 Good morning. Buenos dias. I'm pretty sure it's morning though. It says good afternoon. Good morning. I'm Carla Copel. I'm a vice president here with the United States Institute of Peace. As I hope you all know, but perhaps not, the US Institute of Peace was created over 30 years ago as a nonpartisan national institute dedicated to the proposition that peace is possible, practical, and cost effective. And we're honored to have all of you here today for what I think will be a very rich program. Today's conversation marks actually the relaunch of the Columbia Peace Forum, which our beloved colleague, Ginny Bouvier, started in 2012. And to organize a conversation or a space for conversation around Columbia's internal armed conflict and to discuss challenges with the peace process. Ginny unfortunately passed away earlier this year, so in some ways we view the Columbia Peace Forum as a living legacy to her good work in the region. And to our collaboration with the Wilson Center, we are honored to have Cynthia Ironson here today and to be able to share this relaunch with them. The forum itself has varied in terms of its topics. It brings together academics, it brings together with Colombian specialists, government officials, and others to provide a platform for a variety of voices to talk about the commitment to peace in Columbia. Obviously this past year has been an important one where we've transitioned from the peace process with the FARC to the process of reintegration and reconciliation as well as the negotiation of the ceasefire with the ELN. And so it really is a critical time to talk about how we pivot and transition and find a path forward that leads to durable peace and cessation of violence and peace and prosperity nationwide. Today in particular we're focused on that recovery from war and we want to cover that both from an artistic standpoint and an analytical perspective. We are honored to have the award-winning Colombian photographer Jesus Abad Calorado presenting some of his photographs. That will be followed by an expert panel talking about the challenges to reintegration and victims' rights, which are both critical points in the accord and critical to the success of this peace process long term. I'd be remiss if I didn't thank Lauren Sacks, who's our USAID mission director for joining us this morning. Obviously USAID and the US government have played an important role in ushering peace to Columbia and will continue to play a role moving forward in making sure that that piece sticks. With that I want to invite Jesus Abad Calorado up to show us some of his beautiful photographs and meaningful photographs. I should say beautiful is probably the wrong descriptor, but it's a fitting introduction to the conversation of how we transform Columbia into a nation of peace. So thank you very much for joining us. It's a pleasure to have all of you here and it's really a pleasure to be relaunching the Columbia Peace Forum with all of you this morning. Thank you. And I'm going to talk to you more than just a political analyst. I'm going to talk to you from the heart because I learned to tell the story of my country with images. I learned to write the story of Columbia through terror, through words. My words are images. But over the years those images have turned into a cry. And a cry that seeks to find out what is the story that our communities have lived through. If I'm a son or grandson of murdered grandfathers, uncles or brothers who were kidnapped or missing, my heart has to be close to the victims, never to the victims. I'm going to ask you to turn off the light so that the images can be seen better. I want to tell a particular story. When I say a particular story, it's how one should know the story of a single people in the war. It's difficult to understand that a country like ours, not with 50 years of war, that the war was born before the FARC was born. The war was born before the LLN or the paramilitaries were born. I'm telling you that I lost my grandparents in 1960 for being liberals in a conservative region. And I'm going to tell you this so that you can see clearly. I could go out with a T-shirt, with a T-shirt for a demonstration. And here in front of me, I could see the face of a brother missing from the Colombian army. What was his sin? Being a peasant and living in areas where the war was moving. My brother and uncle were arrested by the army in the Magdalena Medio, in Cimitarra, Santander del Sur. My uncle was released, but they were threatened with shooting them from a helicopter while they were taking them to the battalion. My cousin Abelardo in the battalion was murdered and left three orphans. Abelardo Galeano Colorado. But from the back I could take another picture and introduce Leon Urrea López. My nicknames are Colorado López, my name is Jesus Abad. Leon Urrea was kidnapped by the Asfar war. He was paid part of the ransom by him. He was not a chaotic man, he didn't have much money. He had two cars to carry banana and corn from the Meta Department to Bogota, to the market square. He was kidnapped, he was paid part of the money, but since there were no resources to pay the ransom, he was murdered in Cautiverio. But his body was not delivered. So I'm talking to my grandfather, I'm talking to my grandmother, I'm talking to a uncle and I'm talking to two brothers. And that's how I could continue. But what I have inside and what my family has in my memory, they have never done or hated us. They never taught us about revenge. Because I'm a son of peasants. But they are ethical and decent and respect life and they are solidary. That's why, if I talk to you, where does war happen in Colombia? So I tell you, there is Bojaya. How long does it take to go to Bojaya from the city of Medellin? 30 minutes in a small plane. If it were in a jet, it would take 8 minutes. But in a plane at 30 minutes in Medellin, where there are no communication routes, because people move through the river or the jungle, one of the worst events of violence in Colombia happened. May 2002. I go a little further back, 1996. Between 1996 and 1997, there were operations against insurgents in which members of the army, of the hand, of the paramilitaries, were supposedly to be taken to the guerrilla. And in those towns, they were displaced and murdered. And I speak with clarity of that relationship of the army with the paramilitaries in many places in Colombia, because I cannot cover that as a journalist. I am not the view of any armed or political group, I am a journalist. And as a journalist I have to say what I lived with clarity for many years documenting tragedies committed by illegal armed groups or by the law, call them guerrillas, many times paramilitaries, but I have to say that I am ashamed that in my country, many of the events of violence were between paramilitaries and militars. And I am witness of that. And when I make those testimonies or when I witness many events, I have to give testimony and leave photographs for memory. Photographies that in this case they have to tell me that if from 1996 the people of the treaty were living a tragedy in the area of Chocó with Antioquia, six years later the paramilitaries in disputes with the guerrilla of the Asfar arrived in Bojaya. I can't get away from the microphone. On the right side is Antioquia. On the right side is Antioquia. On the left side is Chocó. There in the lower part is the people of Bojaya. On May 2, 2002, in fights between the guerrilla and the paramilitaries a bomb launched by the Asfar, a healthy bomb fell inside the church. If you pass me please. I was the first journalist to arrive there and I am telling you that it is 30 minutes from Medellin but I arrived three days after the tragedy. To get there I couldn't go by plane because there were fights that lasted almost a week. But I arrived on the third day because as a journalist I sometimes take the farthest way. First I went to the capital of Chocó that escaped and then I went down the river but all the journalists could have gone down the river because I could go down first because the church and the missionaries know my work and they know that I don't do a show or I am sensationalist with the photographs and that for many years I have accompanied the process of those communities that are the ones that lose their lives. So I went down with the people of the church and I can tell you that I saw bury the dead of that church 12 black men from Guantes Blancos were in charge of removing the bodies. Pass me please. I am not doing the first shots of hands or feet. Inside that church there were 47 children and girls. Next. Next please. Sorry. I am going to follow you. I am telling you that I saw bury the victims of the church. 12 men from Guantes Blancos and Tapabocas were in charge of the burial work. That boat went with the bodies of the victims and I saw the people running through the river. I saw the faces of a country that is multicultural, pluralistic, it is an Afro country, it is a mestizo country, but it is a racist country, it is a classist country, because the black people are the people who live in the worst conditions of Colombia and the same is the indigenous communities, but worse if the war comes to them. People would sometimes prefer not to come to anyone and to leave them in oblivion, but to not come to anyone armed to rape them. Or sometimes when the development comes, it is in the form of mining or in the form of forestry, which ends with its waters, which ends with its mountains and ends with its hope. These photographs were taken during the days that I stayed with the community and people told me, please don't leave. And it is that someone has to tell the story and the story cannot be only oral. The story has to have images, as can be many images of the ones that are here and in many countries that speak to us of what has been the tragedy against humanity. But these tragedies that happen are not the most important thing for the rest of the country, because they can be half an hour away from the city, but they are generally abandoned and forgotten regions. If they happened there, that happened to that black people, that happened to the indigenous people. But as long as the tragedy doesn't happen there in the heart of Medellin, of Bogota or of the main cities of Colombia, it doesn't matter. Six days after that tragedy in the church, the army entered and the people continued to flee. And the people could not cry their deaths, but even a month later, if you ask me, when you arrived in Bojaya and saw the dead buried, did you see tears? I didn't see tears. I didn't hear crying. There was no time to cry. A month later, then, if I attended a ritual that the Afro people did in the capital Kivdó, to the people, to the adults, they would be delighted that they were called alabaos. And to the children or girls it would be a much more beautiful ritual called the guali. But people couldn't do that ritual. And on the fourth month, in September 2002, the people returned to their town. And the neighboring towns greeted with love, the resistance, because they returned to their territory with white flags that said peace, respect, love, humanity. The people greeted the inhabitants of Bojaya who were returning. This is Eugenio Palacio. Eugenio went with his daughter. She was just born, she produced in the displacement. In that margin of time her daughter was born, her name is Patricia. She came to the boat, the Chévere child. It was twelve hours of navigation through the river from Kivdó to Bojaya. They came with their dogs. They were very important for the peasants, like they are their chickens, like they are their trees and their aromatic plants. And in the same place where they took their dead they made a ritual with candles. Those candles are drawing the map of Chocó, a department like many others in Colombia through the war and the infamy. That map of Chocó with candles not only wanted to remind the seventy-nine victims who died inside the church but hundreds of people who were thrown into the river for years in which armed groups were fighting in the territory where the dead were the peasants. And in the same church they danced that night and I saw them dance and celebrate life. Days later the people took them out of the common pit and took them to another cemetery and they were identified with numbers. They made a telar with the names of the victims, the victims of May 2nd and nature began to emerge where there was tragedy. At the bottom of the river but nature is wise and where human beings cause pain there the plants are born again. Ernesto Zábato in his book one of his last books or perhaps the last the resistance said that life is the light of a crack to be reborn. Life is the light of a crack to be reborn and so not only is nature generous in my country but the people of Chocó and the indigenous people and the people of my country who are not the central power who live in the periphery and that mural you see there and that unfortunately I cannot expand to show you step by step because it is a mural that in January of 2003 when children and girls returned to classes in the municipality of Bojaya a teacher with a social worker of the national university and with the children they had made this mural and that mural in three acts is a mural that speaks of the people before the war the people in the middle of the war the people who flee in boats through the river with white flags like the photographs you saw in mine and in the end they manage to see a sun that sun is the hope of them but the most beautiful is what the mural says it says this mural collects the feeling and the word of the children and girls who question the war the pain and the abandonment they remind us of the responsibility that implies not to forget I am what others and that is why I do not forget grade 4th and 5th urban school municipality of Bojaya these photographs now I will tell you what they correspond they are in a Bojaya agreement called PIPI but they are part of a house a month ago these three photographs this is a book that I published two years ago and I want to give here a very special thank you to the cooperation agency of development of the United States because they supported the publication of some of these books that are not available today in Colombia so I am telling you that you need to publish more so that you can know that story in many places in the world but the cover of that book is a man with a white flag that man is called Clirio now I am going to show you because Clirio goes through the river with three monks or missionaries with two more people and a woman who died in combat five days after the tragedy in the church because the war was over and because the war in my country I have to say it the war with the FARC stopped there are some dissidents of the FARC but in my country today is news corruption but not the masses in my country today is talking to us 15 or 20 years of hundreds of kidnapped of destroyed people of soldiers who die in ambush but also of guerrillas who are Colombians who die for a bomb if today the news is Tumaco with seven dead at least I say that it is important that we all talk about Tumaco because there is a very serious problem in those areas many people are interested in the issue of drugs but also where there are peasants who need development not only army not only groups armed by the law they are peasants who need to produce and someone who buys them but the Platano and the Yucca in regions as I say now as the Chocó they do not arrive in Bogota it is better to sow it is better to transport and the peasants many times are in illicit crops a way to survive in remote regions I do not want to justify them with that but I do want to tell them that it is good that the news today is corruption because if there were many shots of the guerrilla that would be the news every day since we got up and the news that comes out to the world if it stops a lot if it stops the bullet the journalists we will have to deal with the most serious problem that Colombia has and to understand that the people who make noise with weapons is a consequence of a very corrupt country in which many times leaders of the different political political parties were enriched at the cost of the budget of the whole country sometimes call them leaders of the liberal party of radical change of the conservative party of the democratic center of the same people etc. etc. and then one would have to say ethics and humanity and education and many times the peasants men and women of the field like my parents are more decent and ethical than many of those who have ruled Colombia or many of those who have directed it to be decent you don't need to go to a university you need to have education and education that sometimes takes place at home or at school please let's go to the presentation of Jesus Abad Angel to the power point that image I didn't take it that image is part of the book of violence published in the year 63-64 the FARC was not born it's an image that started when it was published I want to name Mr. Guzman Campos Orlando Falzborda the father of sociology in Colombia and a lawyer called Eduardo Humana Mendoza Eduardo Humana Luna father of a lawyer a human rights defender called Eduardo Humana Mendoza murdered in 1998 that book about violence in Colombia it's not taught in our country it's not taught very few people know it but it talks about the tragedy more than 300,000 dead and it pointed out the responsables of the tragedy so the responsables of the tragedy were not the police or the chusma or the birds the responsables of that had been the political leaders who exacerbated hatred so that people without education would kill each other a brother would kill another brother that photo is called Christo Campesino and that's how my uncle died on August 17, 1960 those are my grandparents José María and María Dolores my grandmother died of a moral shame four months after the murder of her husband next to the bed and that outside the house tied to a post they would kill their younger son that's why that woman died of pain and those are crimes and consequences that many times we don't talk about war that man who is there when I say that girl she is a special girl she is my sister she is a child she is not a father and mother but she is my father my mother and my older sister she is a special woman my father died on June 22 this year while I was working in the Colombian camp in a concentration area of the Asfar war in Colombia and the hands of women they can tell you that story but the faces of their grandfathers and grandmothers can talk about what is waiting for us the woman that I take that photograph is in Peque, Antioquia July 2001 and while I take the photograph she is looking to the front there are peasants murdered by paramilitaries and that woman is telling me remember the photo was taken on July 2001 and she is telling me 50 years ago I repeated this same tragedy I had to leave with my family and my people we lost the maize and beans and now I am living with my children and my grandchildren I wonder will this girl who is looking at you and looking at a country will she have to keep repeating the history of her parents and her grandfathers or will we be able to stop the war as she has been trying in this government and when I talk about the government in which we are now I back the peace process because I know what war means because I have seen women march against the war that photograph which is the cover of the Bastalla I worked in that commission and in that group of memories and I met Ginny the woman from here from the Institute of Peace who supported the work of the group of memories but that woman has a yellow flower in her hands because in the country we have never lost hope there are people and there are prophets of the war there are prophets who baptize us in the tragedy but if you ask the peasants who have lost more in Colombia the leaders the industrialists in Colombia the peasants families the peasants families because they put the children for the war they put the children for the army they put the children for the paramilitary groups the peasants were the main victims of the matanzas mostly matanzas committed by paras and many times in association with the army matanzas also on a smaller scale committed by the guerrilla but the peasants also put the land that today is in hands of corrupt people of the mafia of people who without scruples bought the land of the displaced by the war and it is to them to whom we should return peace Peace is not for the people of Bogota there is only live well or Medellin or Cali because many years ago in those cities the people somehow do not know what the war of the weapons is that they know the peasants and they are the ones who for many years have been waiting to live in peace that country rich in butterflies rich in ships rich in rivers and forests or as little as we have left the forests or as little as we have left the rivers because that is also a tragedy and that is violence what happens against nature but I have seen the butterflies lay in the canals of the combatants on the left or on the right I have also seen the butterflies drowned in oil by attacks that the guerrilla did to the oloduct and I say when are we going to stop with the most important armed group it has already stopped there is still the LN group and other groups who still want to persist in violence but in Colombia nature also suffered the trees were left with the bones of the bullets and I also look at the forests I look at the antipersonals that were planted once near the schools 20 years ago for this very date today October 31 I was traveling to Ituango to Laro I was the first journalist to arrive in Laro to document a tragedy in which the paramilitaries for five days submitted a torture and murder to a people and a friend of my soul a defender of human rights of the non-communist conservative party who was a lawyer in my city Jesus María Valle Jaramillo denounced the paramilitaries with the army for the connivance and for acts like those of Laro and many other things the governor of that moment in 1997 said that human rights defender as the journalists pointed out when he was governor he said that that human rights defender he did harm to the army and that it had been a crime where the army had not been with the passing of the years it was proven in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and Colombia had to accept that there was complicity but my friend Jesus María Valle four months later they killed him in the city of Medellin his office was in front of the Court of Justice it was the council of Ituango and what they did as a symbol before killing him they covered his mouth with tape so that he would not keep talking because he was doing a lot of damage to the institutionality that's how it is many times he shut up and send a message of terror but I speak of ituango because that fact was in 1997 and one day as today I was walking through the mountains to reach that population and to be able to tell the story to my country of what had happened nature is destroyed for the seed of the coca leaf sometimes the forests burn so that the armed groups our rivers became common forests and in many places in the country or in some places to not be exaggerated because I don't like to exaggerate but what I saw yesterday here in the Holocaust museum crematoriums also existed in Colombia in north of Santander I took this picture of a crematorium in that tree they tied the peasants to torture before taking them to the oven that tree has bones like these to use the tree is marked where the peasants tie and there is one of the ovens in the village of Villa del Rosario north of Santander and very close to the tree where the peasants tie like the shoes that I saw yesterday in the monument or in the Holocaust museum a shoe becomes alive because they return to be nature in the clothes of the peasants around the tree and the oven where they were thrown the skin of the trees was marked the skin of the animals was marked the skin of women this picture I made in 2002 a young man in Medellin 17 years old raped by 4 or 5 paramilitaries I took 3 years to publish this picture because I didn't want to be a show I published it in a documentary in 2005 to talk about sexual violence against women in which many times I didn't want to see what was happening the walls were marked with graffiti of the guerrillas of the FARC of the LN but there is also a testimony of groups sponsored by the state like the convivir that were schools of paramilitarism and in Colombia many attacks bombings of the air force in rural areas forested by the oil oil that was drained and is still being drained and that's why we have to stop the war let's go to the picture of 83 de Granada I want to talk to you about the municipality of Granada Antioquia a municipality in the year 2000 lived two armed tomes in November the paramilitarists killed 19 peasants they died until the Sacristán del Pueblo they took us on a list in hand that is Granada I told you on November 3, 2000 19 killed peasants children and children go to school in that territory or they go to school now the territory is quiet but they go to school in front of war tanks people began to run displaced by violence the guerrilla of the FARC accused the police of being accomplices of the paramilitarist attack and then in December they destroyed the police command but around 258 lives 23 people died 18 civilians 5 police I went out with some friends of organizations of human rights of Medellin and we went down to solidar with the people and the people went to Granada with us that same flag of peace territory you are going to see it between the debris of the town between the mountains and the church that same day when I went a day after the war people on December 7 in Colombia began to celebrate Christmas as they could not light candles on December 9 two days later the people are learning day candles to celebrate life they gather in the park of the town to take their hands and to say this is a peace territory and they are not going to force neither paramilitaries nor guerrillas and I have to say sadly that in Granada they also faced with the paramilitaries and the peasants of Granada that's how they pointed and tell the story in front of the woman who is crying there is a woman who is going to get married the flag of peace territory that you saw now is on the floor of the atrium of the church at the bottom of the red cross Beatriz García who is going to meet in the middle of the war to get married the people in the town were dying but that woman is crazy they didn't point to the man they pointed to the woman that woman is crazy that she is going to get married if we are looking for the dead among the dead how does it happen and Beatriz with pity getting married in the middle of a tragedy to tell me as a reporter as a photographer that please I didn't take pictures fortunately these images are like testimonies those images are 17 years ago and you can see what they say at the entrance of the church that letter was also among the marchers among the people who went to solidify with the people the war we all we all helped to build a peace process the people were emigrated to rebuild the town many took out their cows their horses and their marranos to sell them because having 22,000 inhabitants went to have 5,000 and those who stayed in the town were given the hand to act for life and one day I was in the east of the east of Antioquia with the governor of Antioquia at that time October 14th of the year 2001 10 months after the tragedy the governor of Antioquia Guillermo Gaviria Correa organized the march of the brick to rebuild the granade Guillermo Gaviria is the husband of one of my Colombian colleagues who will be here today and will lead the unit of victims Yolanda Pinto but Guillermo is among the marchers and as well as a white woman will get married here a girl with the dress of baptism goes in the middle of a thousand or 1,500 people in which everyone takes a brick to rebuild the granade should be a symbol today in my country a country which is now divided between the friends of peace and the people who want to destroy the process and who want to do tricks and I wonder all in Colombia men and women rich and poor businessmen and academics farmers and people from the city we shouldn't be putting a brick we shouldn't be putting a brick when I have to recognize that many governments are supporting the process of peace I believe that no foreign government stopped supporting the peace of Colombia but I know that in many places in the territory there are many people supporting the cooperation agency of the United States is in many places trying to work for peace while many people are pushing the war sadly we have to say that phenomenon that we call the post-truth is doing a lot of damage not only in Colombia but in many places in the world but in my country in my country peace and putting a brick many people are putting a brick to the process because I hope the people that you saw now voted 96% for the yes and a city like where I live Medellin and a department like Antioquia put 400,000 votes of difference for the no and to me that embarrasses me because I understand the negative leadership that has sowed fear and that with the figure of the castrochabismo it tells the people that tomorrow will govern the FARC as if we were to vote for them the one who wants to vote for them will surely be free but in the country despite so many corrupt people there are also many decent people I know decent people in the different parties but I would have to tell you that they have not walked to Colombia that they have not put their soul in the hearts of the people that they have not known to be put on the shoes and on the skin in Granada while they reconstructed there were more tragedies they are reconstructing the people and they go through NATO they end up reconstructing and I return to the people to make the flag of territory of peace and the people continued to sow where they collected their dead the people and the people the people of Granada made marches of forgiveness and reconciliation for years but how sad to say it that he did not win many of these anti-octo peoples because not only some politicians made a campaign to make marches of that process but also many sectors of the Colombian church Catholics and Protestants were dedicated to sow terror between the people to vote for the no and that gives me a lot of sadness because I say if those leaders of the country not only saw Colombia from a building from a plane but also started to walk between the peasants if they went to the mountains if they crossed rivers if they went to the horseman surely they would understand that peace is the most urgent and the most necessary Beatriz Garcia and Oscar Giraldo the couple that married in that church in the year 2005 to make these photographs to understand that that woman who married in the middle of the war proved that love can be more than violence but it gives us a lot of pain or shame to talk about love and to be loving and it gives us a lot of pain to talk about humanism because sometimes those who speak with strength and with elegance and in Colombia there are terms there is a term that we say in my country is the word berraco which is like a strong name and that is what we want to listen to to the violent father who can walk with poncho and cartel who has to put things in order they don't teach us that is love that is education that is the essence that we have to face last year a day before the plebiscite I went to look again Beatriz and Oscar Beatriz and Oscar the couple that married in the middle of the tragedy they don't have more than half square or half hectare and in half hectare I went to work in the field with her husband Oscar in a cane grinder to make panela and Beatriz voted for the yes and for the peace process because she doesn't want that the war is repeated I don't want to extend but I learn even the names of the animals because it is that a farm with a thousand or five thousand heads cares about what it produces and profitability to a couple like Beatriz and Oscar cares about that their cow that is called bolita can have a calf a calf and can give milk to consume in their house to make a little cheese to feed their children they have a small crop around a few chickens three dogs Cokie Lupe and Scooby Doo two cows that are Evelio and Imelda and a cow who wanted to baptize as they say to me Chucho then two months ago I went down to take you the photo that you just saw they already have not only the photograph of the marriage the photograph of sorry but they have this photograph in their power we return to the previous presentation to close I know to work with the victims I have known most of the commanders of my country of the LN of the FAR of the army to the political leaders but in my photographs I like to talk about the victims in Colombia who they have been and that's why when I present these images I like to talk about who the losers and who they have to return the hope if we go to the presentation of Jesus Abad of the Power Point in the image 76 to talk that with whom the displaced in the middle of the war I was talking to them about Granada or I was talking to them about Bojaya and I tell them that in those villages I like to tell stories so I could do each of the facts that I document because the history of a people deserves to be counted with names and nicknames and to say that these peasants are the displaced of Ituango in the year 97 and that this child is from San José from apartado for a massacre in 2005 committed by army and paras where a captain of the army Guillermo Armando Gordillo two years later confessed how he had planned the action in which eight peasants died in the mountains and that was a crime that initially was attacked by the FARC the government the tax in February 2005 was attacked if I had not been to document that fact and if people had not listened to the peasants or to a father like Javier Giraldo and to an old mayor like Gloria Cuartas that crime would have been a crime but fortunately there I was also to collect testimonies and to be able to give faith and with the passing of the years that justice began to operate these images that speak of men who also cry for the war I know to cry to men but I know the resistance and the strength and the courage of the women of my country because they are brave and now here there are friends and friends of the UNS I want to make a recognition to the international companions I have seen the international crew I have seen the PBI to accompany the communities and to risk their lives to protect the lives of the peasants in Colombia like the San José but that pain is the one we have to stop so that children and girls from their 5, 7, 8, 9 years because they have to cry for the war I do not pose to anyone I am a graphic reporter and a documentary but I have seen the people cry in many places in the northern area La Siena Grande New Venice 40 fishers killed by paramilitaries and the people cry and how the people of my country cry in boats in horses in horses and in horses the chickens and the children sadly if the screen was much bigger you could count four chickens one of them is playing in the river in the serrania of San Lucas and I say and only it is a very simple reflection for anyone in the world how much is worth the war and how much is invested in the war it is a moving camp with seats you sometimes dress a child in this case a child she carries a toothbrush but how much is worth the war how much is worth the gun the grenades the uniform the salary the helicopters and there is when you understand that the war is also a business for the manufacturers and that that war stops moving and to families who run sometimes with the fridge to the shoulder and that camper is called Misael and runs with Karina and Karina carries the feet in the air and that man who carries the fridge is the same man who runs should be so to stop in her to think why and what happened who caused the war who are the responsible because we have to return to peace I have seen the peasants come out with their Christ in their hands run with their dogs with their pigs with their dogs and they run in the meta there 23 killed peasants people have 8 days to leave the town because they are complices of the war can only run with a suitcase in a cargo plane and a girl approaches and the man asks why do you want to take a girl it's a gift of my birthday and he says take it I tell this story because many people will say lie and what is to civilize us and the plane with the red cross and the left bottom after the head of the child the girl with her dog and her mother and the man with a dog had done X a information the Que o esa famosa ley del talión, ojo por ojo y diente por diente. A mí me enseñaron a ponerme en la piel de los demás para decir que no quiero ver estas imágenes. Que estoy en mi país, todavía hay una violencia en algunos lugares de Colombia. Pero en muchos otros se está dando un post conflicto y que eso hay que apoyarlo. Porque yo no quiero volver a ver la gente arrumada en bodegas con el dolor del desplazamiento y de perder la tierra, dejando las cosechas, amontonados en campos de fútbol haciendo la comida. Porque su casa está en las montañas. He visto tantas veces a los campesinos de mi país. Estas fotografías que yo les estoy mostrando a ustedes, están hablando de ese desplazamiento. Imágenes casi bíblicas. Esta es en el 2005, en San José de Apartado, la gente huyendo por el asesinato de ocho personas. Y entre las ocho personas hay tres niños y niñas de 20 meses, de cinco años y de once años. Y es una vergüenza decir que esa fue una matanza de para si el ejército. En mi país a veces hoy no queremos ver si no la criminalidad de las FAR. Y yo digo, aquí hay mucho más criminales. Pero solamente le queremos poner el sesgo a unos. Y la clase política y muchos líderes de Colombia se lavan las manos. Y yo digo, oiga señores, los que se han robado el presupuesto de Colombia no tendrían responsabilidad también en la guerra. Es muy fácil señalar al que hacer ruido con un arma. Pero yo conozco muchos combatientes, hijos de campesinos asesinados que entraron a la guerra por venganza. Y los he visto en todos los bandos. La guerra hay que pararla, porque no puede ser que un hermano mate a otro hermano. Me pones la imagen 44 por favor. En ese mismo, en el mismo. En el año 92. Y quiero dos imágenes y cinco o seis de Cielos estrellados, aunque no sé cómo se vean aquí con tanta luz. Pero en el año 92, cuando yo estaba haciendo la práctica de periodismo de mi universidad, vi el primer hecho de violencia. En la memoria está la guerra de mi familia. Soy periodista. Voy a un pueblo donde hay una tragedia. Afuera de una escuela hay una emboscada de la guerrilla. Mueren 14 militares. Yo llego y está la escena de la muerte. El dolor, el dolor. Me asomo a un salón de clases. ¿Cuál fue la última clase antes de la emboscada? ¿Cuál fue la última clase entre Dabeiba y Mutata en la vía Agurabá? La última clase había sido de religión. Y en el tablero quedó copiada la historia de Caín y Abel. Un hermano mata a otro hermano. Yo muchas veces, o podría decir, yo no sé quién es Caín y quién es Abel, porque para mí los soldados son hermanos de Colombia. Los policías son mis hermanos de Colombia. Los guerrilleros son hijos de Colombia. Y por lo tanto, también son mis hermanos. Yo hago parte del partido de las mamás, como dice una amiga colombiana que se llama Fabiola Lalinde. A ella le desaparecieron sus hijos. Se lo desapareció el ejército colombiano en el año 84. Y Fabiola Lalinde se dedicó a acompañar, no solamente a los desaparecidos por el ejército, sino también por la guerrilla y a los secuestrados. Y Fabiola, hoy bastante mayor y perdiendo un poco la memoria, me ha dicho que yo soy su principal aliado del partido de las madres. Si yo miro la ropa de los policías, si yo miro la ropa de los policías que mueren en un ataque o las botas de los soldados o la ropa de los pescadores asesinados por paramilitares en tantos lugares de mi país, yo digo esa guerra hay que pararla. Porque la mejor forma de sacar a Colombia es que todos pongamos ese ladrillo de la paz. Y para no extenderme ya, yo quiero mostrarles unos rostros rápidamente en la imagen 109 de esa misma carpeta que dice mata que Dios perdona. Colombia no tiene una guerra religiosa. Colombia no tiene una guerra religiosa. Majoritariamente el país es católico y evangélico. Y entre todos los combatientes legales e ilegales he visto los mismos símbolos religiosos. Pero a veces en lugares donde ha habido tragedias y matanzas he visto letreros como este. Yo podía hacer solamente una charla sobre grafitis en medio de la guerra. Podría hacer una charla solamente sobre desplazados sobre niños o sobre mujeres. Pero estoy salpicando para decirles que sí, que esa es una fotografía de una exhumación. Podría haber hecho esta charla solamente sobre exhumaciones en Colombia. En las exhumaciones de mi país cuando se saca la gente de una tumba en medio de la montaña a veces lo primero que aflora es un rosario, una imagen de un divino niño, una cruz, un escapulario. Y eso es lo que veo a veces en el pecho de los combatientes. Para honrar la memoria de las personas que mueren tendría que decirles que este rosario lo llevaba en el pecho una mujer que se llamaba Gloria Milena Aristizaval. Y esa mujer y su esposo fueron asesinados. Yo conozco a la mamá de Gloria Milena y conozco a los hijos de Gloria Milena. Y hace dos meses estuve con ellos. Pero no tengo hoy tiempo de mostrarles esas fotos de cómo la gente sobrevive y resiste. Pero les quiero mostrar estas imágenes de un país en el que absolutamente todos paramilitares, soldados y guerrilleros utilizan el mismo símbolo cristiano. Divinos niños escapularios. Cuando conozco el rostro de esos niños y niñas para mí es un llanto. Porque un niño o una niña entra a veces a sus 13, 14 o 15 años a un grupo armado. ¿Por qué? Y yo lo que tendría que trabajar es para que haya educación y eso es lo que le reclamo a la gente de mi país y lo que yo les pido encarecidamente a ustedes acá entendiendo que la guerra es una tragedia para todos. No importa si la guerra es en medio oriente, si la guerra llega aquí a Estados Unidos. A mí me tiene que doler lo que pase aquí. A mí me tiene que doler lo que pase en África, en México o en Colombia. Yo no conozco una guerra diferente a la colombiana. Mi corazón no resistiría una guerra más. Mi corazón cada vez se los digo de verdad. Mi vida y mi corazón cada vez es más frágil con el dolor de mi país. Y por eso trato de trabajar para entender que la guerra hay que pararla. Que podemos ser un país amoroso pero que no podemos volver a portar esas armas para causar tragedia. Ustedes están viendo imágenes de un guerrillero del LN o de una guerrillera de las FAR. Los guerrilleros también tienen familia. No son diablos. Los guerrilleros también tienen derecho a vivir en paz. Han hecho la guerra durante muchos años, sí. Pero hay gente que en silencio y desde la política también la ha hecho. Y yo creo que hoy es más difícil en Colombia. Está más difícil desarmar el espíritu de muchos de esos dirigentes políticos que muchos de estos guerrilleros con los que yo he venido trabajando y digo la guerra es una tragedia y sigue enfermando porque si no, no podría yo entender que se le haga un uniforme a un animal. Eso es parte de la enfermedad. Parte de la enfermedad es utilizar perros en medio de la guerra y en Colombia se han utilizado pero a los campesinos no se les creyó y se utilizaron también caimanes o jaguares pero a los campesinos no se les creyó. Ese es un jaguar de los paramilitares en Córdoba. También tenían un león. Combinación de formas de lucha encapuchados entre la fuerza pública, ejércitos ilegales, cómo se camuflan en las montañas, etc., etc., cómo en Medellín se tomaron en el año 2002 después de la operación Orión. Y me podría quedar hablando sobre Medellín pero necesito decirles a ustedes una imagen como estas puede ser el desembarco en Normandía. Yo quiero presentarles ya unas imágenes de las víctimas con los rostros de sus desaparecidos. Y quiero en la imagen 171 recordar a Evangelina, a Evangelina que un día me dijo chucho por favor hágame una foto con mi hijo que fue desaparecido pero lo mismo me dijo Carmen. Lo mismo puedo hacer en muchos lugares de mi país, de Medellín. Claudia desaparecida en el Magdalena. Un miembro de la Fuerza Pública desaparecido también en el Departamento de Magdalena. Guillermo Gaviria y Gilberto Echeverri secuestrados y asesinados. Secuestrados en abril del 2002, asesinados en el 2003 en un intento de rescate que nunca debió haberse realizado por parte del ejército. Pero traigo estas imágenes, no porque hoy esté aquí Yolanda. Son imágenes que yo siempre presento en muchos lugares de Colombia y fuera de Colombia. ¿Qué queremos en el país? Morir de viejos. ¿Qué queremos? Queremos la paz. Las fotografías son desde hace muchos años pero las imágenes que se han mostrado siempre son las de la guerra, no las de la resistencia, las de un gobernador que se enfrentó a los violentos para decir, no más, basta ya. También las ONG durante muchos años lo han hecho pero son imágenes que no se conocen y por eso estas fotografías son testimonio y quiero cerrar con ellas. En muchas de estas movilizaciones y acompañamientos acamposinos que retornan van amigos de las ONGs, el gobernador Guillermo y la gente preguntándose ¿Alguien cree que la solución es la guerra? Mi país necesita construir la paz. Yo los invito a ustedes a que cada uno se ponga la mano en el corazón porque son desde acá y entienda que el compromiso de un gobierno, el compromiso de una universidad o de grupos de derechos humanos es con las víctimas pero también con la gente que decide firmar un proceso de paz y emprender un nuevo proyecto de vida tienen derecho porque son hijos de Colombia son hijos e hijas y yo mientras viva voy a honrar lo que mi padre y mi madre me enseñaron desde que era pequeño ser solidario y aprender a ponerme en la piel del otro muchas gracias y les pido disculpas si me pude haber demorado 10 o 12 o 15 minutos más pero entiendanme que cada pueblo que yo presento y cada historia puede ser contado con nombres propios y si se dedicaran a escucharme aquí o en mi país yo creo que podrían narrar historias durante muchas semanas muchas gracias Am I live? Is that working? Great, that is a very hard act to follow I have to say I want to thank Chucho if he's still in the room for really an extraordinary act of bearing witness to what's going on in Colombia what's been happening in the countryside as he mentioned what we hear about are the conflicts between political leaders in the United States and in Colombia and I think that this is a very powerful demonstration of the toll that the war has had on Colombian society and on the numerous victims I'd also like to thank Larry Sacks, the mission director of USAID, Mickey, Camila his colleagues that have been so instrumental in helping bring this program to us Tony, I would like to thank you for inviting the Wilson Center to partner with you in this relaunching of the Colombia series we are honored to be with you and to also recognize the work that you have done that Ginny has done over all these years to focus the attention of the Washington policy community on what's happening in Colombia we will continue with a discussion from two of the people who are in the process of helping to implement the peace agreement you have their bios so I won't spend a lot of time doing that to my immediate left is Yolanda Pinto the director of the Unidad de Victimas and not as a result of the signing of the peace accord but rather legislation passed in 2011 to recognize the victims of the conflict one of I think the most important stepping stones on the path to the opening of formal negotiations we also have with us Camilo Rojas from the Agency for Incorporation and Normalization formerly the Colombian reintegration agency which is on the front line of demobilizing combatants from all of the illegal armed groups now with obviously a principal responsibility for the demobilization of the FARC but before that with responsibility for the demobilization of the AUC an organization with a tremendous amount of experience and I think really a model for the world in terms of how these programs should be carried out so we'll hear from them then we will have a brief discussion and certainly open it to your questions Chucho thank you for joining us for the part of questions and answers so we'll begin with Yolanda we are a little bit pressed for time so with asking for forgiveness we'll be very firm with the time thank you Yolanda that's it thank you good morning I'm very excited to be here today with you it's an honor for me to be at the Peace Institute of the United States I want to thank those who made possible my presence to all the members of USAID thanks to all the delegation in my country who support us invaluable for our work for the victims of Colombia I am Yolanda Pinto Viuda from Gaviria I was very surprised to see Chucho bringing images of my husband they allow me to say hello to all the Colombians my compatriots who are here with us to the victims of Colombia who live in the USAID a fraternal hug for them I am a victim of the war of Colombia my husband Guillermo Gaviria Correa governor of the most important of Colombia was kidnapped by the group Guerrillero de las Farres and later murdered in an unnecessary military rescue operation poorly planned and poorly executed that same day I understood that my life could not become a hell and that I had to forgive and today I can assure you that I live in peace that forgiveness gave me the possibility to continue living almost happy that I have been able to accompany my children and my grandchildren and that today I have the wonderful opportunity given by our Nobel of Peace Mr. President of the Republic Dr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón to be in front of the Organization of the State that is in charge of the integral repair for the victims of the armed conflict in Colombia I want to tell you finally to start my presentation that the most important decision that we have taken in Colombia in the last six decades was to put an end to a conflict that had caused us a lot of pain a lot of damage a lot of Colombians among them my husband valuable for this society that would have been very important in the process of social transformation of Colombia but here I am full of faith in the possibility that is offered to us for all Colombians to have a country for everyone in which we all live it does not matter the difference of thought of color and of faith there we all end and as I said Pope Francis in his recent visit to my country that among all Colombians we are going to build a country for everyone in that task we are and that is the part of what I want to show you today the national unity for the victims was born as I said the presenter the panel coordinator before the agreement of Havana the victims were recognized before the first agreement with a group of guerrillas as the group of guerrillas the law 1448 from 2011 recognized that in Colombia the armed conflict had left many victims and that those victims should be repaired by the Colombian state that is the task that fulfills the national unity for the victims in Colombia we are after almost six decades of armed conflict that has caused thousands of deaths and serious serious attacks to human rights and the international human rights the government has committed to the bottom in the solution of the conflict in the construction of peace and in the repair of the victims we have been the center of the negotiation process with the FARC and we are the center of the implementation of the agreements the end of the armed conflict and the satisfaction of the victims' rights is the best guarantee of non-repetition we have a very important task to fulfill there has always been USAID helping us collaborating in this task there are victims and land restitution law 1448 of 2011 launched by the National Congress and approved by the government of President Juan Manuel Santos instituted a policy of attention and repair of victims of the conflict of high legal standards in the world as recognized in a comparative study with other 49 world programs of repair of the Harvard University Institute the policy of attention and repair of the victims has four fundamental rules the law 1448 for the Mestizan population the law 4633 for the indigenous population the law 4635 for the afro-columbian communities and the law 1434 for the people of Rune to date we are hoping that by the end of 2017 this sum will go up We have invested $2,600 million, $8 billion of Colombian pesos, which in 2017 will reach approximately $9 billion. Billions of resources have been invested in the policy of attention and reparation to the victims. Of a total of $16,600 million, $54 billion of Colombian pesos, which has been the sum intended by the government for the policy during the period from 2011 to 2021. At present, we have registered 8,500,000 victims of the armed conflict by the different victims, of which $6.5 million corresponds to the migrant population internally or displaced for us. We have 563 collective reparation subjects, between ethnic and non-ethnic. There you can observe a distribution by department in our country. And we have a model of minimum subsistence attention, understood in the first classification and characterization of homes. In second place, the conceptual criteria that apply to verify the state of the effective of the rights associated with subsistence, and in third place, the battery of questions that allow us to know objectively the effective of the rights of food, housing and health. The unity for the victims has been consolidated as the first humanitarian agent of the country, at the same time as it is the first provider of reparation services to victims. And in last, the search for lasting solutions to the displaced internal population. We have invested since 2012 in humanitarian attention to victims of forced displacement, more than 3.9 solutions, with a value of $1,187 million, $1,187 million, the equivalent to almost $4 billion of Colombian pesos. The program of collective reparation promotes a political dialogue between the institutionality and the subject of collective reparation to recover the trust of the people in the state, contributing in this way to reconciliation. It is for us, in the recovery of the people who compose, who form these collective reparation subjects, where the real reconstruction of social tissue can be, that the armed conflict destroyed us. The program develops a collective reparation plan with each subject, which includes a set of reparative actions faced to the suffering of the communities. The actions are called reparative measures, which can consist in restitution of goods or rights, satisfaction faced to the suffering of the people, or moral or symbolic reparation, community reconstruction of social tissue, or compensation as economic compensation. To date, in Colombia, we have delivered economic compensation to more than 700,000 victims, with an investment of only resources exclusively from the Colombian state, for about five billion pesos, which is added to what we have invested in humanitarian attention, and in collective reparation can be done at the end of this year, as I have just announced, about nine billion Colombian pesos, equivalent to almost three thousand million dollars in Colombia, in the United States. This is the most important task that we have come to fulfill, but finally I want to tell you that we are indeed in the implementation of the agreements, that we are in the center of the implementation, that the national unity for the victims has been attending the commitments, fundamentally, of the participation of the victims, consecrated in the Havana agreement. We have carried out a broad process of participation in which more than 3,300 victims could sit during 33 meetings of work to produce their opinions and their contributions to the improvement of the policy of attention to the victims, a process that we are on the way to be able to advance and define. We are also working on a specific table with the special jurisdiction for peace, which allows us to build the protocol and the route of participation of the victims in development and in the investigations of the special jurisdiction for peace. We, the victims, are waiting and demanding truth, justice, reparation and, above all, a guarantee of non-repetition, which is what has been committed by those who decided to end the armed conflict. There is the national unity for the victims to guarantee that the victims are told the truth, that they are recognized, that justice is done in the framework of the transitional justice agreed upon in the Havana agreement, because we also demand the truth of what happened with our disappearance, of what happened in the armed conflict Colombian. That will be a real measure of reparation for the victims. There we will be the national unity for the victims' attention, accompanying them in the process. Our challenges in the implementation of the final agreement are still great, in terms of assistance, the articulation of the new agencies created for the fulfillment of points one and five of the final peace agreement with the FARC. Finally, I want to tell you that Colombia is expected, in which we can, with the support we have had and that we aspire to continue to have, from the international community, from international organizations, from international cooperatives, from the United States, the main, the most important, the fundamental, building peace that, as Chucho said, we all want, although we have those who have not yet been able to forgive and their hatred prevents them from understanding the goodness of having put an end to a war that, only in 53 years, took 250,000 Colombians, which left us more than eight million victims and more than six and a half million displaced. I want to tell you that the statistics show us that in the last two years that we managed to put an end to the conflict, only with the group that Rilleros de la FARC could have saved 4,000 lives of Colombians who, at the time of the conflict, could have died. I want to tell you as a victim that with those 4,000 lives of Colombians saved, they have already repaired me. With a single life that has been saved in Colombia, I feel repaired and I am sure that many, many more victims of Colombia feel the same way that I do. We need your company, your support, your support to continue in the process that our president, Dr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, of taking the decision to put an end to a conflict that allows us, as I said earlier, to build a different country for all. Of course, we have other actors of violence, we have the karma of the drug trafficking cult, that we will have to continue fighting, that the Colombian State has the decision and the commitment to continue fighting, but that it generates us, as Chucho also said, other forms of violence that we have maintained for many years and that also removes us Colombians and that makes us see the world as a violent country, but what we are is a country that unfortunately the production of coke has made for many Colombians an illicit activity, of course, but rentable economically, contradictoryly speaking, and that generates us many difficulties in the territories where those who deal with this have sought to sit down and appropriate themselves, but there we are, the government on the one hand, fulfilling the task of eradicating, of fighting the cult and the union of victims, fulfilling the task of attending and repairing the victims of the conflict. Thank you all for listening to me, Camila, please. Good morning. In the first place, I would like to thank USAID for the invitation, I would like to thank USAID for joining us in this space, the Wilson Center also for joining us in this exchange space, it is a privilege for me to be able to share with Jesus and with the director of Pinto about his challenges that the country has in terms of construction of peace. I am going to tell you a little about a public policy that focuses on this construction of peace, it is an entity that in these last 14 years has learned about the mistakes, it is part of an institutional evolution that begins from the 90s, it is an entity that has been merely a technique and above all that it has understood the importance of giving it a sustainability, a public policy that really supports the construction of peace. A new public policy that begins in the 90s, but unfortunately between the 90s and the demobilization of paramilitaries, many of these learnings have been lost, learnings that since 2003 we are already materializing, we are understanding, we are analyzing so as not to make the same mistakes again. Our premise is to build on what we have built. Today we have an agency that I represent, an agency for re-incorporation and normalization, before the Colombian agency for reintegration that today has two processes, the process of reintegration of paramilitaries that were demobilized collectively, the process of reintegration of the people of the FARC that were demobilized individually, you understand, escape, assertion, capture, also of the LLN and the re-incorporation process today of the people who were demobilized from the FARC in the framework of the process of peace. Quickly to give you a context, in Colombia we have two paths in the framework of what is known internationally as the DDR, an individual demobilization, which is when people take the decision to leave the group voluntarily, they go through the Ministry of Defense, an evaluator committee that certifies if indeed the person has been part of the group, the minors of age go through the Colombian Institute to be familiar with the process of restitution of rights and the minors of age enter the process of reintegration as such. And a collective life, which is the one that we are recently experimenting, which is when a group sign a peace agreement and through the office, the High Commission for Peace, we are sent a list from which we begin to do that accompaniment. In Colombia since 2013 they have demobilized around 60,000 people, of which they voluntarily have entered 50,000 in the process of reintegration. From these last years we have effectively combined more than 20,000 people, 20,000 people who today are citizens of the common. We still have in the process about 20,000 people, about 18,000 people, to put it more precisely. Of course, one of the most learned things that we have had in the last 14 years is that there are always people who stay on the road. And that it is a decision, voluntary, it is a decision of each individual. Of course, then we find that there are about 10,000 people who have not entered the process. But there are also some people who stay on the road and this is understood in the sense that this is not an existentialist process, it is a process of volunteers, it is a process of opportunities. About 10,000, 12,000 people have stayed on the long road because they have not fulfilled the rules or the rules that the agency has established for their process of reintegration. Going more specifically, this is a process that seeks to overcome the conditions of vulnerability of the people who are part of the armed groups, that seeks to promote that they have the same rights as the citizens of the common. Here we do not promote perverse initiatives. The message that we do not want to stay on the road is that in order to obtain some benefits, we have to de-link. We are forming citizens of the common. As the agency works, it works with 94% of the resources, they are resources of the Colombian state. Only 6% of the resources are resources of international cooperation, but with that 6% we do a lot. Here it has been fundamental of the support of the United States, the support of the USA that has allowed us to innovate, to generate better processes, both in the general focus, in the community focus, in the focus of prevention of recruitment, in the focus of productive training. That 6% of what has allowed us over the last 14 years to develop better processes. And it is what has allowed us to also generate decision-making processes. Of course, if we compare the universe that the agency has for re-incorporation in normalization, which is of 50,000 people, plus about 10,500 people who have a good day with the FARC, it is much smaller than the universe of the population that has the unit of victims, which is 8 million victims. It has allowed us to innovate, it has allowed us to develop some advances, some innovation processes, and that is what we have today as a process of re-integration. What I was saying right now, we are looking for people to have the same rights and opportunities as a common citizen. And we work with a territorial vocation. We also understand that the agency adapts to rural populations, both urban populations. We have a presence at the territorial level. Colombia has 32 departments, we are in 32 departments. It has around 1,200 municipalities. We are in 887 municipalities, which is where we have population. Our attention model does not promote that people go to the offices. We have professionals deployed all over the Colombian territory, because for us it is important to re-integrate from the needs of the territory, in the school, in the work, in the rural homes, in the homes. For us it is important to have a process of re-integration that has a territorial logic and not a logic from Bogotá, from Medellin-Ocali. We articulate with the development plans at the municipal and departmental level. We have understood that re-integration is not an exclusive responsibility of the agency, it is a responsibility of the local authorities, of the municipal and regional authorities. That is why we work on the development plans. And why do we do it? Because we need people to access the public offer. The attention model of the re-integration process is based on the public offer. We do not have a clinic or provide health services or education. We do everything with the public offer. And that is what we promote. How do we do it? We develop, looking at international standards, in the human development index, we develop a multidimensional attention model. We identify eight dimensions from which we consider that it is where it is most important to work in the vulnerability of people. And it is in this way that we accompany people in the process of re-integration. Around 93% of the people we receive in the process arrive with some kind of psychosocial affectation. About 90% manage to overcome this condition from a psychosocial attention model that we have. We are not saying that people are crazy, but if there are some affectations, that traumatic stress, anxiety, depression, 93% of the people manage to overcome that condition from a individual follow-up model that we have with a figure that we develop, which is the professional re-integration. Professional re-integration, which is like a coach, a person who accompanies the person from the beginning to the end of the process. For us, this is one of the most important learnings, because people need an accompaniment, they do not need a permanent monitoring, but they do need an accompaniment, an orientator. We also develop a mental health model for the Ministry of Health, which is the one that has allowed us to also generate these attention processes. Before continuing, a parenthesis. I have been in the middle of recruitment for 12 years, time of permanence in the group for 15 years. Here we are talking about people who for some reason had to be part of the war, who are victims, as they said right now, Jesus and Dr. Pinto, but who are also people who maybe did not have the same opportunities as a common citizen, in reality. In the education model, about 95% of the people we receive in the process are functional alphabets. Product also of this age of recruitment. From that and with the help of Dutch cooperation, we develop a model of education for adults, a model that with the help of USAID, we have achieved to extend to more territories, more areas of the Colombian territory. Nowadays there are more regions throughout the country, but it is a model of education that benefits not only people in the process of reintegration, but also community in general, victims, children, adult older. More than 21,000 people have already tried the primary basic, from this education model. More than 8,000 people have already tried the secondary basic and more than 15,000 today are bachelors. Speaking technically, technical education models, more than 2,800 people have already gone through this type of training. In the attention model, in the productive dimension, one of the things that we have understood is that we have to understand the logic of the fighter. Not all people have vocation of entrepreneurs, not all people have that vocation of being businessmen, but it is part of the attention model in what we do, that we identify which areas have the potential to undertake. And we did it from the mistakes. Before 2011, the number of business units, productive units that survived was very, very, very lower than what we really expected. From 2011 to 2016, we developed a model of sequence of those business units. We followed a sequence of more than 95% of business units and today they survive around 61%. Of the 5,000 business units that took place in the 90s, only two survived. And those that took place between 2003 to 2010, survived around 10-15%. It is the model of sequence that allows us to understand that people have to accompany them. And that the scenario of the model of productive projects cannot be the beginning, but it has to be the end. One of the mistakes that were made in the 90s is understanding that for people to be able to re-incorporate or reintegrate, they had to give them $8 million and that is a mistake. And it is part of the learnings of these 14 years. And that is what we are today applying for the model of re-incorporation with the FARC. But we also understand that the people who are in the companies are working on model of productivity and that they have to accompany them. Today, 70% of the people in the process are occupied. Of course, 71% in the informal sector. Only 28-29% in the formalities sector. And this is the same picture of the country. The informal sector is the one that predominates over the formal. More than 650 companies work with us. We not only do reintegration with the combatants, we work on the model of community reintegration and we work on a model of pension to recruitment. Here UBC has been fundamental. Because we understand that if we do not break those cycle of violence that is experienced in communities, the cycle will continue. You know that in the last five years, the public force has neutralized around 5,000 people who belonged to criminal gangs. Only 10% of those people were former mobilized. What this tells us is that the models of recruitment of minors are continuous. And the model of micro-traffic, the gangs go to their territories where there is more vulnerability, more complexity with the minors that enter to be part of their groups. That is why we develop a model of pension to recruitment. Today we benefit more than 2,500 people in those models of pension to recruitment. And more than 19,800 people in community reintegration models. Because we understand that the issue of reintegration has to be worked on from the communities. And that the communities have to be part and benefit from these reintegration models. As part of the health model's elections, as part of the support for the public offer, thanks also to the labor-connection. Some people are already in the contributive regime. Others are still in the subsidized regime. In 2003, a study of the reintegration model was done and it revealed that 76% of the people are still in the legal system. And when we talk about the legal system, we are saying that the other 24% went to a group armed or to a criminal gang. What happens is that the agency has a very strict model of compliance with its laws and regulations that accept people when they return to the process. A father who doesn't pay for the food of his children is a reincident person because we are forming citizens. Also, that study that was done in 2003 was much further away and proved that the potential reincidence is below 6%. And the reincidence proven, that is, those people who returned to delinquir are below 3%. So if we see it, this model of attention is compared to prison. The prison in Colombia, in the Colombian state, a prison for the Colombian state costs around $6,000 and has a success rate of less than 30%. A person in the process of reintegration costs about $2,000 per year in the Colombian state and has a success rate of more than 76%. This indicates that the prison is not an ideal model of resocialization. A person who doesn't return to the process of reintegration has three times more probability of reincident and of being murdered and it is a voluntary process. But we also develop a model of post monitoring or post accompaniment. We tell people, I forgot to mention it right now, average time of maximum duration of the process of reintegration, 6.5 years. It is the only public policy that graduates the people who are part of that public policy. 6.5 years maximum. After the process of reintegration is over, what we tell people is, do you want us to accompany you for two or three more years? If they agree, we do it. About 76% agreed. And what do we do with that? We make a qualitative and quantitative evaluation, we understand in which productive sector is how your family is because we also do reintegration not only with the fighter, but also with the family, with their children. Because we understand that the family environment is part of the process of reintegration. The subject of responsibility is one of the greatest learnings of these last 14 years. We can't do it alone. We have to articulate, I said it right now, with regional authorities, with municipal authorities. We also have to do it with companies. But let's go much further to understand the subject of employability. Today we have around 5 or 6 mechanisms with which we work the companies and we tell the businessman, link yourself to the option that is more favorable for you. Voluntary employability, time donation, training of the measure, productive chain, reconciliation scenarios. The subject of responsibility. What are the challenges today? The subject of responsibility because we have to overcome even more the set of people or sectors that we work in reintegration. The subject of stigmatization is still a great challenge in Colombia and more today with the process of farming. Legal and physical security for people. More than 5,000 people have been murdered of the reintegration process for the last 5 years. And not to take advantage of the experience of the last 14 years. We have to build on it. Going a little further to the subject of re-incorporation. This is a process that is built and must be built based on the interests of the communities of the people of the FARC, of the community of receptors. It is a process that is co-built. You know that in the agreement you have to explain what the re-incorporation process is. It is a process that we have to build with them. To give them a framework of context. It is called the National Council of Re-incorporation. It is not an entity, it is an instance. And with the change of name of the agency, the institutionality was not affected. The institutionality is still the same. And in the framework of this instance the National Council of Re-incorporation is part of two members of the FARC Pastoral A.P. and Jairo Quintero and on the side of the government is the High Commissioner for Peace, Rodrigo Rivera and the Director of the agency Joshua Mitrotti. What does this Council do? It determines what activities are going to be developed, what are the times, what is the chronogram. This Council dictates what the productive projects are going to be developed. Throughout these last five months 46 sessions have been developed in the CNR framework and there have been some progress. The first thing that the National Council of Re-incorporation had to do and that is one of the main achievements in this new framework is the construction of trust. Because it was different when we dictated how we are going to start building trust with the FARC understanding the needs of the populations that are in the territorial spaces of capacity but also understanding the motivations and the new focus of the model of re-incorporation. That is what the National Council of Re-incorporation has done to develop some progress in the model of early re-incorporation and start setting up some bases for the model of long-term re-incorporation. When we are talking about early re-incorporation we are talking about those measures, those actions that in the initial way we have to develop with the people of the FARC so that they start adapting to the new context of citizenship of coexistence and one of the learnings that we have in these last 20 years is that we have to carry this public offer of health, education, information because these are the bases that will allow them to identify a route path in their process of re-incorporation in the long-term. It is a stabilization process that we are going to develop that we are developing since August 15 that we received the territorial spaces in ancient areas until December 31 six months around early re-incorporation where we are going to understand the needs of the people of the FARC that is what we have achieved in these last months to do a process of re-incorporation to do a process of sedulation or identification to fill the people to the entire pension system today we have more than 12,300 people from the high commission office to the PAS and at the bottom you see how, giving continuity and complement to the issue of agreements has made an effective development of the only support of normalization which is two million pesos per one and three basic rents that go up to the moment which are 90% of a minimum salary for 24 months except if people get a job at that time that basic rent and 8 million that will be left for the productive project later with the CDNR we have developed some productive training some training and management of community projects some training in solidary economy in education as part of the tasks of the CDNR we defined three senses an educational sense that was made with the CDNR that allowed us to understand in what degree are the people in the areas a sense of health that was made with the Ministry of Health and a sense that was made with the National University that allowed us to understand in general what is the people's panorama towards where they are aiming what are their productive expectations and life common, you know that is called common so far we have given support to the constitution of that common model we have made a training process with some allies with the administrative unit for the solidary economy with the Ministry of Work what has been done is to orient that this great cooperative is not going to fail in December they have to be constituted in one of the areas so that they will be part of that great common bag in terms of productive we already have 26 professionals that are deployed in all areas or territorial spaces that are the ones that will accompany the formulation of those productive projects doing a review of the sustainability 26 professionals that with the support of the PENU we deploy throughout the territory and today we have already launched 7 productive projects in the different territorial spaces to conclude mentioning that the arms of the National Reincorporation Council are the territorial council of reincorporation and that today the reincorporation is done in the territorial spaces of capacity and reincorporation to conclude the importance that the international community the international cooperation around it that is fundamental the institutionality must be strengthened so that this reincorporation process can be understood that is a long term process it is not a 2 or 3 month process thank you thank you I have a lot of questions that I could direct to Camilo and to Yolanda thank you for those excellent and comprehensive presentations but I think in the interest of time if you have a question or a comment please raise your hand we'll take a group and then we'll come back to the panel please feel free to direct your question as well to Chucho please identify yourself by name and by institution and we'll take 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and then perhaps we'll wrap up thank you good morning I'm Beatriz Orduz Marzal I don't represent any institution I want to thank Mr. Abad Colorado for his intervention and to the very interesting doctor who is doing the doctorate and also Dr. Alvarez and I wanted to ask several questions you said that the FARC in 1966 they hadn't been born I understand that 60 the FARC was born 53 years ago with Mr. Cano he was present brief please because there is a it's important to clarify that this also comes from the liberals and conservatives he said so the FARC comes from there not from the 60 the other point that I think is important to clarify is that the biggest march that took place in Colombia was the Colombian people the Colombian people marching against the FARC in all the streets the third thing that I think is very important to clarify the fourth thing is that the children and girls recruited by the FARC were the most forced recruited forced from dead or older adults I see that they are in an excellent process I also have stories I also remember very few have heard that some military were in a armed conflict and when the armed conflict ended a woman was a guerrilla for not being a narcoterrorist she was giving birth to a baby and she asked the FARC the military to take the baby because the baby was going to die and they had raped her 18 times so the stories are also real and I think we have to tell them both parts because we also have victims 32,000 more than 32,000 soldiers have died and they are Colombians and they have families so it is important to clarify and excuse me for taking the word so much time okay, before we answer please, let's do a round Cristina my name is Cristina Espinel I am from the Colombian Human Rights Committee of Washington and I want to ask a question to the victims in their budget how much money is there for psychosocial attention and if it is like that how much money is there for adults and for children for children for adults and for families okay let's move on Tony is here thank you my name is Armando Boschera I just want to inform you all I was advised by you there that's why when he had the word I was so excited just like the author Yolanda Pinto I am a victim of the conflict 25 years ago I was able to return to my country for that problem and thanks to the current government that is bringing us peace I also accompany them because that is what we Colombians want that photo you saw of my land of the Chocó department I was excited because I have lived and several members of my family were murdered by one of the groups next to the law I don't specify if they were the FARC but they were next to the law thank you very much okay there was someone back here Senor and then here and we'll come back to the panel all the way in the back the gentleman here good morning my name is Sebastián Bernal from Washington for Latino American and my question specifically for Camilo about the reintegration there is a lot of concern about the lack of information of the process that is being carried out in terms of the reintegration of members of the FARC recently in Alvira Pablo Catatumbo said that of 400 about 100 members in this area but specifically the question has to do with means that is being thought in terms of means these combatants that have so much knowledge are not carried out by other criminal bands that are affecting so much the population in the Pacific and in other parts of the country okay and then final question here in Hello thank you very much for your presentations my name is Nastasia Stipo and I'm looking for the collective memory yes collective memory and my question is for Mr. Chuchos when I went to Medellin a month ago no one knew the house of the memory in Medellin and I wonder if what has been observed about the relationship between the people and their work of memory of the photos etc and you have the impression that people are open to the work of memory and how they receive their photos and in this moment of reintegration which is fragile you believe that the work of memory memory is an obstacle to reconciliation and reintegration for the moment thank you so we are going to go in reverse order starting with Camilo Hello very important the question that they ask us actually one of the learnings is that we have to accompany those means today we are developing a series of training with the means in solidarity economy in cooperativism to take advantage of those talents in cooperatives two, we are doing some training in political participation we have already done around international workshops with them in which we are orienting and giving them the tools to take advantage of those new talents and also at the community level they are giving some training in management of these projects so that these means ultimately become multipliers in front of the people the CCRs or the territorial spaces of training are not closed spaces and are not free mobility of course we understand that surely some people will stay on the road we also have to say that the CCRs are located in very remote areas and many of these spaces have had to move to regions where they find much more productive and fertile to be able to develop the productive projects but also to say that they are free mobility spaces we have found that people have left for some long periods of time to visit their families to develop other activities but when we have done the training these people have returned effectively we agree that the big challenge is to transmit information in a much wider way that we do not understand or use this type of mobility in front of a discourse that does not speak of necessarily the people being part of other armed groups and in front of your question if it actually contributes to the construction of memory from an astrological point of view there is a story behind each of these human beings and one of the things we say and what is part of the commitment to the collective decision but we also understand the freedom and the individual decision and in this part and in this exercise of individual and collective we have indeed a role and a contribution towards the construction of memory Thank you very much Beatriz I share all the pain I was also a victim of the FARC it does not matter who we have already been victims the war and the conflict in Colombia was very cruel that is why we have to end it there were actors everywhere there were who among them wanted to end and we in the middle of course there were mistakes and evocations of the Colombian state but that is what we have to end Beatriz that is what we have to end that no one pays attention to the life of a Colombian on any side neither on the right nor on the left nor on the state the actors who in Colombia have done the violence have come from everywhere we wanted the FARC to end I also marched with you and with many Colombians asking for the end of the FARC one thing the FARC ended up as a armed group and that is the best news for many Colombians we have to end the conflict with the LN because it has also hurt us a lot we have to share all the forms of violence we have to continue fighting the famous Bacrin which are a residue of what the paramilitaries were and we have to demand of course the Colombian state the fulfillment of the defense of the human rights me as you also hurts me what we have lived the Colombians and it hurts me because I did not see it on TV nor they told me I saw it, I saw it in my own flesh but you know one thing that today I am really full of hope if all Colombians understand that we have the great opportunity to build a country for everyone we just started to build it we can not say that we have a peace stable and lasting but if all Colombians who have moved the violence from any actor of the conflict we commit to contribute what corresponds to the construction of that new country I am sure that we will be happy your pain hurts me deeply and the second question was of the resources for emotional repair look that is a task that we have to do that in my administration will be the priority to accompany the victims in the emotional recovery to make the victims to believe again to trust again to think that if it is possible to live in peace and to live calmly and that we can hope to be able to build all of which the violence caused us harm and the conflict attacked us so painfully to build a life project the resources of the national unity for the victim that for this year 2017 they were superior to the $1,800,000 million is divided into two big blocks the administrative repair that as you know understands a sum of money and all the other measures the implementation of the other measures one of which is the repair the rehabilitation of the victims that understands the emotional repair and we do not have neither few nor many we have those that are necessary for the process that is what we are advancing we have a whole route and a protocol that we attend with all the people more specialized in emotional repair or psychosocial accompaniment and the conclusion is that the resources of the priority unit after the administrative repair go to the emotional repair I will first answer to the colleague who asked me about my photographic work and then with Beatriz and also to my colleague to my local area who is here with all the photographs they produce an emotion in positive terms there are images that sometimes one does not want to see again and I have seen many tragedies committed by all but I do not make images that generate hatred or revenge but images that generate reflection said this friend is very sad that the subject of the memory house in the city of Medellin is not part of that collective conscience of a city and as I say because it is a city and a polarized society for me it is a shame that everything that was invested in the memory house there are my photographs in the memory house and testimonies as in many other places in Colombia and the past administration and this they have not understood because we still have the heart and the memory to revenge to hatred or sometimes that the memory also accuses us the memory sometimes has to accuse a class of leaders not only armed people there are people in the world of politics of war and that's why the memory is asked the memory questions the memory interferes so especially this administration did not pay much attention to the subject of the memory and the people of my city there is a memory house but it is not part of our daily life to tell you now the memory house as I can come here or as I can go to a museum we still do not understand because the memory has to question the memory has to question us and the memory has to educate us for non-repetition and non-repetition is of all my photographs I think the work and for Beatriz I worked 16 years independently to many events of my country like Abu Jaya where the responsible are the FARC with the paramilitaries but where the Colombian state could not prevent and that's why it was sanctioned because it did not act knowing what could happen I came to account and my pocket I keep going that's why I go to Beatriz's house no one gives me a weight to give Beatriz a photograph and tell her this is your memory in Granada there is a living room I don't know if you went to know it because it is an hour and a half of Medellin and the people in Granada manage that living room quietly they talk to you and they tell you here are disappeared by the FARC and there are false positives of the Colombian army in a shameful politics that was given to a government that was paid for economic incentives was given to studies or medals or rest because there was to prove that the war was won and the war began to win here in the head but in reality it did not wearing my country's peasants and I know the stories of boys who were murdered, dressed as guerrillas or criminal gangs and if that was not real they would not be in this moment with sentence in the international court behind it I am a journalist the journalism was not done to defend the left to the right I was formed as a journalist and that is why I told you I have a brother missing by the Colombian army I have a brother kidnapped by the FARC guerrillas and I give names and places and when I say all that that does not generate hatred because when I know many of those boys who are part of it and I have also worked with the agency that used to be the ACR the Colombian agency for reintegration when I talk to all of them when I go to work and I learn the names of so many people in my country peasants, victims or even being combatants and when I tell you that I put myself in their shoes is because I want to listen to them because I want to understand why they came there I am very critical because the people that we see the most is the one who has a gun to the guerrilla, to the paramilitar or to the soldier and for me they are human beings and I said now they are my brothers and I speak of all of them and I understand that the army is legally constituted and there are very decent people and I say General Mejia who directs the army of Colombia is decent speaking to the country and sometimes he gives lectures to journalists who still want to talk about hate and General Mejia the lessons of humanity and he says and he draws attention to journalists specifically and he says but I think the army is preparing to build a country in peace and we cannot continue to ratize the hatred so I understand that the army of Colombia is changing but the role of the journalist in the subject of memory or in the subject of coverings is not only to see the evil in the homogeneous but in the own and the own friend is the army and I am telling you that I have a brother disappeared but I know many stories of peasants and that we cannot deny part of the problem of Colombia is that we are not able to look at the broken mirror of the war and that broken mirror of the war should draw us a piece of guilt only to the armies I am saying the armies are the easiest to see that's why I complain so much to a political class of my country that when I look at all the scandals of corruption of Colombia when I look at how even the justice in some moments has been permeated by the subject of the soborn the chant for the subject of corruption I tell you with what face I tell children and children and today here I respect the memory of many of them I have photographs of girls I met Beatriz a little while ago a girl 16 years old the same as my daughter to whom the army killed her father and a little brother of 25 years in the community of peace of San José de Apartado and that girl entered the war a year and a half later looking for revenge that girl today who is from the FARC has a daughter if those guerrillas and guerrillas were not here today because they want to love in peace because they want to love without weapons because they want to touch a musical instrument and because they are giving their hand with the army and because I have seen them giving their hand with the army with the police but we are others or we are other Colombians who want to continue perpetuating the hate and what I want to tell you is look at that girl who I just talked to and many others and I ask her who has a daughter today who was born in May last year what do you want to do the characteristic of that girl so that they understand me and why I didn't want to show her today sometimes also protecting identities that girl in her funeral I was in a discussion with her commander in a discussion and she told me that there are victims here and she started to name me and she told me it's more because I was talking to her because I was talking about Bojaya I was talking about Machuca and places where the LN, the FARC but I have to name them all I'm not an member of the army or the police or I work for the government I'm a citizen and I'm a journalist and what I do is reflect on society but I go where that girl what does the commander say look here there is a victim a girl from the guerrilla and in her funeral she carries a press cut of a murder in which she died her family and her younger brothers and when I asked her what she did and she named me the fact I thought he told me but don't tell him I'll show you why that girl is crying because she carries a plastic bag in her funeral things there she carries the press cut and when she told me what she did I told her that fact she only documented it of a person I was the only one who went up and for four days I was helping and accompanying the peasants to look for their dead in the mountains excuse me Beatriz I'm a journalist I don't speak from a radio station I don't work I work in a office in Bogota or Medellin you saw photographs that are made by foot and with the victims and many times the victims are also gentlemen or people, men and women in arms the photographs that I do are not done with the finger the photographs that I do are done with the pulse of the soul the press cut is from the weekly magazine and they are my photographs about the death of her family so that girl when after talking one does not tell a person hey show me the photograph that you carry there I first wanted to hear her story and then tell her that story of what happened to your family I was the one who documented I was the one who accompanied that community to look for the dead and she smiled and cried and took the press cut and showed it to me and I made the photographs of her because those stories you have to tell them to Colombia those stories you have to tell them so that we look at that broken mirror I work so that never again what we have lived I try to call attention to many people to many people to tell them Beatriz I was also victim of two kidnapping as a journalist and a person who was in captivity with me they killed her a month after my release and you do not know what that means for me and that's why I'm going to dedicate to talk only of an actor I say to you I have two eyes I have a head yes, but especially I say to people I learned to see with the left eye because it is in the same axis of the heart and I tell the stories of my country so that people understand that the war you have to end it if I could end it in the world with these stories I do not know if not the Colombian war and I know very brave people and very honest in the army there are very good people in the guerrilla found people with ideals Camila, the girl of the guerrilla who today has a baby who is growing I asked him what are you going to do when this process ends and I swear to you because I have it recorded because I am not a cynic that girl told me that she was going to work for the peace of the country so that no more family repeat the infamy that she lived and that I already told you who were the responsible and there is a captain of the army condemned for that and other military so many of those photographs that I do putumayo if you are going to bojaya today I was a month and a half in the church of bojaya where it was the tragedy there are my photos but they are not photos of dead people they are photos of people resisting they are photos of people moving they are not photographs of human remains what I try to do is I come back and I repeat you and what a shame of a collective memory that the country knows because they know that during all the years that I have worked as an independent journalist I try to I am not the voice of the victims I cannot be but as a witness of the barbarian but also a witness of the resistance the strength the love of the people of my country for going forward I have to give that testimony and that is why I did not just talk about the pain I talk about hope and I talk about that if we were really as a society a little more loving and we put ourselves in the skin of the other we could take Colombia forward and that is why I reject the people who continue believing that the military is not possible neither in Colombia nor in any place because you already know who they are who puts the dead let me tell you a beautiful thing I want to tell you because in Chucho he mentioned Granada Granada is a town of Antioquia that the FARC flew many times and the LN and the Paras in fact I arrived with my husband governor the following day of the destruction of that town and we were on the trail that Chucho showed and you know one thing that he told me is the mayor of that town and the people for the first time in many years a mayor could go to the 53 Granada veredas because it was many years to all the veredas of that town and the citizens with whom I spoke a lot and I was all over the town they told me that we can go to all the parts of our town we can go in and out here the war was over and I was in Caicedo where they kidnapped my husband where the FARC was inclement with all the town and they told me the same yes we can go to all the parts and I want to tell you that the mayor of that town is from the political party of the former president and he told me we can go to all the parts those gentlemen are no longer in our town those are truly the goodness to have put an end to the war in Colombia at least with the FARC which was one of the most violent and the most aggressive and the most lasting that we had in Colombia Thank you