on in the year. And I continue on with the list. If we're talking about presidents, well, Mr. Kuleba took the floor on the 22nd of September, 2022, and he spoke after all members of the Council. There hasn't been a single case, a single proposal from Western delegation to give the floor to representatives of African, Latin American, or any other countries other than Ukraine to give them the floor and meetings which directly affect them, that they speak before members of the Council. Can you see what your decision to provide Mr. Kuleba with a privileged right to speak at the beginning of the meeting in the eyes of the world? Once again, we have nothing against a statement that will be made by Mr. Kuleba such stand ready to listen to it. But this has been done strictly in line with the practice we have when the delegations under Rule 37 speak after the members of the Council. What we're witnessing today is yet another attempt to give certain rights to a group of the country, whereas you as a representative of the Golden Billion give preference to Ukraine just because that she is a part of your geopolitical project. It turns out that it would seem that the problems of the rest of the world are of no concern to you. The same applies to the unprecedented number of delegations invited today under Rule 37. Twelve EU countries in addition to the high representative, Joseph Burrell, it's clear that all of these countries who have the same EU position dictated from Brussels will bring in no added value to the discussion. No added value. Such an approach devalues the value of the discussion and strikes against the reputation of the Council. Our British colleagues have already joined history as a bad faith presidents of the Council where they rejected our request for a special emergency session of the Council which was unprecedented. And we regret the fact that the Maltese presidency time and time again ignored the rules of procedure of the Council and thus placed its own national position, the position of EU, above its responsibility of presidency. Presidency which is supposed to make sure that the procedures are upheld and be impartial. We must acknowledge that the Malta is not carrying out this task and this confirms us in our opinion that there is no added value to expand the Council with Western countries because you are turning the Council into your own instrument. I thank you. Once again I take note of the points raised by the representative of the Russian Federation. May I also remind that, for instance, the Foreign Minister of Serbia spoke before the Security Council members at least twice in the last two meetings on MIG. And with regard to the list of speakers under Rule 37, the presidency took note of the fact that all these requests came from foreign ministers who took the time to travel to New York to be at the United Nations on this anniversary. This clearly indicates that they feel that their countries have been and are still being directly impacted by this war. The agenda is adopted. I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary-General and the distinguished ministers and other high-level representatives. Your presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite the representatives of Croatia, Czech, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Netherlands, North Macedonia, Poland, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's Provisional Rules of Procedure, I invite his Excellency, Mr. Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of item two of the agenda. And I now give the floor to the Secretary-General, his Excellency, Mr. Antonio Gutierrez. Mr. President, Excellencies, the purposes and principles embedded in the United Nations Charter are not a matter of convenience. They are not merely words on paper. They are at the core of who we are. And they reflect the driving mission of our United Nations. And they exist precisely to address any grievance, whatever it may be. One year ago, I sat in this council and urged, and I quote, in the name of humanity do not allow to start in Europe what could be the worst war since the beginning of the century with consequences not only devastating for Ukraine, not only tragic for the Russian Federation, but with an impact we cannot even foresee in relation to the consequences for the global economy. End of quote. I said then that we must give peace a chance, but peace has had no chance. War has ruled the day. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is a blatant violation of the United Nations Charter and international law. It has unleashed widespread deaths, destruction, and displacement. Attacks on civilian and civilian infrastructure have caused many casualties and terrible suffering. The Office of the I Commissioner for Human Rights has documented dozens of cases of conflict-related sexual violence against men, women, and girls. And serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law against prisoners of war and hundreds of cases of enforced disappearances and arbitrary detentions of civilians were also documented. Mr. President, life is a living hell for the people of Ukraine. An estimated 17.6 million people, nearly 40% of the population of Ukraine, require humanitarian assistance and protection. The crisis has erased 30% of pre-war jobs. The World Food Program estimates that nearly 40% of Ukrainians are unable to afford or access enough food. And the war has sparked a displacement crisis not seen in Europe in decades. More than 8 million Ukrainian refugees have been recorded across Europe, in addition to an estimated 5.4 million who have been internally displaced. More than half of all Ukrainian children have been forced from their homes with unaccompanied and separated children facing grave risks of violence, abuse, and exploitation. Vital infrastructure is under fire. Water, energy, and eating systems have been destroyed in the depths of a freezing winter. The World Health Organization has verified over 700 attacks on health care facilities, and more than 3,000 schools and colleges have been damaged or destroyed. Millions of students have had their education severely disrupted. Less measurable but no less important is the devastating impact of months of displacement and bombardment on the mental health of Ukrainians. Nearly 10 million people, including 7.8 million children, are at risk of acute post-traumatic stress disorder. And make no mistake, the Russian Federation is also suffering the deadly consequences. Mr. President, we need peace, peace in line with the United Nations Charter and International Law. As we work for peace, we will continue calling for action on many fronts. Protection of civilians must remain the top priority. Attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure must stop. The use of explosive weapons with wide area effects in populated areas in towns, cities, and villages must end. Safe and unimpeded humanitarian access for life-saving assistance must be insured. We must also invest in Ukraine's recovery and reconstruction. At the request of the Ukrainian government and on behalf of the United Nations system, the United Nations Development Programme is co-leading an assessment of damage to energy infrastructure jointly with the World Bank. Mr. President, since the start of the war, the International Atomic Energy Agency has supported Ukraine to ensure the safety and security of its 15 operating reactors at four nuclear plants, including Europe's largest nuclear power plant in Zaporizhia. We continue to urge all parties to swiftly agree and implement a nuclear safety and security protection zone at the Zaporizhia Nuclear Power Plant to avoid a serious accident with potentially disastrous consequences. Barely veiled threats to use nuclear weapons in the context of the conflict have spiked nuclear risks to levels not seen since the darkest days of the Cold War. These threats are unacceptable. Progress continues to be made under the Black Sea Green Initiative, an agreement brokered with the parties by the United Nations and the government of Turkey. More than 20 million metric tons of foodstuffs have now been safely reconnected to global supply chains on more than 700 ships, helping to bring down prices around the world. I want to underscore the importance of all parties remaining engaged in these initiatives and raise our call for it to be extended beyond March 2023. And the United Nations is firmly committed to working to remove remaining obstacles to Russian food and fertilizer exports, including ammonia. These exports are essential to all broader efforts to bring down prices and these food insecurity around the globe. Both efforts demonstrate that international cooperation is essential, valuable, and possible, even in the midst of conflict. Mr. President, over the past year, this council has held more than 40 debates on Ukraine. The Guards are talking now. But in the end, we all know that the pass of diplomacy and accountability is the road to a just and sustainable peace, peace in line with UN Charter, international law, and yesterday's resolution of the General Assembly. We must prevent further escalation. We must all encourage every meaningful effort to end the bloodshed and at long last, give peace a chance. Thank you. I thank the Secretary General for his briefing, and I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Dimitro Kuleba, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security Council, Secretary General, first of all, I would like to thank the presidency of Malta for convening this important meeting. The General Assembly has just passed a resolution on the principles of comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. 141 member states took the side of the UN Charter, while seven took the side of Russia. No additional explanations are required here. The resolution follows the logic of President Zelensky's peace formula. The goal of this 10-point plan is to restore respect for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. In full compliance with the UN Charter that we all have committed to respect and uphold. To make it short, the goal of the plan is to get Russia out of Ukraine and make the world a safer place. Obviously, any new peace proposals should now be aligned with demands set forth by the resolution. We invite all countries from every corner of the world to facilitate implementation of the resolution and the peace formula. We need to act jointly and quickly to ensure nuclear safety and security. By forcing Russia to withdraw from the illegally occupied Zaporizhia nuclear power plant and stopping missile attacks that endanger nuclear power plants across the territory of Ukraine. To avoid the threat of hunger, by furthering the Black Sea Grain Initiative and countering Russian efforts to undermine it, as well as by developing our Grain from Ukraine initiative. To prevent an energy crisis, which will require the cessation of Russian missile terror against critical infrastructure of Ukraine. To protect the environment as the Russian shelling that burned millions of hectares of Ukrainian forests threatens our efforts to counter global warming. But first and foremost, people must be saved. Their lives and their rights are at the center of our struggle for peace. The magnitude of the humanitarian crisis brought on by Russia's aggression against Ukraine cannot be overstated. I would like to highlight here only one of numerous horrendous facts. Russia is now implementing in Ukraine probably the largest instance of state-sponsored kidnapping of children in history of our modern world. Dear members of the Council, Ukraine will resist, as it has done so far. And Ukraine will win. Putin is going to lose much sooner than he thinks. Here is what Russian officials and servicemen have to know. You think you would get away with what you did? No. You will end up on trial. You will be testifying how strongly you will opposed to the aggression and how you just followed orders. You think that the world will get tired of supporting Ukraine? The support will only get stronger. You think that Ukraine will eventually tire of defending itself? The more and the longer you will keep attacking Ukraine, the more resolve we will have, and the more humiliating your defeat will be. Dear colleagues, Russian propaganda has fabricated this hypocritical narrative that supplying Ukraine with weapons fuels the war. Ukraine indeed needs weapons. Just as a firefighter needs water to extinguish a fire, the fire that is destroying your home and killing innocent people. The sooner and the more we get, the sooner the fire will be extinguished. Arming a country that defends itself from the aggression is absolutely legitimate and is an act of defending the UN Charter. On the contrary, helping an aggressor is illegitimate and defies the Charter. Any supply of weapons or military equipment to Russia means complicity in the trampling of the UN Charter. If you give weapons to Russia, you commit a crime. In the short term, Ukraine needs to restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. And in the long run, justice must be served. The Nuremberg International Military Tribunal's verdict was crystal clear. War of aggression is not only a war crime. It is the supreme international crime distinguishing itself from other war crimes, only in that it contains the accumulated evil of the whole. This is why we call for the establishment of the Special Tribunal with specific jurisdiction over the crime of aggression against Ukraine and the ability to deal with personal immunities of principal perpetrators of this crime. The geography of Russian crimes against international peace and security goes far beyond the borders of Ukraine and reaches Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Russia not only incites conflicts, but also systemically obstructs UN Security Council decisions needed to resolve them. Today, Russia argued that this council is overly focused on Ukraine and ignores problems of the rest of the world. Let us all remember the truth. Russia is the problem of the world. I opened the UN Charter that I have here in front of me, and I do not see the words, member states can attack other member states at their will, end of quote. I don't see the words violating borders is allowed. And furthermore, and most importantly, I do not see the words the Russian Federation in the UN Charter on the list of permanent Security Council members. In 1991, Russia observed the USSR seat of the permanent Security Council member and turned it into the throne of impunity. The future of Russia in the United Nations should be determined in the context of the illegitimate change of plates from USSR to Russia in 1991 and responsibility for crimes committed on the territory of Ukraine, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. I say it again and again, peace means justice. And all the peace-loving nations will win peace on the battlefield and at the diplomatic tables. Finally, on this tragic day, when we mourn lives and destinies broken by Russia, I kindly ask everyone to observe a minute of silence in memory of the victims of the aggression. I thank you, Mr. President. Thank you very much, Mr. Uluisa. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a statement. Mr. President. Mr. President, we are getting up on our feet to honor the memory of all victims of what has happened in Ukraine, starting in 2014, all of those who perished, all lives are priceless. And that is why we're rising to honor the memory of them all. I thank the representative for their statement. Can you write? I thank his excellency, Mr. Kuleba, for his statement. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as Minister for Foreign and European Affairs and Trade of Malta. I begin by thanking Secretary-General Gutierrez for his briefing, and Minister Kuleba for his statement, Excellencies. We have convened to mark one year since the Russian Federation launched its aggression against Ukraine. This brutal, unprovoked, and unjustified war is a blatant violation of the United Nations Charter and international law. It has brought immense suffering, destruction, and misery on Ukraine and its population. The war is also a stain on the very principles that we here are bound to uphold. It has also compounded the global food and energy crisis, further adding to the already difficult humanitarian situations being experienced by vulnerable countries and populations around the globe. At the outset, I reiterate that every state has the sovereign right to self-determination, including the choice of its own destiny in order to ensure its safety and security. Over the past 12 months, Ukrainians have shown incredible courage and resilience by defending not solely their right to exist in the face of a brutal military aggression, but also the values and principles underpinning the international rules-based order. Over the past year, various UN and international mechanisms have provided evidence of indiscriminate killings of civilians, attacks on civilian infrastructure, torture, and other forms of cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment, sexual and gender-based violence, abductions, and forcible deportation of children. Such actions constitute serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. And they are a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention. These children must be returned to their families or legal guardians without delay. The tragic impact of these transfers and deportations on Ukrainians' children will be felt for generations to come. We must redouble our efforts to ensure accountability for violations of the UN Charter and international law, including international humanitarian law and human rights law. This must include justice for victims of atrocity crimes and sexual violence. Perpetrators must be brought to justice and held to account without delay. We therefore welcome the important work being carried out by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. We also reaffirm our support for the mechanisms that are working in this fight against impunity. We stand with the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in his investigations and continue to consider ways to ensure accountability for the crime of aggression. We also call on the Russian Federation to respect the ruling of the International Court of Justice ordering an immediate suspension of military operations. On this occasion, I must also express our deep concern with regard to nuclear safety in Ukraine. Shelling in and around nuclear power plants in Ukraine, including Zaporizhia, a nuclear power plant, constitutes a grave environmental and health threat and a serious risk to international peace and security. Such actions can lead to a grave humanitarian and environmental catastrophe with long-term repercussions. In the context of iterating global non-proliferation architecture, any declarations by Russia suggesting that the possible use of nuclear weapons is in any way justified are unacceptable. Such rhetoric only leads to uncertainty, further undermines trust between parties, and only serves as a means to escalate the conflict and heighten tensions. This aggression also had serious repercussions on the rules-based international order that we have all agreed to. As members of the international community, our collective security depends on these common principles underpinned by the notion that might is not right. No state or power has the right to redraw borders in accordance to its geopolitical interests. MOLTA reaffirms its full support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. As committed multilateralists, it is our duty to defend and promote these principles and to counter contempt for them. In closing, as a member of the Security Council, MOLTA will continue to support all efforts to address the consequences of Russia's aggression. We also reiterate that the only step towards a lasting peace would be for Russia to immediately seize all hostilities and to unconditionally completely withdraw all of its forces and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. I resume my function as president of the Council. And I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Anthony Blinken, Secretary of State of the United States of America. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow Council members, one year and one week ago, on February 17th, 2022, I warned this Council that Russia was planning to invade Ukraine. I said that Russia would manufacture a pretext and then use missiles, tanks, soldiers, cyber attacks to strike pre-identified targets, including Kiev, with the aim of toppling Ukraine's democratically elected government. Russia's representative, the same representative who will speak today, called these, and I quote, groundless accusations. Seven days later, on February 24th, 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. Due to fierce resistance by Ukraine's defenders, President Putin failed in his primary objective to conquer Ukraine and its existence as an independent country and absorb it into Russia. Then he dusted off his Crimea playbook from 2014. He called snap referenda in four occupied parts of Ukraine, deported Ukrainians, busted in Russians, held sham votes at gunpoint, and then manipulated the results to claim near unanimous support for joining the Russian Federation. When President Putin couldn't break the Ukrainian military, he intensified efforts to break Ukrainian spirit. Over the last year, Russia has killed tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women, and children, uprooted more than 13 million people from their homes, destroyed more than half of the country's energy grid, bombed more than 700 hospitals, 2600 schools, and abducted at least 6,000 Ukrainian children, some as young as four months old, and relocated them to Russia. And yet, the spirit of the Ukrainians remains unbroken. If anything, it's stronger than ever. When Ukraine launched a counteroffensive that retook large swaths of its territory, President Putin conscripted an additional 300,000 men, throwing more and more of Russia's young people into a meat grinder of his own making. And he unleashed the Wagner Group, mercenaries who have committed atrocities from Africa to the Middle East and now in Ukraine. Of course, that's not the whole story of the last year. There's also this story of Ukraine's people. Vastly outnumbered, they have fought bravely to defend their nation, their freedom, the right to determine their own future. And they've demonstrated inspiring unity in helping one another endure Moscow's relentless assault. Teachers and community members give classes in bunkers to children. City workers improvise patches to restore heat and power and water to residents. Neighbors set up soup kitchens to feed the hungry. There's also the story of how the international community has come together. The vast majority of member states have voted multiple times to condemn Russia's violations of the UN Charter and reject its illegal attempt to seize Ukrainian territory. Yesterday, 141 countries voted in the General Assembly for a resolution that reaffirms the core principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, denounces Russia's atrocities, expresses support for a just and comprehensive peace in accordance with the United Nations Charter. When President Putin tried to weaponize hunger, exploiting the worst global food crisis since the creation of the UN, the international community responded swiftly. Since the United States chaired a food security meeting last May, more than 100 countries have signed on to a set of concrete commitments to alleviate hunger. Thanks in large part to the Secretary General, Katerish and Turkey, the Black Sea Grain Initiative loosened Russia's stranglehold on Ukraine's ports and brought down the cost of grain for the world. Now, as Moscow again tries to throttle its output, we have to ensure that that initiative is extended and expanded. When President Putin tried to weaponize energy, we redirected natural gas supplies from across the world so that countries Russia targeted could keep their people warm in the winter. And Europe took extraordinary steps to end its dependence on Russian energy. No country has endured greater hardship from Russia's war than Ukraine, but almost every country has felt the pain. And yet, nations around the world continue to stand with Ukraine because we all recognize that if we abandon Ukraine, we abandon the UN Charter itself and the principles and rules that make all countries safer and more secure. No seizing land by force. No erasing on other countries' borders. No targeting civilians in war. No wars of aggression. If we do not defend these basic principles, we invite a world in which might makes right, the strong dominate the weak. That's the world this body was created to end. And members of this council have a unique responsibility to make sure that we do not return to it. We can do that in three ways. First, we must push for a just and durable peace. Now, I expect that many countries will call for peace today. No one wants peace more than the Ukrainian people. And the United States has long made clear, even before this war, that we're prepared to engage in any meaningful diplomatic effort to stop Russia's aggression against Ukraine. But history teaches us that it's the nature of peace that matters. For peace to be just, it must uphold the principles at the heart of the UN Charter. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence. For peace to be durable, it must ensure that Russia can't simply rest, rearm and relaunch the war in a few months or a few years. Any peace that legitimizes Russia's seizure of land by force will weaken the Charter and send a message to would-be aggressors everywhere that they can invade countries and get away with it. President Zelensky has put forward a 10-point plan for a just and durable peace. President Putin, by contrast, has made clear that there's nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts, and I quote, the new territorial realities while doubling down on his brutal tactics. Members of this council have a fundamental responsibility to ensure that any peace is just and durable. Council members should not be fooled by calls for a temporary or unconditional ceasefire. Russia will use any pause in fighting to consolidate control over the territory it's illegally seized and replenish its forces for further attacks. That's what happened when Russia's first assault on Ukraine froze in 2015. Look at what followed. And members of this council should not fall into the false equivalency of calling on both sides to stop fighting or calling on other nations to stop supporting Ukraine in the name of peace. No member of this council should call for peace while supporting Russia's war on Ukraine and on the UN Charter. In this war, there is an aggressor and there is a victim. Russia fights for conquest. Ukraine fights for its freedom. If Russia stops fighting and leaves Ukraine, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine ends. The fact remains, one man, Vladimir Putin, started this war, one man can end it. Second, even as we work to end where Russia's war against Ukraine, members of this council must continue to address other challenges to international peace and security. We hear the concerns of countries who worry that standing with Ukraine and holding Russia accountable is diverting focus and resources from others in need. To those countries I would say simply, look at our actions. And when you hear Russia and its defenders accuse the countries who support Ukraine of ignoring the rest of the world, I say look at Moscow's actions. Compare the numbers. In addition to the $13.5 billion in food aid that the United States contributed to fight hunger over the last year, we also fund more than 40% of the World Food Program's budget. Russia contributes less than 1% of that budget. That's not an outlier. Based on the latest UN figures, the United States donates over nine times as much as Russia to UN peacekeeping. We donate 390 times as much as Russia to UNICEF. We give nearly a thousand times as much as Russia to the UN Refugee Agency. Third, we must reaffirm our commitment to upholding what the UN Charter calls, and I quote, the dignity and worth of the human person. We must continue to compile evidence of Russia's ongoing and widespread atrocities, including executions, torture, rape and sexual violence, the deportation of thousands of Ukrainian civilians to Russia. We must continue to document Russia's war crimes and crimes against humanity, and share this evidence with investigators and prosecutors so that one day, the perpetrators can be held accountable. Day after day of Russia's atrocities, it's easy to become numb to the heart, to lose our ability to feel shock and outrage, but we can never let the crimes Russia's committing become our new normal. Bucha is not normal. Mariupol is not normal. Irpen is not normal. Bombing schools and hospitals and apartment buildings to rubble is not normal. Stealing Ukrainian children from their families and giving them to people in Russia is not normal. We must not let President Putin's callous indifference to human life become our own. We must force ourselves to remember that behind every atrocity in this wretched war, in conflicts around the world, is a human being. I recently visited an exhibit of artwork made by Ukrainian children affected by the war. One painting I saw was made by a 10-year-old girl named Veronica. Last April, Russian forces shelled her home in Bulodar, killing her whole family. When first responders dug her from the rubble, a piece of shrapnel was lodged in her skull. Her left thumb had been ripped off. Doctors saved her life, but the attack left her right hand mostly paralyzed and she can't see out of her left eye. In her painting, Veronica drew herself in a bright pink and orange dress, holding a bouquet of flowers. A building stands next to her. When asked who lived there, she said it was a place where all the people she knew who had been killed in the war could be safe. We, the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That's how the UN Charter begins. Fellow members of this council, now is the time to meet that promise. There are so many people in Ukraine who want the same thing as that little girl Veronica, a world where they can live in peace, in their own country and keep the people they love safe. We have the power, we have the responsibility to create that world today and for generations to come. We cannot, we will not let one country destroy it. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Blinken, for his statement. I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Ms. Solta Szaczka, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of Albania. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished members of the council, let me start by thanking Molta for organizing this meeting, a new minister for chairing it. We are grateful to the Secretary General for his powerful words and also for his continued genuine efforts to end the war in Ukraine and above all for his moral clarity during this unprecedented crisis. Colleagues, this is a tragic anniversary. There is nothing to celebrate, rather everything to regret. But still there is one crucial thing to note and never forget. Out of a disastrous war and its terrible consequences, we've seen a world remarkably united in condemning a war of choice, in refusing territorial annexation by force, in upholding the international law and in defending the UN Charter. Again yesterday, 141 member states from all corners of the world confirmed with a resounding voice that they do not want a world according to Russia, but a world according to the UN Charter. But they want peace, a just peace for Ukraine and its people, in line with President Zelensky's peace plan. Colleagues, one year ago, Russian troops rushed across the borders of Ukraine and Russian missiles filled its sky, unleashing the brutal war that continues to this hour. With Russia, what Russia started on this very day last year has been a terrible, terrible, terrible war has been cataclysmic for Ukraine, earth-shattering for Europe, history-shaping for the world. Thousands of civilians have lost their lives, millions of children have lost their schools, countless people have lost their homes, millions more have been displaced, and the damage to the infrastructure and economy of Ukraine is simply unfathomable. Millions around the world, especially the poorest and most vulnerable, have suffered greatly because of the global ripple effects, especially in the spike of food crisis. Throughout the year, the world has witnessed, with dismay, has verified and documented despicable crimes, executions, rape, pillaging, torture, deportation of children, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the invader. We have witnessed thousands of convicts being pressed into service and used as cannon fodder in the ranks of the Wagner Group, a murderous machine with a notorious footprint in other parts of the world. And the most appalling of all of it is that an unjust, illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against an innocent country and people is perpetrated by a permanent member of the council who bears a special responsibility for guaranteeing peace and security and for upholding the UN Charter in International Law. Instead, it has chosen to behave like a rogue state going against the law, against the rules, against the world. The truth is that despite everything, Ukraine is still here. Its people are suffering but fighting, resisting bravely in defending their land, their freedom, their future. And they are not alone. Their fight is also the fight of everyone who aspires for peace. And I have to echo and I strongly agree with Minister Kuleba that peace means justice. Mr. President, Russian leaders like to talk about history and their countries role in it. And Russia, of course, has much to be proud of during its history. But countries and their leaders are judged above all by their ability to learn from the past and their actions in the present. And at the present, Russia has nothing to be proud of. With its wrong actions, with its disastrous policy and its criminal war, Russia has isolated itself and it has only itself to blame for it. The sooner ordinary Russians will understand this, the sooner this madness will stop. Colleagues, this war must end and it will end. But the end we envisage is the end of aggression, not the end of the rules-based world order. It is the end of the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine, not the end of life there. It is the end of unnecessary suffering, not the end of hope. There must be and will be a future with a just and stable peace, with a free and secure Ukraine, sovereign and with its territorial integrity restored and we look forward to the day and I hope soon of the start of a process of healing and reconstruction. But until the day comes, Ukraine and its people deserve all of our political, economic and military support. All are continued solidarity in their heroic resistance to defend themselves, to defend the right and the just. Slava Ukraini, thank you for your attention. I thank her Excellency, Ms. Chachka, for her statement. And I now give the floor to his Excellency, Mr. Juan Carlos Chulguin, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility of Ecuador. Gracias. Thank you, Mr. President, for convening this debate as we mark one year since the beginning of the military aggression against Ukraine. The first bombs, which began to fall while this council was meeting in this very same chamber, annihilated diplomatic efforts on the part of the international community and the fervent appeal of the Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who was asking the Russian Federation to give peace a chance. Today I will focus on three key points. First of all, the grave, humanitarian and global consequences of this war. Second, what this council and the United Nations have been able to do. And third, what is now necessary for the restoration of peace and security. Mr. President, the consequences of this grave military aggression were disastrous from the very first day. Indeed, 72 hours later, the USG informed this organ about the horrific humanitarian situation on the ground. Among the hundreds of thousands of people who fled from this absurd Russian aggression were around 1,000 Ecuadorian people. Many of those had to be evacuated by us as part of emergency operations in a coordinated fashion alongside other countries in South America, such as Colombia, Peru, and Mexico. Many of these Ecuadorian people were, for us, living testimony of the grave humanitarian consequences of the invasion, consequences which continue to worsen day by day and minute after minute, even as we hold this debate. This is not a conflict which is focused on Ukraine. It was an attack on the world. It is an aggression on Latin America, too. With 14 million people forced to leave their homes, 8 million living as refugees in Europe and almost 6 million internally displaced persons, the most gravely affected are women, girls, and boys. The war now has around 18 million people living in need of protection and assistance. The destruction of jobs and the economic devastation wrought are worsening this forced tragedy and are placing existing mechanisms for the protection of human rights under stress, summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence, torture, and other inhumane and degrading treatments are among the ingredients used for cruelty in this war. One year ago, the council was warned of just how brutal and protracted the urban war could be. This warning was not sufficient to halt the use of explosives in populated areas. All the attacks targeting critical infrastructure, energy infrastructure, residential infrastructure, health, educational and productive infrastructure, or attacks against the cultural heritage and identity of Ukraine, including museums and religious sites. This council is inflicting pain and destruction on the people of Ukraine. It additionally heightened the nuclear threat. It worsened food insecurity at a global level and affected all economies, in particular those of developing nations. Moreover, it affected the working dynamics of this council and undermined confidence in the United Nations system. This brings me to my second point. Over these last 12 months, the United Nations system has mobilized. The Security Council has met for at least 50 times to consider the situation in Ukraine. Ukraine's president was even able to participate remotely. This council, thanks to the uniting for peace mechanism with its resolution 2623, convened the 11th emergency special session of the General Assembly. That session adopted six resolutions focused into alia on territorial integrity, the humanitarian question accountability, and the resolution which we had just adopted yesterday with an overwhelming majority on the principles of the United Nations Charter, underlying a comprehensive just and lasting peace. For its part, on the 16th of March, 2022, the International Court of Justice ordered the Russian Federation to immediately suspend its military operations. And the Secretary General has played a crucial role in the evacuation of civilians, the release of prisoners, and on other humanitarian issues, including on the Black Sea Grain Initiative. The International Atomic Energy Agency is also deployed in nuclear power plants in Ukraine to reduce existing risks. Mr. President, as has been outlined, the United Nations is mobilized, but no one, no effort will suffice to ease the pain of thousands of fathers or mothers that continue to bury their children or the tragedy of those thousands of girls and boys that are now orphans. How do we justify to this generation of Ukraine's people that one day they woke up with bombs, missiles, and gun power raiding down to never again see their loved ones because some died and others fled? How many more horrors must prevail for this absurd war to end? How many more meetings of the Security Council do we need to halt the military aggression against Ukraine? This brings me to my third and final point on what we still can and must do. First of all, the Council must unequivocally reject attempts to annex territories by force and must reject violence as a tool of domination between states. This is not a vision of the West as we hear time and time again. It is a sacred principle for developing countries whose only weapon is international law and whose only ammunition is the provisions of the Charter. Secondly, we must see the immediate cessation of the abuse of and biased implementation of Article 27.3 of the Charter, according to which the party to a dispute must refrain from voting. Thirdly, the members of this Council must either collectively or individually redouble our support for the efforts and good offices of the Secretary-General, as well as for the interagency work underway. Fourth, what better way to honour the lives of the victims of this Council than by guaranteeing that there are independent investigation mechanisms and accountability and reparation as tools for address, but also as deterrents? And finally, and most importantly, the Russian Federation must put an immediate end to the unprovoked and unjustifiable war with drawing its occupying troops to allow a realistic ceasefire aimed at restoring peace and security in Ukraine, peace and security grounded in the respect for their sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. Today, for all of the children that have died and for the injured and for those that continue to live beneath the specter of the bombs, we appeal for this war to last not one day longer. Thank you very much. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Houguin, for his statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Ignacio Cassis, Federal Counselor and Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland. Merci, Monsieur le... Thank you, Mr. President. Ladies and gentlemen, members of the Council, distinguished member states, invited guests. I thank Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his commitment to peace. I would like to assure you of Switzerland's support for the Council's action. During my first visit to Ukraine in October 2021, I discussed reforms and construction projects with the political authorities. We were talking about a stable and prosperous future for Ukraine. And the contrast with my second visit last fall to Kiev under the bombs is chilling and distressing. The Russian aggression against Ukraine is an enormous shock for Switzerland as a depository and party to the Geneva Conventions. My country is committed to the principles of peace and sovereignty as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. For 12 months, this charter is being violated and the Geneva Conventions, which sets limits to the barbarity of war, have been flouted. But Switzerland believes in the power of law and therefore call for full respect of the essential rules of international humanitarian law. The civilian population, the wounded, prisoners, and vital infrastructure must be protected by all parties to the conflict and by all combatants. It is more than necessary to recall these commitments to which all of us here have subscribed. We must do everything to ensure that they are respected on the territory of Ukraine where war is raging. So what can we do specifically and concretely? We could, for example, meet in the spirit of the Geneva Conventions, meet to discuss together the means necessary to ensure that in the midst of this heartbreaking conflict, we do not forget what defines us as human beings, namely the principle of humanity. Switzerland is ready at any time to bring everyone around the table in order to work for a better respect of international humanitarian law and ultimately for peace. Next year, we will commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions. Let us not wait a year. We must act now. Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, after a year of war, we must gather our strength, our ideas and resources to restore security in Europe and ensure the return to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine. Switzerland therefore welcomes the resolution adopted yesterday by the General Assembly. It is a clear signal from the vast majority of member states in favor of solidarity, dialogue, and peace. In order to make peace in Ukraine possible, I reiterate today our appeal to Russia. We urge them to cease all hostilities and withdraw all of its troops from Ukrainian territory without delay. Aggression, threats, and disinformation are damaging to the foundation of the international order. To prevent this, we need strong and effective multilateralism. We need to restore our mutual trust and to ensure that justice is done so that peace can be built on solid foundations. As a permanent neutral state, Switzerland fully respects its obligations under the law of neutrality. It doesn't favor any of the belligerents in military terms, but neutrality does not mean indifference. We cannot be indifferent to violations of fundamental rights. Along with 40 other states, Switzerland has referred the situation in Ukraine to the International Criminal Court. And now I now call on all states to cooperate with the court. Faced with reports of war crimes, sexual violence, and other serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights, we cannot stand idly by. Mr. President, Switzerland continues to support Ukraine. At the same time, Switzerland does not forget the victims of all other conflicts in the world. The United Nations Charter must serve as a compass beyond borders and convictions. Switzerland is on the side of international law. This is an essential condition for lasting peace, the goal to which we have committed ourselves as members of the Security Council. Thank you for your attention. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Kassis, for his statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Yoshimaza Hayashi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank you for organizing this important meeting. My appreciation also goes to the Secretary General. One year ago today, right here in this very chamber, right in the middle of the discussion on how to prevent aggression against Ukraine, a permanent member of the Security Council launched an aggression against Ukraine in front of the wide-open eyes of the Council members. It was an insult to the Security Council and to the entire United Nations. It demonstrated how little Russia cares about the UN. At that very moment, I remember BBDRI, Secretary General Kuteles, called on the Lossians' leader, I quote, President Putin stopped the military operation, bring the troops back to Russia, unquote, his call still echoes in my ears. The call of the Secretary General represents the collective will of the member states, maybe except for a few. And it is reflected in the resolution of the General Assembly, including the one adopted just yesterday, and in the ICJ order on provisional measures. It is unfortunate that one year later, we still have to repeat the same call. Mr. President, Japan condemns Russia's aggression against Ukraine in the strongest possible terms. It is a clear violation of international law, including the UN Charter by a permanent member of the Security Council, which is supposed to bear the heaviest responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Russia must immediately stop its war over Glesion, withdraw all of its troops and military equipment from Ukraine, and respect Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. No country is allowed to relight borders by force or equation. Japan also condemns Russia's attacks against critical infrastructure. Indiscriminate attacks on innocent civilians are a violation of international humanitarian law and constitute a war crime. Russia's irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and its seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhia nuclear power plant must be denounced as well. We commend and fully support the work of the IAEA to ensure nuclear safety and security at the plant. We must hold Russia accountable in accordance with international law. Mr. President, we will stand firmly with the claim Japan welcomes President Zelensky's sincere efforts to demonstrate fundamental principles in its peace formula and to promote a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in accordance with the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. Before closing, allow me to reiterate that any attempts to change the status quo of territory by force or equation must be rejected anywhere in the world. At the same time, the Security Council should not leave behind many other challenges that it has to deal with. Let us return to the unshakable principles that the member states have built upon since 1945. Let us unite for the rule of law. Let us uphold the rule of law for peace. I thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Hayashi, for his statement. And I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Ms. Katerine Colonna, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France. Mr. President, I thank you for having convened this meeting. And I wish to extend particular thanks to the Secretary-General and to Dmitry Kulleber for their statements. On the 24th of February, 2022, Russia unleashed a war of aggression against Ukraine. It had already occupied a part of that country's territory for eight years. It unleashed that war with no other justification than its obsessive desire to resurrect a past which had, however, been condemned by history. And since then, it has used the most extreme violence to deny the identity of a country and a people. Today marks one year of Russia sowing death and destruction, one year 356 long days. That is one year. One year of Russia flagrantly violating the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It does so despite the fact that it is one of the permanent members of the Security Council. One year of inhumane suffering for the Ukrainian people whose resistance and courage command admiration. One year of war crimes and crimes against humanity. One year of violence execution, shelling of civilian targets, of torture, rape, of abduction, and the deportation of children. One year of systematic violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law. Crimes that the International Criminal Court is investigating and crimes for which, when the time comes, it will establish responsibilities, those of the executioners and those of their sponsors. One year and millions of lives stolen, destroyed, or turned upside down. Today marks one year of Russia flagrantly violating many resolutions of this council. This is, for example, the case of Resolution 2231 on Iran. Here, we reiterate to the United Nations our call for an investigation to be conducted into the transfers of drones by Iran to Russia and the deliveries to this country by North Korea of missiles and ammunition. One year that Russia has wielded nuclear rhetoric, which is irresponsible on the part of a nuclear weapons states, and this rhetoric imperils the safety of Ukrainian power plants. Russia does not bulk at occupying these power plants to support its aggression. Here, I wish to commend the efforts of the IEA and its Director General to guarantee the safety and security of the Zaporizhia plant and of the other nuclear power plants in Ukraine. One year that many countries have been forced to grapple with growing food insecurity and tensions on energy prices, which are the direct consequence of the Russian war. Mr. President, we are one year in. The facts are on the table. There is an aggressor, Russia, which is denying its responsibilities, and there is an aggressor, Ukraine, which defends itself but which also talks of peace. And here has made a proposal which respects the principles of our common charter and the values of our organisation, values which are the very foundation of our collective security. It is this path that yesterday the General Assembly called upon us once again to follow by way of a vast majority of 141 states. It did the same in recent months in condemning the Russian aggression and the illegal annexations. Ukraine is exercising its right to self-defence, a right bestowed upon it by the United Nations Charter. This is why, alongside our partners, we will continue to provide Ukraine with the support it needs for as long as is necessary because there can be peace nowhere or stability nowhere if aggressions are rewarded. No peace and security anywhere. Mr. President, one year later, the Russian aggression must cease. Rules of international law must finally be respected and Ukraine must recover its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The International Court of Justice made just that appeal on the 16th of March, 2022. Consequently, we call upon Russia to finally show itself worthy of the responsibilities conferred upon it as a permanent member of the Security Council and to put an immediate end to its war of aggression against Ukraine. I thank you. I thank Her Excellency, Ms. Kolona, for her statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. James Cleverly, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Mr. President, thank you. Mr. Secretary General, thank you also. Today, we mark one year since President Putin began his full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Three months ago, I traveled to Kiev. Ukraine's Foreign Minister, who is sitting with us here today, greeted me and he had promised to host me for lunch as representatives of countries often do. But I arrived just after another Russian missile attack on civilian infrastructure had knocked out the water and the electricity supply to that city. But Dmitryov, Kiev, were not going to let Putin's bombs stop him from doing his job. And the restaurant that hosted us rigged up a generator and bought in liters of bottled water and they provided the lunch. Now, we've all given and received diplomatic hospitality in our job, but that is the kind of diplomatic hospitality that shows something very important. It was a clear demonstration that whilst Ukrainians may have been hit and hit hard, their spirit will not be broken. That restaurant wanted to show me that they would not give up, but they would keep calm and carry on. Dmitryov kept his promise to me and all of us in this chamber today need to keep our promise to Ukraine and keep our promise to the world to protect and defend the UN Charter. Over the past year, Putin has shown that he is willing to wage a war of attrition. And the 20th century's two world wars have shown us what a horror that would be. Hundreds or thousands more dead and wounded, global shortages of food and fuel, skyrocketing prices. For these reasons and many more, Putin cannot, must not win in Ukraine. Because what's at stake on the battlefields is the international order itself. And that is at the heart of the United Nations. The UN Charter, territorial integrity, international law, these things exist to protect countries that do not themselves have big and powerful armies. And it is to protect them from the aggression of those countries that do. At the end of the Second World War, the United Nations saw a unique thing in human history. Powerful, victorious nations chose to limit their own power to protect the countries less powerful than themselves. And that is the bottom line. That is why the UN Charter needs to be protected and it needs to be enforced. And it is why three quarters of the entire membership of the United Nations have repeatedly voted to condemn this invasion in the General Assembly. But President Putin ignores the will of the United Nations. He doesn't care about the UN Charter. On the 24th of February last year, he told us that it was not Russia's plan to occupy Ukrainian territory. On the 8th of December, he called his illegal so-called annexations a significant result for Russia. His land grabs in Eastern and Southern Ukraine show us that his heart is set on imperial expansion. But 800 Russian soldiers a day are dying for his hopeless ambitions. They are paying for his ego with their lives. As he sees that his aggression against Ukraine is failing, we should expect him to try and strong arm us into backing down with every dirty coercive instrument at his disposal with cuts to grain and energy shipments, with threats of escalation, with poisonous disinformation and with cyber attacks. And we must be prepared for this. And we must recognize that these things are a sign of weakness rather than a sign of strength. Those of us in this chamber have a special responsibility to the UN Charter and we cannot allow Putin's invasion or his threats to succeed. We must not deviate from our resolve. And the UK is proud of the support that we have given Ukraine. But military assistance and humanitarian aid are not enough because when this war is over and it will be over with Ukraine's successful defense of its territory, we must never allow Ukraine again to be left vulnerable to attack. We must make sure that Ukraine is safe and secure and economically viable. And that is why the UK is proud to co-host the Ukraine Recovery Conference in London in June of this year. Together, we must mobilize the combined might of the public and private finance to ensure that Ukraine gets the reconstruction investment that it needs. But what Ukraine wants, what we all want is for this war to end now and to end with a victory for Ukraine and adjust an enduring peace based upon the UN Charter because only this can bring an end to the food and fuel shortages that the whole world is suffering from. One year on, one year into this terrible, terrible war, let us in this chamber send a clear message. Our support for Ukraine is not and will never be time limited. Our defense of the UN Charter is not and will never be time limited. We will keep the promises that we made to the UN Charter and to the Ukrainian people and we will give the Ukrainians the help that they need for as long as it takes until Ukraine prevails, until its sovereignty and territorial integrity is restored and until this Charter of this organization is upheld. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Klevely, for his statement. I give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Kwaku Apratum Sarpong, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration of Ghana. Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you, Mr. Secretary General. I thank Maota in his capacity as the President of the Security Council for convening this debate on the maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine. I also thank the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his statement and for his leadership in the past 12 months on the humanitarian, security, and political aspects of the war in support of our shared ambition for an end to the war in Ukraine and a return to the cherished principles of peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. President, I wish at the outset to reaffirm Ghana's deep commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. We reiterate our solidarity with the people of Ukraine as well ravages their farms, towns, and cities. We will recall, as at the Security Council convened an emergency session on the 9th of the 24th of February, 2022 amid widening concerns of an imminent attack against Ukraine. Our worst fears were born out before our very eyes. Given the firm denials by the Russian Federation to any assertions that the mountain presence of its troops along its shared borders with Ukraine was in preparation for an invasion of Ukraine, Ghana at that time had urged for the de-escalation of tensions and the tampering of war rhetoric. Regrettably that night, as the Council met, the Russian Federation without justification began its actions to violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbors in Ukraine. As has been asserted, so many times the aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine constitutes a serious violation of international law and stands today as one of the clearest violations of the prohibition against the use of force under Article 24 of the United Nations Charter. Over the past year, as we have called upon the Russian Federation to end this destructive war, we have listened carefully at each turn to its attempt to rationalize the ongoing actions in Ukraine, between the reality on the ground and the changing narratives, including protection of ethnic Russians in parts of Ukraine from Russophobic attacks. Our assessment remains that the ongoing aggression against Ukraine is by all standards unlawful, unjustified, and unacceptable. In our view, conventional frameworks and judicial mechanisms such as the Human Rights Council and the International Court of Justice should serve as the only acceptable recourse in addressing any claims of human rights violations. We therefore consider it untenable that a permanent member of the Security Council entrusted with their distinct responsibility for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security will choose the path of war to the exclusion of diplomatic and internationally acceptable means at its disposal. The veto by the Russian Federation on the 25th February of the Security Council a draft resolution intended to end the military offensive have regrettably prevented the Council from taking decisive action. The present circumstances underscores the longstanding arguments for the urgent reform of the Council and the prohibition of use of the veto, especially in matters affecting international peace and security. More so, where a permanent member of the Council is the one in breach of the Charter and International Law. The war on Ukraine, as we know, has preceded by efforts to address certain concerns with the post-Cold War European Security Architator. We believe that any revisions of the existing structures that guarantee collective security of its members must emerge from broad dialogue, involving all relevant actors in the region. We are concerned that the fallout from the continuing war in Ukraine are attempts to create or reinforce opposing alliances, a situation which took us to two world wars. We believe that this is the time for cooler heirs and the rededication to mutually beneficial cooperation and multilateralism, not competition for hegemonic advantage. Those who wish to dig in their heels for selfish advantage in the geopolitics of the 21st century will lead us now to the pit of even greater disaster. Mr. President, the war has unleashed a devastating humanitarian toll and claimed thousands of life. Sustained missile bombardments mainly targeted civilian population areas have resulted in more than 21,000 casualties, including 8,006 deaths and 13,287 injured. It is saddening to know that 478 innocent children have been killed and 954 injured. Millions of people have been displaced with eight million living as refugees in neighboring countries. Our own national compatriots, most of whom were college students, had their education disrupted and truncated when they were forced to flee from Ukraine. We are informed that about 50% of Ukraine energy infrastructure has been destroyed or damaged. This situation has left many households without heating or water and at the mercies of the Halloween winter conditions. We regret that hostilities have carried on without regard for the principles of proportionality and extinction. And therefore we reiterate our condemnation for the targeted attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Warring parties have obligations under international humanitarian law, which they must comply with. It is important to see the aggression against Ukraine in any light, except as an attack on the accepted standards of our international order and allowing it to stand impels the independence and equality of states under the charter, especially of the less powerful states. We must therefore sustain the political will for accountability, first to ensure justice for the people of Ukraine and not the least for the preservation of the present international order. The coordination of ongoing investigative processes as well as the strengthening of our international justice system, including the universalization of the room statue and the international criminal court remain crucial to ensuring that the perpetrators of atrocities in Ukraine, like elsewhere, do not go unpunished. We recognize the courageous efforts of the humanitarian workers who have worked under very difficult circumstances to provide life-saving and life-sustaining assistance to some 16 million people and urge international support to help fund the Ukrainian humanitarian response plan with the 3.9 billion that is required to aid nearly 40% of the population who vary in humanitarian requirements. Mr. President, the rest of the world has not been spared the aftershocks of the war, which continue to reverberate with crippling and systemic impacts on global food, energy, and finance systems. Developing countries have been hard hit by the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. Debt and inflation have little coping capacity for the worsening economic conditions. We take note of the useful policy recommendations put forward by the Global Crisis Response Group on food, energy, and finance to address the vicious cycle of the crisis, including the restructuring of the global debt architecture. We believe priority should be given to implementing those recommendations, especially to support Africa's economic transformation and its capacity to address the growing debt crisis and the interlink consequences of the war. Given the centrality of Russia Federation and Ukraine in the global grain and fertilizer markets, we support the further renewal of the Black Sea Grain Initiative to ease global market volatilities that hold long economic effects. Necessary attention must also be given to realize the effective implementation of the MOU between the United Nations and the Russian Federation on the export of agro-products and fertilizers. Mr. President, we are acutely concerned by the growing appeal of military logic and the hardening of the conflict to a war of attrition. The war is moving in the direction that leaves much concern as the events of the past 12 months have demonstrated that no one is immune from the consequences of the war in Ukraine. We have a responsibility to redouble our efforts to avert the catastrophe of a more brutal war that we have been witnessing to so far. The resolution on a just peace in Ukraine adopted yesterday by the General Assembly under the 11th Emergency Special Assessing in affirmation of the values and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations should ignite a renewed commitment to take the actions needed to realize our collective aspirations for lasting peace between the two countries. We strongly believe that the channels of diplomacy and dialogue offer the best chances of a just, comprehensive and a lasting peace. And urge the members of this council to strengthen their efforts in support of credible negotiations between the two parties. We have little option than to invest in peace. In concluding, Mr. President, we reiterate our call for the Russian Federation to return to the Stato School and take through the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its troops from all areas within the internationally recognized borders of Ukraine. I thank you for your time, attention. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Aparat Wumsarpong for his statement. And I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Ms. Lana Nushebe, Permanent Representative and Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation for Political Affairs of the United Arab Emirates. Thank you, Mr. President. I also thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and I welcome the participation of Ukraine's foreign minister today in this meeting. We cannot begin except with an expression of deep sorrow for the lives lost and shattered in the war in Ukraine. We mourn the at least 8,000 civilians killed and we share in the grief of their loved ones. We are appalled as we mark one year of this cruel war that we do so in the knowledge that it enters its second year. Over the past two days from the podium of the General Assembly, we heard a virtually uninterrupted appeal for peace. A global, diverse, and representative majority issued an unambiguous message. Enough. This majority is united by neither allegiance to one side nor hostility to the other. They come together not to preserve geopolitical gain or reverse loss. They are not motivated by petty grievance or grand ambition. They have no interest or ability to wade into great power conflict. In the historical processes and events that forged today's Europe, they were, for the most part, observers too often unwillingly impacted. Yet, the incontestable fact is that an overwhelming majority of member states are rising to the defense of the UN Charter. It is the Charter that upholds sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. It is the Charter that rejects wars of aggression, conquest, and annexation. It is the Charter that organizes our open and cooperative international order. The question is simple and it is settled. Those truths, however self-evident, are nonetheless challenged by the war still raging on Ukraine. Military setbacks have been met with military escalation while the front lines are little changed. The costs, however, have only grown. In Ukrainian lives and livelihoods, in the damage to cities and towns, in the destruction of civilian infrastructure, the war's reach has extended far beyond Ukraine, disrupting food and energy markets, worsening the global debt crisis, and weakening international norms, rules, and laws. Exactly one year ago today, the global call for diplomacy and peace went unheeded as the war broke out. Now we risk its escalation as more battalions mobilize for new offensives. Yesterday, member states renewed their urgent and sincere call for an end to this war. Leaders across the world are responding with mediation efforts and peace plans. Now is the time to invest in inclusive and imaginative diplomacy by truly leveraging this global majority for peace. We must reinforce the Secretary-General's offered role as a mediator with consistent, robust, and determined backing. The post-war vision must also incentivize Russia and Ukraine to the negotiating table, not to the battlefield. The war will not end if either side is more threatened by the alternative. Steered by the charter and history, we can dedicate ourselves towards a peace that is neither vindictive nor callous. We are under no illusions that this effort will be easy. Too much blood has been spilt. Too much damage has been done. But all of us should dread with equal certainty what looms in the wake of its failure. Mr. President, Richard Holbrook once described an effort to end a different war in Europe as something like a combination of chess and mountain climbing, reaching the summit at which this war ends will require a series of small moves. Renewing the Black Seed Grain Initiative, realizing the MOU on Russian fertilizer and food products, preserving the non-proliferation regime, enhancing humanitarian assistance, continuing prisoner exchanges, and refraining from turning multilateral institutions into a battlefront. To achieve all of that, we must aspire for coordination in our approaches, not conformity. And we must encourage indeed nurture all efforts motivated by a genuine desire to peacefully resolve this war. To do that, we must value not vilify open lines of communication. That is the path the UAE has chosen. It is the path we have pursued in defense of the UN Charter for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine, preserving its sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank her excellency, Ms. Nuszaibah, for her statement, and I now give the floor to the representative of Gabon. Merci, Mr. President. Thank you, Mr. President. I wish to thank the Secretary General of the United Nations for having reminded us of the scope of the principles of the United Nations and for having provided us with a horrific stocktake of the war in Ukraine 12 months after it was first unleashed. The war in Ukraine is almost exactly one year old. We've seen an entire year of a bloody war which undermines and tests the whole of the international systems. Its shockwaves are having an impact on the majority of the world's nations. This has been an entire year in which deaths can be counted in their thousands. This has been a year of unbridled destruction of civilian infrastructure, a year of distress, of fear of exodus, a year where the number of refugees and displaced persons continues to grow in line with shelling and under the rattle of gunfire. Every day that this horrific war continues increases the risk of the conflict spilling over, spilling out of all control and sees the risk of a globalization of hostilities increase. Every year that this, every day rather that this day continues, increases the power of the specter of risk. That is the risk of a nuclear war which would be without a doubt the path of no return towards irremediable damage and chaos. This war is unsustainable and must immediately cease. From the very onset of hostilities, my country has expressed its opposition to the war and has condemned the violation of the territorial integrity of Ukraine. We have reaffirmed in unequivocal terms the principles of the United Nations Charter as the very foundation of our peaceful coexistence. Above all, my country has time and time again called for an immediate ceasefire and for good faith negotiations between the parties to silence the guns in Ukraine. Mr. President, over the last 12 months, the members of this council have spoken out in the most forceful terms around this table over the last 12 months. Each rostrum of the United Nations, every body of the United Nations has been a theatre for the exchange of insults and antagonistic rhetoric which are of no aid or assistance for those falling in the trenches or for those crushed under the rubble and on the battlefields, those that have fallen in cities and villages. It is time to stem the blood flow and the rivers of human suffering which call us to action and pique our conscience. It is time to mobilise, it is time for us to mobilise to put an end to the war in Ukraine. As members of the Security Council, we owe a response to all those killed and injured in the war. We owe a response to the countless victims that are asking themselves when the war will end. We owe a response to the countless refugees that are asking when they can return home. We must, without delay, bring our action in line with the spirit of the United Nations Charter which promises to spare this generation from the scourge of war. My country reiterates its appeal to parties to engage in good faith negotiations in order to put an end to this war. The hope sparked by the Black Sea Grain Initiative must be revived, not only in order to guarantee the renewal of that agreement, but also to build a bridge for candid dialogue which will ultimately lead to a cessation of hostilities. We call upon parties to exercise restraint and responsibility. They must be accountable before history, history which will always be bigger than the illusion of immediate gains and the glory of imposing hegemonies which have no promise or tomorrow. I once again express my country's opposition to this war, to the war in Ukraine and opposition to all wars in the world, namely those that are so numerous, so chronic and cyclical as those in Africa. Rejecting the logic of war is not a form of neutrality, cowardice or an opportunistic stance. It's not the expression of powerlessness or indifference, rather it is a way of learning the indelible lessons of history, the lessons that have taught us time and time again that those that cause, maintain or trigger wars are rarely the winners of them. Taking a step back from the logic of war whose options are often so narrow is to remain in step with the ideals that form the very foundations of the United Nations nobility because war runs counter to the values which founded this United Nations organisation and this Security Council every day of war, calls into question our vocation, our mandate and our credibility to conclude, I wish to state once again that we appeal for peace in Ukraine because we are for peace and because of that we will always support efforts for dialogue and we will support every initiative designed to open the channels of diplomacy in order to silence the guns in Ukraine. Thank you. I thank the representative of Gabon for the statement. I give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation. Mr. President. Mr. President, today is the last day of a week which was anything but simple and it will be remembered by one and all for the information Hullabaloo which was created by Ukraine, its Western sponsors related to the one year mark of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine and it would seem that this is what the promise boils down to the promise made by Mr. Kuleba in January to have a peace summit in New York. So as to analyse what was said by our former Western partners during this week, we could, without exaggeration, convene a whole political science conference and probably possibly that's what will happen in the future where people will want to cast a retrospective eye on this and for such a political science conference we could propose the following title yet another missed opportunity to peacefully resolve the Ukrainian crisis and this would be right because any expression using the word peace which are being disingenuously used including today by high representatives of Ukraine and Western countries, what is meant is actually something completely different. What is meant is a capitulation of Russia and inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia. Ideally followed by the disintegration of the country and redrawing the territories it includes. These two goals of Western interference and Ukrainian affairs were clearly displayed by the way almost exactly nine years ago on the day of the Maidan anti-constitutional coup on the 21st of February, 2014 and people didn't hide them from the very beginning and these are exactly the goals which resulted in the fact that on our borders we have a hostile nationalistic Russophobic regime which decided that they would resolve the Ukrainian issue with zeal. Our British colleague yesterday when she spoke in the General Assembly and she criticized the Belarus submitted amendments to the draft resolution. She stated then that the amendments equate the aggressor and the victim. Are you not at all concerned by the fact that your victim is up to its elbows in blood and Nazi tattoos and the nine year old period of elimination of Russian speaking citizens in Donbas? Do you think it's normal? Why do you think it's normal for Ukraine to send guns and tanks against unarmed civilians in the East and bomb them? Only because those people do not want to give up on their own identity. Because that is exactly what the Kiev regime did in the summer of 2014 and it was then the internal Ukrainian armed conflict erupted. Do you think that we were supposed to resign ourselves to this situation? Please allow me to remind you that its aggression against Yugoslavia was justified by NATO by the campaign of terror and the need for the coast of ours to live in security and enjoy universal human rights and freedoms on an equal basis. This is a quote from a statement made by NATO on the 23rd of April, 1999. So then you and your other colleagues then deny the Russian speaking Ukrainians of the universal rights and freedoms if you present the Kiev authorities who attack them as a victim. You also are silent about the campaign of terror unleashed against them. For us, it is obvious that Ukraine is not a victim. Because if Ukraine did not wage war against the people in Donetsk and Lugansk as you condoned it, but rather heated their aspirations, then there would have been no need for our special military operation and the Crimea probably would have remained within Ukraine because the people of the Crimea only decided to choose reunification with Russia only after their direct threats from the Kiev authorities. I would like to take opportunity of the fact that we have Ms. Kolona and Ms. Baerbock here at the meeting. And I would like to raise yet one more very inconvenient for our Western colleagues topic, namely the Minsk agreements. We have all heard recently the confessions made by Francois Hollande, by Angela Merkel and by Boris Johnson. They said that neither France, nor Germany, nor the United Kingdom ever viewed the agreement seriously had no intention to urge the Ukrainian authorities to implement them and only use the agreement so to buy the time and give Kiev time to prepare for a war with Russia. Now, even if you disregard the dimension side of the issue and we have no illusion about the moral qualities of our Western colleagues by now, the, what we have here is that the leaders of these states openly basically stated that they no only violated Security Council Resolution 22.0 to which it enshrined the Minsk agreements. But this does not stop the ministers of foreign affairs of these very states from lecturing other member states here in the Council today. Furthermore, a tricliche we heard during this week and it appeared a lot earlier. It consists of the fact that if Russia is to end the war, the war will end and if the Ukraine will end, stop fighting, there will be no Ukraine. It sounds pretty, but it's absolutely false. Where, when and from whom did you hear that the goal of our military operation is to destroy Ukraine, to de-Ukraineize Ukraine? We have never stated such a goal. We have always wanted to have right next to us, as was the case before, to have a friendly neighbor who doesn't threat us, does not discriminate against anyone and is not trying to resurrect Nazis. Therefore, this slogan of yours in actual fact should be as follows. If Russia stops hostilities, the Ukraine will continue discrimination against the Russian speaking people, those who do not want to live with violence. Its rights and freedom will continue to be violated and the glorification of Nazi criminals will continue. If Ukraine ends hostilities, it will get the chance to be reborn as a normal peace-loving state and will save many thousands of lives. And that is why we have stated on many an occasion that we are ready to negotiate about how the goals of our special military operation could be implemented using peaceful means. But of course, any mechanism which are independent by other kind of scenarios we are not prepared to consider. Colleagues, we have stated many times this week that anti-hostilities in Ukraine is not something that the collective West is interested in and only collective West alone. They, as we know for a fact, prevented the key of regime from making peace in April last year and our Western colleagues currently are happy with everything. The Russians and Ukrainians are killing each other. The Western defense companies are getting fabulous profits and they have a platform for testing new weaponry and NATO is getting rid of its old weapons and is rearming. And Washington is also weakening its European competitors who are displaying heretofore unseen servility and impotence. And this is something that we talked about at length in this chamber yesterday. And most importantly, the West is rubbing its hands and hoping that it will weaken Russia, will threaten China and will keep its monopoly position in the world. Remain the only so-called blossoming garden, as was stated by Mr. Borrell on this jungle planet. Then the top golden billion will continue enriching itself at the expense of others, pitting countries against each other, using their natural resources and exploiting its people. And that is what is meant by the rules-based order, which Russia dared infringed upon because we don't want to accept a Russophobic wasp-ness at our borders. We want to make sure that the developing countries have no illusions about what this conflict is really about. And of course, resolving this conflict is inseparable from the issues having to do with just an indivisible system of European and Atlantic security. Currently, it only works for the United States and its NATO allies. They arrogated to themselves the right to interfere in any international issues and internal affairs of other countries. Ukraine is a very good example. Their bases are deployed and on our borders in violation of key understandings ending the period of Cold War. Western leaders lied to us then and want to continue deceiving us now for them, the right of NATO to expand uncontrollably is absolute. And they keep telling us tall tales about how much money they spent all for development purposes, as was just done by State Secretary Blinken. Let me just recall here that after the Cold War alone, the United States conducted 251 military operations abroad and inflicting untold damage on those countries, even if you pay 100 times more than you do now, you will not be able to make up for that damage. The collective West need to understand and accept the fact that there are other players on the planet with their own interests and you have to coexist with them or you can even cooperate them in mutual interests. But this has to be done on an equal and respectful basis. A unipolar world is in the past and it's our mutual interest to make sure that we transition to a multipolar world with as few upheavals as possible. And we would like to hope that the Ukrainian crisis will be the last hot phase of such a transition. This is how a genuine discussion of peace should look like or possibly within the UN. And the sooner we start talking about it like this, the better. We tried to start such a dialogue before the special military operation at the end of 2021, but our proposals to have such a dialogue was spurned by the West. The price was paid by the Ukrainian people. The Kiev regime sacrificed the Ukrainian people for the purposes of Western geopolitical interests. We welcome genuine efforts to have peace, such as for example, the Chinese proposal. Though the choices here is up to our former Western partners, first and foremost, Washington. Obviously, after everything we've discovered about you this year, after limitless and disgusting Russophobia and the attempts to cancel Russia, after supplying the Zelensky regime with weapons which were used to kill women, children, and the elderly in Donbass after your Ukrainian adventure and trying to create difficultness for us on our borders, our relations will never be the same. We do not believe you and restoring our trust will be very difficult if at all possible because what's important here are deeds not words. But attempting to do this is in your interest. At this point, you're just worsening the situation by continuing to pump the Kiev regime with weapons and helping them in the battlefield. And you leave us with no option rather than to eliminate threats to Russia from the territory of Ukraine militarily. Please bear this in mind when you start making up new anti-Russian initiatives at the UN and pass them off as evidence of support for Ukraine in the world. I thank you. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation for this statement. I give the floor now to the representative of Mozambique. Mr. President, Mozambique wishes to thank the presidency of Malta for convening this important meeting. We express our profound gratitude to the Secretary General for his enlightening statement. Mr. President, Aya has elapsed since the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine. Its tragic consequences and spillover effects and ramifications continue to reverberate at local, regional, and global levels. And no end is in sight, as with every conflict, civilians, especially women and children, are bearing the brunt of the violence and those alive will remain traumatized forever. On the other hand, the conflict has negatively impacted the world trade and supply chains. It has brought economic damage with global trade disruptions, affecting transportation costs, and virtually all global value chains. The socioeconomic impact on developing countries, especially Africa, has been grave. The IMF has found that while the African continent was slowly rising from the COVID pandemic, the conflict in Ukraine is now threatening this recovery. Many of our countries are vulnerable due to the higher energy and food prices, reduced tourists, and potentially difficult accessing international capital markets. From an African perspective, we are all too familiar with the devastating effects of conflicts. We know that wars only result in the suffering of people, and it is our collective duty, the duty of the international community as a whole, to work towards resolving conflict through peaceful and negotiated solutions. We need to uphold the fundamental principle of collective security enshrined in the chart of the United Nations, according to which the security of one is the security of all. Mr. President, in the past, the global community has shown that it is possible to overcome hate and mutual suspicion and find the path to the negotiating table. It is therefore imperative that the international community support all the diplomatic efforts to end the conflict in Ukraine. This requires the support of all nations, particularly those who hold a seat on the Security Council. We need to assist the parties involved to engage in negotiations and reach a negotiated solution. This means building on the few bright sports of this year long conflict, such as the Black Sea Initiative, the regular exchange of prisoners, and the Secretary General's global crisis response, group on food, energy, and finance. And more importantly, Mozambique thinks that we need to strongly support the good office of the Secretary General of the United Nations and tap on his reservoir of moral authority in search for the settlement of the conflict. Mr. President, Mozambique has a longstanding commitment to promoting peace and security in our region and beyond. As a country that has experienced numerous conflicts in the past, we understand the importance of supporting diplomatic efforts and respecting humanitarian law to bring about peace. The one year anniversary of this conflict must serve as a reminder for the international community to work together towards finding a negotiated solution to the conflict guided by the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. I thank you, Mr. President. I thank the representative of Mozambique for their statement, and I give the floor to the representative of Brazil. Thank you, Mr. President. And I thank Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his statement. One year after the start of the conflict, we see an armed stalemate on the ground, triumphalist rhetoric on both sides, and prospects of new military offensives. We should put aside illusions about a military solution to this crisis. We need to discuss the return of the parties to the negotiating table. President Lula has made Brazil's position clear, faithful to our diplomatic tradition. We condemn the Russian invasion and the territorial violation of a sovereign state, Ukraine. But a year later, we understand that time has come to also give voice to those who want to speak of ways to build peace. Violence, which affects the most vulnerable, should stop with no preconditions. International humanitarian law and its principles are not optional. They are mandatory at all times and under all circumstances. Respecting and ensuring respect for international humanitarian law is essential to the protection of civilians. Mr. President, Brazil does not come with the intention of presenting a ready-made solution. We need to explore paths that seek to create conditions for the end of the conflict. We are convinced that countries like Brazil, which are not directly involved in the conflict, have a constructive role to play in fostering dialogue. We acted in the sense during discussions on the most recent resolution of the General Assembly adopted yesterday. Member states called on the parties for the cessation of hostilities, an expression that appears for the first time at the suggestion of Brazil. The resolution also reaffirmed the resolute commitment of the international community to uphold the core principles of the UN Charter and international law while underscoring the need to reach peace. We also encouraged careful consideration of the causes of conflict so that mutual resentments and suspicions do not manifest in future violence. We should never lose sight of the human drama nor ignore the global economic impact of the war, in particular with regard to rising input costs for agricultural and food production. Mr. President, Brazil will continue to persevere on this path. We are convinced there is enough willingness among member states for avoiding in the future new anniversaries on the duration of the war, such as the sad mark of one year completed today. I thank you, Mr. President. I thank the representative of Brazil for their statement. I give the floor to the representative of China. Mr. President, I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing. It has been one year since the full outbreak of the Ukraine crisis. Its development is causing great concern to all of us. The international community, while deeply concerned about the prospect of the expansion proline of the conflict, should think cohabitably about how to stop the fighting as soon as possible and how to realize long-term peace and stability in Ukraine and Europe. China issued earlier today a position document on the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. We have always taken an objective and impartial stance based on the merits of the issue and are ready to continue to play a responsible and constructive role in easing the situation and resolving the crisis. Here I'd like to highlight the following points. First, when handling and solving international disputes, universally recognized international law, including the purposes and principles of UN Charter, must be upheld. The sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all countries must be effectively guaranteed. Observing universally recognized international law and the basic norms governing international relations bears on the stability of the international system and international fairness and justice. They should be equally and uniformly applied in every place and on every issue without exception. Some countries, while stressing sovereignty and territorial integrity on the Ukraine issue, is blatantly interfering other countries' internal affairs and undermining their sovereignty and territorial integrity. This review is double standard at full display. The international community has clearly died about this. Second, to facilitate a political solution to the current issue, there is a need to pursue common security. Security is not an exclusive right enjoyed only by some countries. The security of a country should not be pursued at the expense of others. Strengthening or even expanding military blocks were only under my original security and will never bring about peace. Russia, Ukraine, and European countries are neighbors that cannot physically move away. To realize lasting peace and stability in Europe, the Cold War mentality and block confrontation must be abandoned. And the legitimate security concerns of all countries must be taken seriously and addressed properly so as to build a balanced, effective, and sustainable regional security architecture. Third, conflicts have no winners. Long-term diplomatic negotiations is the only right way to solve the Ukraine crisis. The international community should promote peace and talks with the highest sense of urgency and work to create enabling factors and platforms for the resumption of negotiation. Bringing parties to the conflict back to the negotiating table is not going to be easy, but it is the first step toward a political solution. Just now, Secretary General Gutierrez also appealed that we give peace a chance. We call on Russia and Ukraine to resume negotiations without any preconditions. Ukraine is not a arena for fights between major countries. No one should seek to benefit from the conflict at the cost of the Ukrainian people. Fourth, it is imperative to never cross the bloodline of nuclear security under any circumstances. Nuclear weapons must never be used, and nuclear war must never be fought. Faced with the risk that the Ukraine crisis could lead to an escalation of the conflict, major countries bear special and important responsibility to maintain communication and coordination and to do everything they can to prevent a nuclear crisis. The international community should jointly oppose armed attacks against nuclear power plants or other peaceful nuclear facilities, ensure strict compliance with the Convention on Nuclear Safety among others, and support the IEA in playing a constructive role in promoting the safety and security of peaceful nuclear facilities. Fifth, the humanitarian crisis is worsening and should be proactively and properly addressed. The international humanitarian law is a code of conduct that must be strictly observed in conflict situations. Relevant parties should avoid attacking civilians or civilian facilities, protect the vulnerable, including women and children, ensure humanitarian access and respect the basic rights of prisoners of war. The international community should increase its humanitarian assistance, help restore civilian infrastructure, ensure basic livelihood of refugees and the displaced people persons with a view to preventing a humanitarian crisis on a larger scale. At the same time, humanitarian operations should in earnest follow the principles of neutrality and impartiality and avoid politicization. Sixth, each country is responsible for the important task of promoting its people's livelihood and development, efforts to be made to manage the spillovers of the crisis. The current crisis has far-reaching impacts, but the developing countries are not parties to this conflict. I should not pay an excessively high price for it. Some relevant parties have been resorting to unilateral sanctions and maximum pressure, which cannot solve any issue and can only undermine the stability of the global industrial and supply chain and exacerbate the global food, energy and financial crisis. We hope that the relevant parties take responsible actions and stop abusing unilateral sanctions and long-arm jurisdiction. The Black Sea Grain Initiative and the ELMOU signed by the UN and Russia on the export of food products and fertilizers have great significance for ensuring global food security and should be implemented fully and effectively in a balanced manner. Mr. President, the road to peace will not be smooth, but no matter how complicated the situation is, we must never give up our hopes for peace and efforts for peace. On the Ukraine issue, China has always stood and will continue to stand on the side of peace and dialogue. We stand ready to work with all parties to promote a political solution to the Ukraine crisis and strive for the early arrival of peace. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank the representative of China for their statement, and I now give the floor to his Excellency, Mr. Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Thank you, Mr. Thank you, Mr. President, Secretary-General. Today, exactly one year ago, Russian tanks roll into Ukraine starting a massive invasion of a peaceful neighbor. And for one year, we have all seen the Ukrainians fighting to defend their country. They deserve the solidarity of everyone from the world, every country, and every person. I will just make two essential points. First, why Russia's war of choice matters to all of us? And second, how to get peace? We need to be clear, I said a war of choice because this war is the war of President Putin's choosing war. And for one year, we have seen the horrors, 30 million people homeless, 20 million in need of humanitarian assistance, and 10,000 of Ukrainian forces to leave their country and seek refuge across Europe. Families torn apart in a catalogue of crimes, the forced deportation of tens of thousands of Ukrainian children stands out for its depravity. The abduction of innocent Ukrainian children, the changing of their personal status, including nationality, to be adopted by Russian families is a clear violation of human rights and international law and violates also the Geneva Convention. These children, these Ukrainian children need to be returned to Ukraine immediately. So crimes against humanity. I've been to Butchak and seen for myself the civilians killed with some having their hands tied behind their back before they were executed. And who can forget Mariupol? I would again like to pay tribute to the United Nations for their efforts in securing the safe passage of civilians trapped inside the Athos-Bastal Steele plan. Russian forces have been selling Ukrainian cities and civilian infrastructure for months. Air race citizens have become a disturbingly regular future of Ukrainian lives. As I witness myself, many of you, when I was in Kiev 10 days ago, we, in our place... Yes, one year on, the war's toll is devastating for the Ukrainian people. However, the effects of the war are also global. Spikes in food insecurity and energy insecurity are leading to price spikes, whose effects are catastrophic for the most vulnerable people. Rising costs of foodstuffs and essential goods have added an additional burden to the already difficult daily lives of many countries around the world. It is for that reason that this war affects us all. The European Union and its member states have, for a year, contributed to lightening this burden, this burden that is the consequences of the war. In Africa, for example, more than 1.5 billion euros have been dispersed for food security initiatives in the country's most affected, in the Sahel, Lake Chad and in the Horn of Africa. President, this war matters. Yes, this war matters a lot, both for the principles at stake and for the shockwaves it's creating. And it needs to stop. And it needs to stop now. And this brings me to the second point, maybe the most important one. How do we get to peace? Because everybody is asking for peace. But how? How do we get to peace? Let's hear, hear at United Nations and around the world a growing clamour for peace. That was the clear message that the General Assembly sent yesterday. While the Security Council has been blocked, the General Assembly stated, with an overwhelming majority of 141.7, that the world condemns the aggression that Russia must withdraw its troops, that the world wants and needs peace, but not just any peace. No, we want a just peace. Beijing International Law and United Nations Charter. And it is urgent for the Kremlin to hit this message and to act on it. Look into the future. We need to build on this resolution and make it happen. President Zelensky has presented a 10-point peace plan and we support it. Because we, the European Union, we will remain ready to work with all genuine partners and ideas that support Ukraine's effort to shakua a comprehensive, just and lasting peace as the United Nations General Assembly voted based on the United Nations Charter and International Law. And meanwhile, we will continue to support Ukraine to defend itself and protect its people. Because the surge of peace and our support to Ukraine go hand in hand, both things together, not either or, both. Search for peace and support to Ukraine. And with that, I want to make a final point. Our principal support for Ukraine does not come at the expense of our engagement elsewhere in the world. On the contrary, the European Union remains fully mobilized to promote sustainable peace elsewhere because we know that there are many more wars, many more tragedies, many more problems around the world that needs our support and our concern. It's not, instead of, is on top of. We continue doing the same thing that we have been doing until now. And we have a strong track record on engagement around the world, financially, politically, with more than 5,000 women and men deployed in 21 crisis management operations. Just this week, we launched two more, one in Armenia and another in Niger. Yes, there are many other, many other problems, many other war, many other sufferances around the world. We take care of them. We work for the peace in Ukraine and be that reliable partner for peace around the world, wherever the peace is in danger and people sufferances. Thank you. I thank his Excellency, Mr. Borel, for his statement. And I now give the floor to his Excellency, Mr. Rastislav Kasse, Minister for Foreign and European Affairs of Slovakia. Mr. President, one year ago, the Security Council had a meeting in this very room around this very table. And the main purpose of the meeting was to discuss the unprecedented military buildup of the Russian force posing a threat to international peace and security. The last hope to persuade Russia to de-escalate the situation and engage constructively in negotiations was shattered with the words of the Ambassador of Ukraine at the time, warning members of the Security Council that he was already too late to speak about the de-escalation as the Russian president had declared a war. And we all know this happened despite numerous assurances of Russia claiming to have no intention to invade its neighbor. This was the night when the whole international community was informed of Russia's decision to begin an unprovoked and unjustified military aggression against Ukraine. In violation of all fundamental values and principles of the UN Charter and International Law. Yes, that's Russian Federation holding the permanent seat in this chamber is primarily responsible for maintaining peace and security. Needless to say that that moment, the faith in multilateralism was shaken from its foundations. Despite the pain and suffering which have been caused since the senseless war started, the Russian Federation has been ignoring calls of the international community to end this agony. And I do not really understand in which parallel universe, depriving millions of innocent people of electricity, heat, water, and plunging the country into darkness can be justified under the pretext of so-called special military operation. It is rather cynical how systematic and thorough Russia has been in spreading propaganda and distorting the facts. It seems that Russia has been promoting some kind of alternative reality and behavior which we condemn once again. We reiterate our call for an immediate cessation of Russian military activities in Ukraine and unconditional withdrawal of all Russian troops from the whole territory of Ukraine. This also concerns temporarily occupied Crimea as well as other territories of Ukraine, including those where the Russian Federation together with local puppet authorities orchestrated the so-called referendum in Blatton breach of international rules. We are extremely concerned about the number of civilian casualties enumerated since the beginning of the invasion to Ukraine. According to OHHCRH, it's well over 8,000 killed and over 13,000 injured. But needless to say, we all know that the fact that the real numbers are much bigger than that. Slovakia has stood by Ukraine since the very beginning of Ukraine's defense against Russia's aggression and we will continue our steadfast support. Of Ukraine including its independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity until this shameless war is over. However, it's also one fact which is undeniable. The war will be over one day and those responsible for all crimes committed will be held responsible and brought to justice. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank His Excellency Mr. Karshev for his statement. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bogdan, our rescue minister for foreign affairs of Romania. Mr. President, I commend the Maltese presidency of the Security Council for organizing this open debate. For a year now Romania direct neighbor to Ukraine has been at the forefront of helping Ukraine and countering the multifaceted consequences of the atrocious, illegal and unprovoked war waged by the Russian Federation. A permanent member of the Security Council against Ukraine a sovereign independent country. The impact of this irrational war has reached far and wide. Violations of international humanitarian law and the attacks on critical civilian infrastructure made millions of Ukrainians flee. Grain and energy chains have been disrupted leading to sharp increase of energy prices and the threat of famine all over the globe and especially to the most vulnerable in the south. Fear of a nuclear catastrophe don't us again hybrid tactics, test or try to intimidate us. Putting pressure on Ukraine and its neighbors like the Republic of Moldova, others in the Black Sea region or the wider European continent and the Euro-Atlantic security area as a whole. This war represents a direct attack on the integrity of the rules based international system, our security, prosperity and core values. But in front of this threat nothing is clearer than this. We will stand united and strong for as long as it takes. Ukraine will win and Russia will bear the responsibility for what it has done. Our call is also clear. Russia must abide by the rules of international law. It must unconditionally seize the use of force and withdraw completely and immediately from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We are here today in the Security Council chamber, the guarantor of international peace and security to stand by the side of the UN Charter and international law and reiterate that there is only one way to end this aggression. I welcome the resolution adopted yesterday in the General Assembly by a very large majority of states which put the principles of the UN Charter above all, including national, original interests. It is in our power to mitigate the effects of this war on the future. From day on of this war Romania acted in full solidarity with the brave Ukrainian people. We made considerable investments in food, energy and transportation infrastructure, along with welcoming over 3.6 million Ukrainian refugees that have transited our territory. So far we have facilitated the delivery of over 13 million tons of Ukrainian grain, contributing to global food security efforts. Romania hopes for a positive outcome in the long run and the continuation of the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Romania has also been a strong supporter of the efforts to seek accountability for all serious crimes committed in Ukraine, including the crime of aggression. We joined a core group of states that works alongside Ukraine to identify the most appropriate legal basis to establish a tribunal to this purpose. The ongoing war in Ukraine has a major impact in the region. We have extended a helping hand to our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the country most affected by the war except Ukraine itself. And I must bring to your attention that we are concerned with Russia's latest plan to destabilize the country, which we condemned. In this respect, it is absolutely unacceptable to see threatening rhetoric, like the one including in the statement of the Russian Foreign Ministry of Today, by which it announced that the Russian army would, I quote, adequately respond to so-called provocations or attacks against the Russian compatriots and the military personnel and depot from the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova. Such provocative behavior based on nothing, based on ungrounded allegations, is completely unacceptable. And we fully support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognized borders. As we approach the one year milestone since the beginning of the war, all of us, including Romania, witnessed the Russian propaganda intensifying, spreading fake narratives in an attempt to undermine the unity of our societies and our efforts to support Ukraine. We must combat these malign influences as we must continue to stand united to defend our values. The Romanian people must be mindful about the Russian-inspired stories they read and hear, but they shouldn't question our support for Ukraine. Supporting Ukraine means supporting Romania. Mr. President has said before, this is the test of our generation. We have to work together at all the different layers of this conflict and bring peace back to its deserving place. Our message is straightforward, peace in full respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, peace in full respect of the UN Charter and of its fundamental principles of international law. And one political and moral principle is clear. Negotiations can start only when Ukraine is ready and the way victory looks like must be defined by Ukraine. Romania's support for the Ukrainian main solid for as long as it takes. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Aurescu, for his statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Zbigniew Rau, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland. Mr. President, Excellencies, let me begin with expressing my gratitude to Malta for convening this important meeting and to the Secretary General for his valuable insights. Excellencies, I believe that we should focus today on three main things. First of all, the accurate diagnosis of the situation. Then, the search for an adequate reaction. And finally, the steps that need to be implemented. So, let us start with contrasting the truth against the disinformation and misleading propaganda. And the truth is that exactly a year ago, Russia decided to start its illegal aggression against Ukraine, period. Since then, Russia's war has been putting international institutions to a test. It is testing our commitment to the principles that protect us all. The humanitarian costs of this war are horrifying. The aggression has caused the biggest crisis in Europe since the Second World War. Russia's campaign of terror and its deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure are utterly unacceptable. The Kremlin's actions are driven by the will to destroy the Ukrainian nation, its heritage, and its future. That is why I'm convinced that Russia's barbaric aggression against Ukraine is not a bilateral or regional issue. It is a concern of all states. And we all have a duty to bring this atrocities to an end. Secondly, the prohibition of aggression of genocide and of crimes against humanity are use-cogons norms. This means that no derogation from them is permitted. Poland advocates for the full accountability for all the violations and compensation for the inflicted damage. Saying so, what should be the guiding principle for this approach? Nobody has doubts whatsoever that when we look at the domestic laws of our countries, they stand on the premise that justice means the protection of the vulnerable against the more powerful. The assertion is that in a well-ordered society, the vulnerable need to feel as secure as the powerful. And the powerful, when they trespass the law, need to be brought fully accountable so that others are not encouraged to commit similar crimes in the future. If the international community is to draw from this horrific war any right conclusions for the future generations, Poland believes that we are required to search for analogical solutions in the international law system. Therefore, I call to introduce the same rule of protecting the vulnerable against powerful villains in our international relations, both in the legal dimension and political practice. Let us build a well-ordered international community. In order to achieve that, international institutions with all their resources must stand on the side of the hunt and execute accountability and compensation from the aggressors, no matter how strong and powerful they are. I cannot envision the world without adhering to this rule. Can you? Thirdly, with respect to this golden rule, Poland's support to Ukraine is and will remain unwavering. Millions of Ukrainians found safe refuge in our country. In 2022, Poland spent over 9 billion US dollars, that is 1.5% of our GDP on humanitarian assistance to Ukraine refugees, according to the recent OECD estimate. We provide support and host over a dozen of UN agencies and international organizations helping Ukraine from our territory. We will remain steadfast in our support for as long as it takes, because we are motivated by the will to protect the Ukrainians and every other nation in need. Our actions are about safeguarding collective peace and security. If we do not act in solidarity now and shrug from defending the fundamental values of international law, tomorrow it can be too late. Mr. President, Excellencies, Poland stands firmly behind the values and principles of the UN Charter. We refuse to go back to power politics and spheres of influence. The international community has the strength and will to stand by Ukraine and to defend the UN Charter, so that the power of argument, not the argument of power prevails. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Rao for his statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Peter Cisarto, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary. Mr. President, the Ariane, thank you so much for organizing this session of the Security Council today at the first anniversary. I'm representing a country Hungary, which is a direct neighbor to Ukraine. Therefore, the impacts of the war are severe and immediate on us. And we are faced with the tragic consequences basically on a daily basis, as we are witnessing the suffering of the people caused by this war. We have received a bit more than a million refugees from Ukraine so far. Unfortunately, mostly torn apart families. I have to tell you it's heartbreaking to see the mothers arriving with the children, sometimes with the grandparents. Mostly with one backpack to Hungary. We do want to help them. We are doing our best to help them. We give equal access to the refugees from Ukraine when it comes to our education and healthcare system. 1,300 schools and kindergartens in Hungary have already been enrolling refugee kids and students from Ukraine. And we give incentive to the companies in Hungary in order to employ refugees. All this together with many other measures are adding up for the largest humanitarian operation carried out in the history of Hungary. And I have to tell you that we are going to continue this large humanitarian action as soon as long as it is needed. And from the neighborhood we see it very clearly that this war brings a lot of suffering. This war does not have winners. This war does only have losers. And the longer this war lasts, the more losers there will be. More damage will be caused and more people will be killed. And let me tell you that I'm representing a nation which has a number of casualties in this war as well. Given the fact that there is a Hungarian community living in the western part of Ukraine, members of which are Ukrainian citizens, obviously. So many of them are conscripted into the Ukrainian army. They are fighting on the front lines and many of them have died already. And let me emphasize that we do not want more people to die in this war. In this regard I'd like to underline the position of Hungary that we would consider as the number one duty of the international community under such circumstances to save lives of the people and prevent more casualties. And the question is raised here, how it is possible, obviously. And the answer is that you can save lives with peace. With deliveries of weapons, with further packages of sanctions, I don't see how we save lives of the people. But with peace, we definitely could. And I know very well that for this position of ours, we are usually under very heavy criticism. Not only heavy criticism, but on many occasions totally insane accusations are being put on Hungary and this government. But those who criticize us and educate us, judge us, they have not lost any lives in this war, unlike we Hungarians. So that's why, Mr. President, dear Ian, dear colleagues, we call for immediate ceasefire and peace talks to be launched as an outcome of which, hopefully a sustainable peace could be reached. And it is obvious that peace cannot be made in case there are no channels of communication open. If channels of communication are being cut, stuck, closed, it means from our perspective that even the hope for peace is being given up. And once again, as a representative of a neighboring country, witnessing the suffering on a daily basis, I humbly ask you to concentrate on how to stop this war, how to avoid more people to die, and how to make peace. And dear Ian, together with you, I'm representing, and many of others, a generation which, thanks God, did not have to experience how life was during the World War. World War, global war. And we do hope that neither us nor our children or our hopeful future grandchildren will do have to experience such a life. And so far, this war came with global impacts. That's not a question. The question is whether we can avoid this war becoming a global war, a world war. Whether we can avoid measures, decisions, and even sometimes statements which bring the risk of escalation and prolongation of this war. I think all of us should refrain from such kind of measures, decisions, and statements which prolong and escalate this war. A third world war would be a real tragedy. A third world war would bring us to where hopefully none of us would like to go. In this regard, I think it's key that there is no direct confrontation being established between NATO and the Russian Federation. In NATO, we have a clear decision that NATO is not party to the conflict, and we do hope that this decision of ours will be respected by all. Dear Ian, dear colleagues, Hungarian people are not responsible for this war, but Hungary and the Hungarian people have already paid a high price. That's why we all know that we are in the 25th hour. We are in the 25th hour. So let's try to concentrate on how to stop this war, how to put an end to this war, how to establish an immediate ceasefire, and how to launch peace talks which hopefully will bring us to a sustainable and fair peace. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Ziato, for his statement, and I now give the floor to Her Excellency, Ms. Annalena Babok, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany. Colleagues, Butcher, Rakif, Mariupol, Bachmut. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine is causing nothing but destruction, suffering, and death. Yesterday, the General Assembly sent a powerful message against this ruthless war. An overwhelming majority of 141 states stood united for peace in Ukraine, a peace that is just, comprehensive, and lasting. And the General Assembly presented a peace plan, a peace plan that is based on the principles of our UN Charter. Today, the eyes of the world are on the Security Council, the body that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security in this world. Every further effort to move towards peace from a member of this council is, in my point of view, valuable. But peace must mean peace. Peace must not mean that we ignore who the aggressor is and who the victim, because subjugation is not peace. Not naming the aggressor would mean accepting a world in which the mighty rule. It would mean accepting a world in which bombing schools, kidnapping children, and shooting people off their bicycle is part of foreign policy. Not standing by the side of the victim would mean a world in which none of us would be able to sleep peacefully, because we would all have to fear and attack our stronger neighbor. To prevent such a world, the United Nation was founded. That's why we cannot stand idly by. The Charter obliges us, the nations of the world, to act. Now that some of you claim that by sanctioning the aggressor, by standing by the side of Ukraine, by supporting Ukraine by its right to self-defense, we are adding fuel to the fire. I would like to ask you, where would Ukraine that voluntarily gave up its nuclear weapons because it believed in peace would be today if we had not supported its right to defend itself, supported their people, elderly mothers, fathers, children, together with so many international partners? Can we imagine what this would mean to have more butchers, khakifs, maria poles, more bachmuts, atrocities against civilians, more children drawn pictures with a house where their beloved ones once lived? Imagine more crimes, more crimes against humanity, and we would have stand idly by I don't want to imagine such a world. I don't want to be responsible for such a world. I think most of us don't want to be responsible for such a world. Therefore, I would like to underline what Secretary Blinken said. If Ukraine stops defending itself, Ukraine ends. If we would stop standing at the side of Ukraine, Ukraine would end. The Russian representatives asked just a couple of minutes ago here in this council, why would we think that Ukraine would end? Well, because one year ago, the president just told us that he would like to demilitarize Ukraine. And we saw for 365 nights and days what that meant, that your tanks didn't bring water, that your planes didn't drop baby nutrition, but your tanks and planes only brought night and day destruction and death of thousands of fathers and mothers and children. And yes, it brought also death and destruction around the world, not directly by tanks and bombs, but by the food crisis. And yes, you, everybody on Earth, can deceive yourself, but you cannot deceive the world. Although for us who sincerely and honestly believe in a peace that means peace, a peace based on the charter of our United Nation must show their true colors now and stand by the peace plan, by the General Assembly. President Putin is speculating that at some point our clear stance against this war will weaken. He's speculating that by staying the course this war, this war for regression will be rewarded for war that is also causing great suffering to his own people. Some 200,000 Russians have already been killed or wounded. Hundreds of thousands of Russians have left their country because they don't want to be part of this war. Russian children going to schools in Germany and I'm very happy about this. More than 1000 international companies have pulled out of Russia, taking with them a crucial part of Russian's prosperity and intelligence. This war is not the world's war. This war is not the war of the Russian people. This war is Putin's war. The Russian president is risking the future of his own country, of his own soldiers, his own children. That's why it just peace. A peace plan presented yesterday by the 141 states at the General Assembly is also in the interest of the people of Russia. When I look around this table, I'm under no illusion. We will not convince the Russian representative today, he's not even listening. But what we can do is that this council will not turn a blind eye to Butchak, Kharkiv, Mariupol, and Bakhmut, to the people and the children of Ukraine. What we can do is stand up for a world where peace means peace. Thank you. I thank her excellency, Ms. Berbock, for her statement. I'll give the floor to his excellency, Mr. Edgas Rinkovits, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia. Mr. President, I'm speaking on behalf of Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden, and my own country, Latvia. I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and the presidency of Malta for the opportunity to address the Security Council. A year has passed since Russia started its brutal, unjustified, and unprovoked full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, aided by Belarus. It is a clear violation of international law and the United Nations Charter. We admire the bravery and persistence of Ukrainians in the fight for their freedom and independence. We pay respect to all Ukrainian people who have died defending their homeland. Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine has trampled international norms and rules-based order. Russia, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, is seeking to change the borders of a neighboring sovereign country by military force. This constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. We will never accept Russia's illegal annexations of Crimea, Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhia Oblast. We call on the Russian Federation to abide by the SEJ Order on Provisional Measures of March 16, 2022, to immediately suspend its military operations that commenced on 21st February, 2022 in Ukraine. Russia cynically disregards its obligations as a permanent member and humphers the Security Council's ability to implement its mandate. Russia started this war. Russia can and must end it immediately by withdrawing its troops from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine. To make it happen, we must provide all necessary means to Ukraine. Under the UN Charter, Ukraine has inherent right of self-defense. The Nordic Baltic states are determined to enhance Ukraine's military capabilities and to provide all necessary support. Mr. President, unable to defeat Ukraine in its battlefield, Russia terrorizes Ukraine's civilian population, mass killings, rapes, and torture in Butcher and Izhum, and the legal deportation of children are only some of the most horrifying atrocity crimes of the Russian armed forces. We condemn, in the strongest terms, deliberate attacks by Russia against civilians, critical infrastructure, and civilian objects in Ukraine. To alleviate the suffering and facilitated construction, we provide economic, political, humanitarian, financial, and legal assistance to Ukraine and its people. Mr. President, Russia must and will be held accountable for its crimes. We support the work of the International Criminal Court to investigate atrocity crimes. In addition, the crime of aggression must be addressed to bring to justice the Russian political and military leadership who masterminded and unleashed this war of aggression against Ukraine. We believe that the UN should play a meaningful role in securing broad international support for the establishment of a tribunal for the prosecution of the crime of aggression. Mr. President, Russia uses disinformation and propaganda to mobilize domestic and international support for its aggression against Ukraine. It is extremely worrying that Russia uses food and energy as instruments in its warfare. It causes suffering for the most vulnerable nations and people globally. Russia is cynically covering it by false narratives and disinformation, including by dishonestly blaming sanctions. It is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine that has aggravated and already existing food security crisis and augmented the rise in energy prices. We support the Black Sea Green Initiative and urge Russia to extend it and stop delaying the work of inspection teams. Mr. President, yesterday the General Assembly once again reconfirmed the international support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We urge the UN Security Council to uphold the UN Charter, which forms the basis for just and lasting peace in Ukraine. We welcome President Zelensky's 10-point peace formula. We strongly support his vision for peace, the trust in international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. We'll stand by Ukraine for as long as necessary. Thank you. I thank His Excellency Mr. Rinkevich's for his statement. I then I'll give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ruslan Bolvosian, Secretary of State of the Republic of Moldova. Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security Council's Excellencies. The Republic of Moldova strongly condemns Russia's illegal and unfounded aggression against Ukraine. We also categorically reject the attempted annexation of Ukrainian territories. As a commemorate one year of this brutal war among the enormous human losses, significant destruction of civilian infrastructure and the displacement of countless Ukrainians who have been forced to flee their homes to escape the horrors of war. Moldova is one of the countries which sheltered hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian people. We will continue our support to Ukraine for as long as it takes. Ukraine defends its land and its freedom and by that it defends our freedom and our democracy too. We appreciate Ukraine's incredible resistance. We stand in solidarity with our neighbors and our friends. We stand with Ukraine. Distinguished audience, Moldova, Ukraine's most fragile neighbors, has been greatly impacted by Russia's unprovoked aggressions. As while Ukraine is resisting a military invasion, Moldova is on the front line of a hybrid war which includes, in turn, gas blackmail, cyber attacks, propaganda, and disinformation. On several occasions, our airspace has been violated by Russia's missiles and missiles debris landed on our territory which is absolutely unacceptable. Let me also stress that the breakaway transmission region of the Republic of Moldova is getting regularly in the spotlight, including in the recent days. Our country is firmly committed to maintaining stability and peace in the region in this complicated context and to promote political settlement of the conflict based on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognized borders. We reiterate our position for complete withdrawal of Russian military forces and munition storage illegally present in the region. All these challenges are real, but so is our resolve to stay strong. The Republic of Moldova expresses its deep gratitude to all partners who have supported us in this time of crisis. Despite all those risks, Moldova remains committed to its path toward European Union integration which represents the best way to ensure peace, stability and prosperity for the country. Mr. President, over the past year, Ukraine has faced an unprecedented attack against its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Throughout this time, the international community has stood firmly with Ukraine in condemning the aggression and supporting Ukraine's efforts to define its people and territory. We have seen remarkable displays of solidarity from the provision of humanitarian assistance to the diplomatic efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The large support extended yesterday by the UN General Assembly to the resolution outlining the principles of comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine is another remarkable sign of strong support in that regard. Moldova supports Ukraine in achieving a just peace and accountability. We joined the calls for immediate cessation of hostilities and complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Russian military troops and ammunition from the territory of Ukraine. In closing, the Republic of Moldova reaffirms its unwavering support to Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its international and territorial borders. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Bobbushan, for his statement, and I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Wopke Hoekstra, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, I'm here today on behalf of the Group of Friends of Accountability, following the aggression against Ukraine. A group of 49 member states and the European Union that share one strong conviction that the power of justice should always prevail over the power of force. Today, it has been exactly one year since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The people of Ukraine have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in their continued fight for freedom and independence. And we've seen horrendous images and reports of the indiscriminate killing of civilians, men, women, and children. We've seen unlawful attacks on civilian infrastructure, houses, schools, and hospitals. And we have seen horrendous reports of sexual and gender-based violence and abductions of children. Mr. President, such actions are unacceptable. They violate international law. And wherever they occur, they must be met with the same strong response. This cannot stand. Accountability and justice for Ukraine, for Ukrainians, and for the international community as a whole, is of the utmost importance to ensure a sustainable peace. Yesterday, the General Assembly resumed its emergency special session on Ukraine. And once again, the General Assembly took a strong stance in defense of the UN Charter by adopting a resolution on the Charter's principles, underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. And in this resolution, the General Assembly emphasized the need to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes under international law committed on the territory of Ukraine. Mr. President, our quest for justice are fired against impunity. Are fired against violations of international law, should not, must not, and cannot be pursued without taking a firm, collective stand against the aggressor. We command the efforts and initiatives already taken to ensure accountability. This includes the deployment of forensic missions to Ukraine, the opening of an investigation by the ICC prosecutor, the creation of an international center for the prosecution of the crime of aggression, and a register for damages to be located in the Hague. We welcome the establishment of the Independent UN Commission of Enquirer on Ukraine and the establishment of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. We command the ongoing work of the Human Rights Monitoring Mission, which has documented violations since 2014. Of particular concern are the reports of conflict-related sexual violence, including rape as a tactic of war. And these crimes constitute serious violations of international humanitarian law. Conflict-related sexual violence must be countered through effective accountability measures, measures that will contribute to deterrence and prevention of these horrendous crimes. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine violates the UN Charter, which underpins peaceful coexistence and global security. And we call on the Russian Federation to abide by the order on provisional measures by the ICJ of March 16th of 2022. The court stated that Russia shall immediately end the military operations that it commenced on February 24th, 2022, in the territory of Ukraine. This is the first step to put an end to the all-too-long list of crimes which require accountability and which require justice. The first step to put an end to human suffering in Ukraine and ease the human suffering caused by Russia's war in Ukraine, but clearly also globally. Mr. President, the violation of the UN Charter we are witnessing today is an attack on the international community as a whole. We should not just seek accountability for what has already been taken place. We must strive. We must strive to prevent anyone, and I mean anyone, from committing such a violation ever again in Ukraine or elsewhere. Thank you very much, Mr. President. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Hofstra, for his statement, and I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Antonio Taiani, Deputy Prime Minister, and Minister of Foreign Affairs and the International Cooperation of Italy. Mr. President, on this day, exactly one year ago, a permanent member of this council, uniliterally violated the basic principles and norms on which the peaceful coexistence among states and this very organization are founded. For from bearing a greater sense of duty and responsibility as a permanent member with this inaccessible behalf, Russia has profoundly shaken and questioned the roots of the international order. On this anniversary, Ukraine still stands and together with the wide majority of the international community, Italy stands alongside Ukraine in full solidarity with its people. But when I listen to somebody who talks about Europe, which is a slave of the United States, I need to say that we are slaves of freedom, of democracy, of international law, so we need to completely reject this idea of a Europe being a slave to anybody. We are the homeland of freedom and democracy throughout the world. It is unacceptable what I heard this morning here in this chamber. Russia's illegal, unprovoked and justified act of aggression against Ukraine not only is a gross violation of the United Nations Charter and the threat to international security and its ability. But it's also causing global systematic disruption with multiple harmful consequences that majorly affects the most vulnerable countries in this global south. We need more diplomacy. And as the Secretary General said, the Black Sea Green Initiative is a sign of hope to address global concerns on such unful consequences and to display the ground for dialogue can and must be found. Italy strongly calls in the first place for the renewal of the Black Sea Green Initiative and for the sweet establishment of a nuclear safe zone around Zaporizhia nuclear power point. We have also asked for a stronger United Nations. We are asking for a more democratic representative transparent United Nations because the United Nations can do more involving more countries of the world because after the Second World War, from the Second World War to today, the world has changed a great deal. And that is why we need to involve many countries in this reform. Mr. President, the data tax to Ukrainian people and to critical infrastructures with devastating humanitarian costs are completely inaccessible and most immediately stop. We want to work for peace. We are not against the Russian citizens. We are in favor of democracy, in favor of freedom. We want to respect the international rules. This is our engagement. For this, we are strongly involved in defense of Ukraine. But we want to achieve peace, peace with justice, justice, freedom and independence of Ukraine. Thank you very much. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Tayani, for his statement. And I now give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Buja Osmani, Minister of Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia. Thank you, Mr. President, your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am grateful to Maltese presidency for the opportunity to address the UN Security Council today as we mark one year since the beginning of the full-scale invasion on territory of Ukraine. This unprovoked and brutal war of aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law and all principles enshrined in the UN Charter and above all, the values of humanity. Let me reaffirm at the outset our support to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Both in my national capacity and later on in my capacity as chairman in office of the OSCE for 2023, I had the opportunity to visit Ukraine and places that have been affected by the war and attacks made by the military forces of the Russian Federation. I saw firsthand the human suffering, destruction and other consequences of this senseless war of aggression. Mass indiscriminate strikes on civilian sites persists. People continue to die and suffer. Russia has continued to conduct strikes in urban areas, leaving civilians and cities without access to basic human needs. The finding and investigation so far in the various cities attacked in Ukraine lead to the conclusion that war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed. The magnitude of committed sexual abuse and violence against women and girls is of grave concern as well. The perpetrators of these crimes and violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law must be held accountable and brought to justice. In my capacity as chairman in office of the OSCE, I have already underscored on many occasions and here today I would like to put emphasis again on the OSCE Moscow mechanism as an important source invoked with the aim to establish the facts and circumstances of possible cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity in order to presenting it to the relevant accountability mechanisms as well as to the international courts. The second report issued recently confirms the aforesaid. Mr. President, we fully support the investigation launched by the ICC prosecutor aimed at looking into war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the territory of Ukraine. Previously, we have also welcomed the International Court of Justice provisional measures ordering Russia to suspend military operations immediately. Making full use and ensuring sustainable funding of existing human rights mechanisms is also crucial in support of the accountability processes. North Macedonia believes that we should make better use of the work and information gathered by special procedures of the Human Rights Council in order to investigate violation and abuses of human rights and related crimes in the context of the war of aggression against Ukraine. In conclusion, in the coming period, it will be particularly important to curtail any political process that can undermine the accountability for gross violations committed. We must do our utmost to ensure access to justice for the victims of human rights violation in this senseless aggression by the Russian Federation. Our motto for North Macedonia's OECD relationship is, it's about people. We owe it to them to restore peace immediately. We call on the Russian Federation to stop the war. We reiterate our demand for the immediate cessation of the military aggression against Ukraine, as well as for the full and immediate withdrawal of its forces and military equipment from Ukraine's territory. We have to bring back the peace and the accountability must prevail. I thank you. I thank his Excellency, Mr. Osmani, for his statement. I now give the floor to his Excellency, Mr. Jose Manuel Albares Bueno, Minister of Foreign Affairs, European Union and Cooperation of Spain. Muchas gracias. Thank you very much, Madam President, for organizing this meeting. Today marks one year since the tragic start of the illegal occupation and violation by Russia against Ukraine in flagrant violation of international law and the principles of the UN Charter. The very existence of Ukraine is at stake, as well as peace and the most basic principles of the UN Charter. This violation is even more unacceptable as it comes from a permanent member of this Security Council. The body to which the UN Charter confers the key responsibility of maintaining international peace and security and of safeguarding the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Every day, Russian troops remain in the sovereign and independent territory of Ukraine, undermines this remit. Spain fully supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Spain, like many others who have spoken here today and in the General Assembly of the United Nations, is calling for the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of all the military forces of the Russian Federation from the entire Ukrainian territory and a return to their internationally recognized borders. There is no argument whatsoever to justify this aggression. Moreover, we express our most categorical condemnation of the indiscriminate shelling by Russia against key civilian infrastructure and targets. This is an unacceptable violation of international humanitarian law. Thousands of civilians, Ukrainian civilians, have been identified and have died as a result of the war and more than 14 million are displaced. There are alarming signs of massive violations of human rights of the Ukrainian population. Those who are responsible for these very serious acts must be held accountable. Spain will fully unreservedly support that. And the use of the veto by the Russian Federation is keeping the Security Council from exercising its primary function as a guarantor of international peace and security. No country should have the capacity to flout this right for its own purposes as if it were a blank check to violate international law without any consequence. This veto, however, does not keep the international community from reacting. Yesterday, the General Assembly spoke out quite clearly on this issue, reiterating its call for Russia to withdraw from the entirety of Ukrainian territory. And also, the General Assembly reaffirmed its commitment to the independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine and called for a just and lasting peace in respect of the UN Charter and international law. That is why we are here today in the Security Council. We are not just facing war in Ukraine and in Europe. The unilateral action of Russia is also an attack against the most basic norms and principles governing relations among states. Which are an absolute condition for the maintenance of international peace and security. It is the founding principle of this organization and therefore we call for an immediate cessation to aggression and the withdrawal of Russian troops to their internationally recognized borders and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. We want peace for Ukraine, for the Ukrainian people, but also for all of us who defend the UN Charter and international law. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Madam President. I greatly appreciate the opportunity to participate in this Security Council debate. Czechia hosts the highest number of Ukrainian war refugees per capita, nearly half a million, most of them women and children. We are one of the countries most affected by the direct consequences of Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine. Russia's cruel, full-scale aggression started one year ago. It's illegal annexation of Crimea nine years ago. Russia sees other countries, their freedom, their democracy, or even their statehood as nothing but spoils up for grips in its colonialistic and imperialistic ambition. Yet, the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders is non-negotiable. Consequences of Russia's aggression reach far beyond Europe. They are truly global. The war it wages has caused shockwaves for the world commodity markets, threatening to drive 50 million people to the brink of famine across Africa and other continents. Russia's massive airstrikes, deliberately conducted in densely populated areas, are destroying critical civilian infrastructure and innocent lives. Entire towns and villages have been wiped out. The evidence of Russia's atrocities and ferocious attacks against Ukraine's civilian population, including children, is overwhelming. Just a few days ago, President Putin announced Russia's suspensions of the New START Treaty. For him, escalation is the order of the day. We must collectively stop Russia from dragging us into the horrors and similes to those of the World Wars. Together, we have to defend the UN Charter, accountability for all crimes under international law, must be ensured. Yesterday, the United Nations General Assembly Resolution, principles underlying a comprehensive just and lasting peace in Ukraine was adopted by the huge majority of votes. The international community has spoken clearly about its strong wish for peace in line with the UN Charter. The Peace Formula Plan presented by President Zelensky is the one to be built on. We stand with Ukraine from the outset, and we remain committed to Ukraine's wish for just peace, as well as its undeniable right in line with Article 59 of the UN Charter to defend itself against the aggression. I thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Lepapke, for his statement. And I'll give the floor to His Excellency, Mr. Gordon Greely-Kradman, Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Affairs of Croatia. Thank you, Madam President. Croatia aligns itself with the statement of the EU, and I'd like to add some remarks in my national capacity. One year ago, the Russian Federation sent more than 100,000 of its soldiers, tanks, and warplanes to invade Ukraine with more to come. Russia's troops marched from the east and from the north, from the neighboring Belarus in an attempt to break Ukraine's resistance in one sweet move. This full-scale invasion is in effect a dramatic escalation of the aggression that began in 2014 with the Russian occupation of Crimea and parts of Donetsk and the Luhansk regions of Ukraine. This was brought nothing but loss of life, countless injury, suffering, and destruction. It also brought with itself series of atrocities, accompanied by targeted destruction of civilian infrastructure and mass displacement of people. Accountability for these crimes is important to provide at least some comfort and a sense of justice to the victims and their families. But it would also serve as a warning and a deterrent to other potential perpetrators. The misery brought upon by the Russian aggression did not just within the borders of Ukraine. Its poisons, effects, and are felt around the world as food and energy insecurity become widespread globally. This deadly war aims not just to conquer Ukraine and strip it of its independence. It aims to invalidate the UN Charter and the very tenets of the international law. It aims to dismantle global security and usher in an age where brute force and land grab other accepted norm. Mr. President, the Russian army invaded Ukraine, not the other way around. Nothing can hide that obvious fact. Although each country, assembly here at the United Nations has its own concerns and aspirations and turns to its different friends for help, in this war there is the only one side we can stand on, the side protecting the right of a country to defend itself. It is our duty to support this just cause. Not so long ago, Croatia was a victim to a very similar war with almost the same pretext and cynical justification. In that difficult situation, every help mattered, even if it amounted to mere acknowledgement of the enduring tragedy. Even it was just towards recognizing victimization. One such resolution acknowledging the tragedy and injustice thrown upon Ukraine was adopted over Hamlin yesterday by the UN General Assembly. With some exceptions, the world continues to support Ukraine, as well as self-defense of its people. After a year, they are not getting tired, so shall not be in our support. However, we do not accept normalization of this cruel war deliberately targeting civilians. Russia started this war and Russia is the only one that can stop it by removing its troops from Ukraine. Until such moment comes, Croatia will continue, continue to stand by and with Ukraine and its people, its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders. We admire the bravery and dignity of Ukrainians defending their country and their homes, and we owe them gratitude for standing for the crucial principles of the UN Charter and the rules-based international order. Thank you. I thank His Excellency Mr. Glur Radman for his statement, and I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Urmas Reinsalu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Estonia. Thank you. Mr. President, Estonia is a neighbor of aggressor state Russia, and this war has impacted my country significantly. We have received tens of thousands of Ukrainian refugees. During the course of war, we have been under systematic cyber attacks coming from Russia. Russia has been waging its full-scale brutal, unprovoked and genocidal war of aggression against Ukraine for 12 months now. Kremlin's goal to raise a sovereign and democratic Ukraine from the map has not changed. After a year of courageous fight, Ukraine deserves peace more than ever. However, it can't be a peace at all costs. We need just and lasting peace in full conformity with the UN Charter, peace that upholds and reinforces rules-based international order with the UN and its core, peace that prevents the use of force to redraw international borders. These are exactly the same parameters that our overwhelming majority of the UN member states voted for in the UN General Assembly Resolution yesterday. The UN membership firmly supports a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine that rests on international law and the UN Charter. Ukrainian peace plan is based on the same universal values and principles, and I therefore call upon the UN membership to support President Zelensky's 10-point peace plan. Article 51 of the UN Charter grants every country a right to self-defense, and we need collectively to ensure that Ukraine can defend itself against aggression. We have seen the heinous atrocities that Russia has committed, and unfortunately still is committing today in Ukraine. This must stop, and this is the reason why as soon as military aid to Ukraine has reached 1% of our GDP, and we won't sovereign Ukraine to survive this brutal aggression and win because then peace and justice will be established. We call all peoples of world to rise any support to Ukraine. Third, in order to achieve lasting peace, full accountability must be ensured. It includes our obligation to discredit completely aggression as an instrument of international relations. We owe it to the thousands of Ukrainians being killed, raped, and possibly displaced to hold Russia's political and military leadership to account for the crime of aggression. Therefore, an international special tribunal for the crime of aggression in Ukraine within the UN system must be established. We cannot let Mr. Putin hide in the judicial loophole. President Putin, time will come and you will sit under tribunal. It is high time to learn from the past. The horrors of war we are witnessing today are the tragic consequences of the fact that the atrocity crimes committed by the Soviet Union during the Second World War, including against my country and my people, were left unpunished. Not the only would a tribunal serve justice to the victims of this horrendous crime, it also serves as a deterrent and can help to prevent future conflicts. Finally, today on the 105th anniversary of my country, as soon as declaration of independence, our Independence Day, my thoughts are with our brave countrymen and women who fought for our freedom and independence. And yet I also pray for Ukraine and Ukrainians who are the bravest people I know. Ukraine is not only defending its country people and right to exist, but Ukraine is also defending common values of united mankind, international legal order and the UN Charter. Peace rises from truth. Russian Federation is a terrorist regime which commits genocide against Ukrainian people. World needs to recognize that. Thank you. I thank His Excellency, Mr. Reinsalo, for his statement. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned.