 Good morning, everybody, and thanks, Donald, for the nice introduction. The paper I'm going to present today is called the Impact of School Fees on the Intergenerational Transmission of Education, which is a joint work with Sonja Balotta from the University of Bristol and Stefan Klaas from the University of Goetting. To give you a little bit of a background, we know that reforms in education and investment in school infrastructure in recent years have led to improvements in enrollment in many developing countries. For example, net enrollment rates increased from 60% to almost 80% in the last decade. However, we also can observe that these improvements are unevenly distributed, so despite average improvements for many developing countries, the goal of universal primary education by 2015 is not very likely to be met, and we also know that Sub-Saharan Africa is the region that lacks most behind this goal with around 22% of school-aged children not enrolled in primary education. We also know from the empirical literature that educated parents not only tend to invest more time and effort in the education of their children, they also tend to be wealthier, and however, most studies on intergenerational transmission of education are focused on developed countries, mostly taken for the US, while only a few studies analyze intergenerational transmission of education in developing countries. An example is the paper by Hertz and other authors, and they found an average correlation of about 0.4 in years of schooling, so an additional year of schooling of the mother would lead to an additional 0.4 year of schooling of the child, and however, a small problem occurs when one wants to analyze intergenerational transmission in education, which is the problem of ability bias, so it is possible that we overstate the association between parental and children's education if ability is transmitted genetically from mothers to children, so more able mothers would then have more able children, and even among mothers with the same ability, this problem can occur due to assortative mating, and the paper for the US on twins by Berman and Rosenzweig showed that there might be a problem and this association can be overstated, so we should keep this in mind, and I will later talk about this a bit more. School fees, which have been introduced as a means to fund the school system, are found to be significant barriers to educational enrollment, especially for the poorer households, but fortunately, there is an ongoing trend of introduction of free primary education in many developing countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, limited resources to fund the education system remain a big challenge, and hence there is limited cross-country empirical evidence on the impact of the introduction of free primary education on children's educational outcomes. There are some studies on the impact on enrollment, and they all show that with the introduction of free primary education, enrollment in primary education has gone up. In this study, we have two objectives. The first one is we would like to analyze pattern of intergenerational mobility in education across countries, and over time using a large sample of household survey data for several countries and periods, and second, we analyze the direct effect of school fees and the introduction of free primary education on educational attainment of children, as well as the impact of free primary education on the intergenerational transmission of education. And so far, there's no comparable cross-country study that does it, and there also exists no study using micro-data, and there exists no previous study that concentrates on an outcome indicator. So I mentioned a couple of studies that analyze the impact of free primary education on enrollment rates, but not on actually outcome-like years of schooling. As our data source, we use demographic and health surveys, which are large-scale national representative household surveys conducted since 1984. So average sample size is between 5,000 and 30,000 women, aged between 15 and 49, and they provide rich information on population, nutrition, health, education, and socioeconomic status of the household. And so for most country, even though it's a cross-sectional data source, more than one survey up to six surveys are available. So what we did, we pooled all available surveys, which are around 190 that have information on education for almost 70 countries between 1990 and 2012. And this would then come up with about one million children, aged between 15 and 18, born between 75 and 72 and 97. And we focused on this particular age group of 15 to 18 because years of schooling is, of course, dependent on the age of children. And so we aimed to look at children, but of course we would need to take into account that they should have almost finished their primary and secondary education at the time of the survey. Unfortunately, there's very limited information on school fees and the abolishing of school fees in developing countries. And so one example is the comprehensive World Bank report from 2006, which analyzed the experiences of countries with respect to primary education and whether they have school fees or not. And another World Bank report from 2009 that focused on the experiences that some African countries have been made in abolishing school fees. So we take these two World Bank reports as our main source, which countries have school fees and which countries have introduced primary education, focusing only on formal school fees. We do not take into account any informal costs of schooling. So we have no information on that. So we define two dummy variables on free primary education. First one is free primary education equals one if primary education is free in the country and zero otherwise. And this is of particular importance. We also take into account the year of the introduction of free primary education and the age of the child. I will give you an example below. And the second dummy is called partly free primary education, which equals one if primary education is free and the age at the time the free primary education was introduced was in the official age range of primary education. So for example in Bangladesh, the year of introduction of free primary education was in 2000 and official age range for primary education is six to 11. So the free primary education dummy equals to one if the child is born for 1994. And the partly free primary education dummy is one if the child was aged seven to 11 in 2000. And this should capture a bit that children that are already in the official age range of primary education are, but are not in school, maybe are then sent to school a bit later once the free primary education reform has taken place. And in addition to verify our results, we also define a more continuous variable measuring the individual years of potential exposure to free primary education. For example, in the case of Bangladesh, children born before 89, so 2000 minus 11 would then have zero years of exposure to free primary education children born in 1990 would then have one year of exposure and so forth. Okay, our empirical approach is then straight forward. We estimate years of education of children aged between 15 and 18 on the years of education of mother on a vector of control variables and on our two dummies on primary education. And we also include a time and country fix effects that should absorb the average differences in education of children between countries and over time. And then in the second step, we introduce interaction terms of our free primary education information with the years of schooling to assess or investigate the impact on free primary education on intergenerational transmission of education. Okay, looking at some descriptive results first, this table shows the mean years of education for children, mothers and fathers in our sample and a couple of things are interesting here first. We see that fathers are much more educated on average than mothers. We also see quite large standard deviation indicating large within and between country variations in our sample. We also see large differences across regions, especially between Southern Africa and America with respect to years of schooling. And looking at the evolution of years of schooling over time, we observe considerable increases in years of schooling of about 1.5 years of schooling between the first and latest birth cohort. And what's also promising is that mothers education has been increased much more than fathers education with respect to the birth cohorts of the child. So over time, mothers education has increased a lot. Okay, in our sample, these are the 23 countries that actually have introduced free primary education in recent years. And the table also shows the respective age range of free primary education. And looking then at the shares of children age 15 to 18 that have actually access or partly access to free primary education, this figure nicely shows the efforts the countries have been made to introduce free primary education in the last decade. Okay, looking at our main results, here is the impact of school fees on educational outcomes. First, let's start with the impact of the years of education of the mothers on education of the children. Similar to the Hertz paper I mentioned at the very beginning, we found a correlation of almost 0.4 in all our specifications in our models. So then looking at the primary education dummies in column two, we find a positive impact of free access to free primary education of about 0.18 years of schooling. And for looking at the interactions, what's quite interesting is that there are a negative as well as partly free primary education has a negative impact. And this one possible explanation is that although enrollment rates among children that are older when the free primary education was introduced enrollment rates can go up, this is not automatically translated into actual improvements in the achievement in education for this particular age group. And looking at the interactions, there are statistically significantly negative meaning that mothers with more levels of more years of education benefits less from the impact of free primary education than mothers with children with less educated mothers. And this is quite interesting because we see here that first free primary education not only increases the stock of human capital within the country, it also seems to improve the distribution since poor educated mothers benefit our children with poor educated mothers benefits disproportionately more than children with better educated mothers. And the same holds for the effect when we use fathers instead of mothers. We verify our results using these years of exposure as a continuous variable. Here it shows a similar picture. So for example, a child that has six years of exposure to free primary education would gain of about 0.2 years of education and also here the interaction term is a negative variable or previous results. And what I also wanted to show you is the effect on our free primary education for children living with their non-biological mothers. So for example, orphans or children living with their grandparents or foster parents. So and this takes into account this ability bias because with this we can bypass this problem a bit. And it's quite interesting that first, although we have an effect of the non-biological, the education of the non-biological parents on the education of the children. However, it's smaller than with the biological parents. So now it's only about 0.2. And the effect of free primary education on children's education is a bit higher. And this seems to confirm that biological parents tend to invest more in their children than non-biological parents. And this also leaves a much greater leverage for the introduction of free primary education. Okay, to conclude, we find a positive impact both of mothers' education, as well as free primary education on children's education. And we also find a significant gradient in mothers' education in benefits of lifting school fees. However, our results should be treated with cautious due to severe data limitations. So first of all, we assume linearity and returns to the education of the mother. So it does not make any difference whether she gets from zero to one, or six to seven, or 12 to 13. And also, we implicitly assumed that the introduction or removal of user fees is exogenous. However, and this can, of course, bias or reside, however, from our readings of the World Bank report, we understood that the initiatives that starts the removal of user fees and the introduction of free primary education was more driven by a general understanding of the importance of education for investments in human capital and driven by UN organizations to accelerate human capital in developing countries. But we are still working on these limitation issues to verify our results and do a lot of robustness checks. Okay, thank you very much. Thank you very much, Gana.