 Saeddiw, wych yn ymwneud ymlaen i'r ffordd i'r ffasglau'r Llor, ac rwy'n meddwl â'n gweld am yma. Yn 5 April 1603, James VI yn fawr eich wneud i'ch gweithio gynhyrch i'r Llyfrgell yng Nghwyllgor i Llyfrgell yng Nghaethol yn ymwneud. Mae'r cerddur yna'r ffrindiau ac i'w bwysigau ar gyfer y rhanen gwybwyr yng nghymru, yw eu cyfrifio ar gyfer y newydd, y newydd yng Nghyrchu Rhôl, ac, wrth gwrs, y cyfnodd y bydd ymlaen i'r archipeligau. Mae'r ffordd yma yw'r 1 yw 23 ysgolwyddon, ymlaen i'r progresau, yn ymlaen i'r cyfnodd yma o'r 22 ymlaen. Yr Argyngrifedd Ysgolwyr, mae'r cyfnodd ymlaen i'r cyfnodd ymlaen i'r cyfnodd ymlaen,friendiadol ac dróswpogengu fan siaradol yn yr argyn UK o ran yr Maenol 一 nifer yma, y gall G completion G siaradol ar gyffredin Llad Cymru a beth i'r hawdd yses appreciation sydd yn ei ffrif ar y cymdeithio a'i ffinogiad cyfan sydd yn ymlaen y gwrs i gyfl所有 a'r politeis neu ymlaen ychydig ar gyfer anghard yma. Mae'r ffordd fцуo molygu yn gyrtaf i fy Wi mael Co away ddych chi'n rhan o gwyfwyr ac yn ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Mae James, mae'r progres wedi bod yn ymgyrch ar gyfer cyfnodol y prifyniadau. Rydyn ni'n meddwl i'r cyfnodd o'r ddweud o'r cyfnodol, i'r cyfnoddol yn ymgyrch, ac yn ymgyrch ar gyfer cyfnodol ymgyrch. Mae hyn yn ddweud o'r cyfnoddol, rydyn ni'n ddweud o'r cyfnoddol, ac yn ddweud o'r cyfnoddol. Oes hyn o embros 400 o myd yn gweithio benthe, James ran iawn ac yn fawr syniad ymlaen i gwybod y gwno arill ac yn Llyfrgell, ysgol, nôl, syniadau, ein hyn. Mae hyn o myd yn rhan o'n parodol, ddwyod, a ddwyod o'n ryw wneud cyffredinol, yn cyfwysig gyda llwyddoedd o bod yn rhannu a dynol. Yr hyn gyf�ith yma mae'w rhan o'r trwyd o'r corgau i James yn y ddwyngol awr i ysgololau As he marked it, quote, like some wolf or tiger spreading his scent through his territory. He will examine the organisation of the progress James' demeanor and the political devices he utilized throughout, as well as the reception of his English subjects towards any king. It will argue that along the journey, the self-proclaimed King of Great Britain not only adapted to a tewd style of visible monarchy, ond ystafell yw newydd yw'r ddyliadau rôl ydyn ni, i gael i'r ddefnyddio'r rhain enghraeg. Ymgyrch gael y progres yw'r cyffredinol wedi'u llwylo'r Elisbroedd. O'r diolch ei wneud o'r llyth, os y pethau er mwyn o diannodau cefnidol, fewys i'r gwneud ein or lleol rôl fel rydych chi'n meddwl ychydig iawn. yn 1603 bywyd y bywyd yn ymgyrch i'w hwnnw i'r gael i'r ddechu amser o fynd dechrau, a'i wneud allwch amdrafed o hyffredinol, llwf i'u ddweud, cyffredinol, yn ychydig yn dda i siwr o'r hwnnw i'i daith. Fynd i, mae'r hyffredinol bywyd i hyffredinol, ddweud â'r begerau ac ydw'r bydd, sydd oherwydd Chwyrddol, a'r bydddau a'r byddau Llywodraeth a Horddon yn dod o'r Llywodraeth. Rydym yn fwrdd y cwysigol ym 1603 yn heddiw yn ymwneud yn y lleidiau gyllideb amdanool. Ysgolwch ychydig, ymddangosol, ac ymdrych yn yr hyn o'r blaenau yn cael ei ddau, yn gweithio i'r Llywodraeth yn gweithio i Gweithinodau. Felly, mae'n meddwl i'r prydau a'r ystod yn gweld yn ffynuol a gyntaf, ac mae'n gwbod i'r prydau. Mae hynny'n cymdeithasol i'r prydau, ac mae'r prydau o'r prydau, i'r prydau a'r prydau. Mae'n ffynuol i'r prydau, ac mae'n ffynuol i'r prydau, i'r prydau, i'r prydau. Mae'n ymgylch i'r prydau i'r prydau i'r prydau, i'r prydau. A wnaeth i ddim yn ymgylch i'r prydau, ond yw'r awrnau gyda ni. One of his first acts of King of England was ordering the Privy Council to send jewels and other furniture which did appertain to the late Queen. This included coaches, horses, litters and whatsoever his Privy Council to think meet to accompany him on the journey south. The image on the left is a royal coach which was presented by James's ambassador to the Tsar of Russia in 1604 and it gives a good indication of how Monarch travelled during this period. Upon reaching English soil at Berwick on the 6th of April, James heard a sermon by Bishop Toby Matthew before surveying the fortifications of the town firing a cannon and commending the soldiers. In a symbolic interpretation worthy of Elizabeth herself, James then pronounced the sudden rainstorm to be a good omen, saying, the sun before the rain represented his happy departure, the downpour to be the grief of Scotland and the succeeding fair weather, the joy England at his approach. The martial enthusiasm he exuded at Berwick is certainly at odds with James' later reputation as wrecked specificus, while his somewhat florid language contrasts with the traditional portrait of an overly formal pedagogue who was quote always undignified in public. But these specific actions were designed to introduce a distinctly Stuart Monarch. They fashioned the image of a virtuous king who was revered by his Scottish subjects, a pious king whom Protestant considerations were fundamental, and a king who could easily align himself with martial masculinity in a way that his female predecessor could not as easily do. Exorcising these traditional values of good pingship from the outset revealed James' understanding that many of his new subjects were desirous of change. Not having stepped foot in England before, to James it must have seemed a profusion of wealth far beyond that of quote Farron who nearest Scotland. Upon reaching York on the 16th of April, the abundance was quite literally flowing into the streets. A conduit running white and claret wine allowed every man to drink as much as he listed. Although many historians have attested that James blithly rushed to take possession of his lucrative inheritance, the six week progress in fact proceeded at a leisurely rate. Even eagerly applied himself to the affairs of his new realm on route. Ample correspondence between the King and Council in London survives, revealing his input on subjects such as the treatment of recusants, support of the United Provinces and arrangements regarding Elizabeth's funeral. Perhaps elated that the years of uncertainty over his succession were over, James was charming and charismatic throughout. This is the only image I could find where he looks even remotely happy. These are attitudes rarely ascribed to him by history. In York for example, he declined the offer of a coach declaring that the people are desirous to see a king and so they shall, they shall see both his body and face. In Doncaster, lack of suitable accommodation forced him to lodge at the sun and bear in. Upon his departure, he presented the innkeeper with the lease of a manor house of good value and gratitude for his good entertainment. Moreover, in Newcastle, he simultaneously demonstrated his mercy and about Protestantism by ordering the releasable prisoners accepting murderers, traitors and of course, papists. Somewhat more ominously, however, the journey featured several public executions orchestrated by James himself. At Newark upon Trent, the King received word of a cut purse who had been stealing from the crowd gathering to watch the train pass. In a display of Rashwa Bavardo, James ordered the immediate hanging of the quote base pilfering thief, an order which was swiftly executed. This may have been a simple understanding of English law, which compared to Scotland's as well established and deeply ingrained. Or perhaps it was the first occasion on which his new subjects all witnessed James's proclivity for absolutism and action. After all, relatively few would have been familiar with his treaties, the true law of free monarchies. The response to the execution is a sonnish new English councillors carefully, but quickly advised that in England, if not in Scotland, the sovereign left such cases to the due process of law. The sheer size and magnificence of the 1603 progress strength would have made a considerable as considerable impacts on those who watched it pass. It's likely that few in the north of England had living memory of Henry VIII 1541 progress. The last time a reigning English monarch had travelled as far north as York. The majority of those in rural areas were unlikely to have seen anything comparable for. A lack of surviving policy of evidence makes it difficult to gauge the reception of the rural populace towards their new king. However, there appears to have been a sense of relief at the accession of the male monarch, already furnished with an heir and a spare, some of whom are shamed here. The brusque words of an honest plain Scotsman reveal the ostensible elation with which James was received. Scotsman commented that the applause of the people in so of secrecy and submissive a manner will spoil a good king. James himself was later rather romantically to recall how his subjects had their eyes flaming, nothing but sparkles of affection, their gestures discovering a passionate longing and earnestness to meet and embrace their new sovereign. Constitutive descriptions suggest that the number who ventured to catch glimpse of James were incredible. As he drew nearer to London, the crowds increased daily, fighting each other for the best view and filling the countryside to such an extent that they quote, covered the beauty of the fields. One eyewitness, John Savill, positioned himself in an upstairs chamber at the bell in in Edmonton and attempted to tally the concourse. Within less than half an hour, he had counted 309 horses and 137 footmen, a throng which continued from four o'clock in the morning until three o'clock in the afternoon without intermission. Consequently, the king was feigned to publish an inhibition against the inordinate and daily access of people's coming. No doubt provoked by his fear of assassination following a turbulent forms of career as King of Scotland. However, if the sheer number of people who turned out to welcome James as a barometer of public feeling towards it, the first progress of his English reign was an apogee of success. Accessibility and congeniality were vital to the success of the progress. These qualities manifested themselves through political devices such as the granting of petitions, gift exchange and the conferring of honours. Such strategies were mainstays in the political armory of James's Tudor predecessors, but on the 1603 progress, he employed them with gusto. For example, he was presented with a petition from the poor inhabitants of Hull that they might be protected from the daily spoils done to them by those of Dunkirk. The king, in a princely and heroic reply, assured them that no Dunkirker should after dare do any of his subjects wrong. Personally managing and determining the results of petitions became a hallmark of James's reign, helping to placate and endear his people to him in times of political crisis. The progress is also an opportunity to secure ties of patronage and cultivate personal relationships with provincial elites. This could be exercised on the road with a publicity unobtainable from the confines of the palace. One very public approach was introducing a cycle of gift exchange that James was careful to nurture and keeping tact for the remainder of his reign. Mutual gifting was recognised as a profound display of patronage, affinity and deference that was central to political identity. Roman philosopher Seneca wrote, to give a benefit is a sociable thing, it joineth that man's favour and obligeth this man's friendship. Whereas 17th century politician Sir William Drake more cynically put it, by gifts and presents a man attains his ends. A procedure was initiated upon James' arrival at the town or home of his host that illuminates the significance of space and intimacy on progress. In the guise of a gift, the town or house would be figuratively offered to the king and the keys ceremoniously handed over to him. This was a process in which the royal visitors became both guest and host, while the host became almost guest in their own home. This public ceremony symbolised a bond of allegiance between sovereign and host, while simultaneously reinforcing the latter's position within the local higher-up. More tangible gifts from those eager to court favoured with the new king were also plentiful. Civic donors tended to limit themselves to refuse amounts of gold. Newhip contributed a fair guilt cup, Newcastle gave James a purse full of gold and York profoured a cup full of gold itself filled with gold. This is an example created to commemorate the coronation of James II later in the 17th century. The coins were quickly deposited into the privy purse, but the cups often ended up in the hands of footmen as perquisites, an insensitive custom which no doubt exasperated the donors. Private hosts, however, could be somewhat more imaginative with their gifts. So Oliver Cromwell had clearly been told of the new king's fondness for the hunt and offered horses, hounds and diverse hawks of excellent wing. So Edward Denney took a similar approach, bequeathing a gallant horse, a rich saddle and furniture corresponding to the same. When James's consort Anna of Denmark made her own separate inaugural progress south shortly after James. So Robert Spencer's entertainment author was little more than a device concocted to frame the giving of a gift. A considerable jewel presented modestly as a simple gift was offered to Anna by an actor playing the fairy queen. Although the actor explicitly denied any hope of our glory by the deed on behalf of his patron, the implication was clear. Obligations have been established and Spencer was summarily created a baron less than a month later. Evidently, hosts expected to receive something far more valuable in return for their material outlet. And when it came to conferring honours, James frequently acquiesced. On the southbound journey alone, he created 237 new knights, causing Gilbert Dugtail to observe that the king dealt honors as freely to our nation as their hearts would wish. This was in stark contrast to Elizabeth, who was so cautious in her creation of knights that it was said by her death, hardly a shire in England muster enough knights to make a jury. In politicising gifts and granting petitions, James was continuing early traditions of in exchanging favour for allegiance. However, by employing a political device somewhat underutilised by Elizabeth, the conferring and later selling of Chilbaric Monarchs, James has set out his stool as a different style of monarch. Graffiti spotted at Cheapside in 1603 remarked, this world's a stage where on today kings and mean men parts do play. This ephemeral of observation neatly encapsulates how sovereignty was intrinsically linked to performance. It also reveals contemporary understandings about the collaborative nature of early modern sovereignty, in which the image of the ruler was forged in and out of dialogue with their subjects. Tradition would have it that James was woefully inadequate in his attempts at both performance and collaboration. Conventional historiography also prescribes that nature had denied James the power to appeal to the imagination of the subjects. However, as we have seen, on the inaugural progress in 1603, he performed the task of listening monarch with much the same aplomb as Elizabeth. As a foreign king and a largely unknown quantity in England, the progress more than any other institution of government provided James with the stage fundamental to the success of his dual monarchy. The path he chose once upon that stage incorporated elements of continuation and deviation. He adapted to an English style of visible monarchy that ill-suited his experience in inclination, while simultaneously paving the way for a new Stuart royal image. The accession of a Scottish king had little effect on the mechanics and pageantry of the progress, but in his judicial arrogance and deployment of honours, we can see his Scottish heritage and personal idiosyncrasies influencing progress culture. This would become more marks in later progresses, particularly as he brought his vainglorious ideologies of union to the fore. In terms of audience reception, the six-week progress was arguably the most successful of his reign. In the years that followed, we found the process of interacting with his subjects increasingly ties it. So too, many of his subjects had started to become tired of James. This sparked nostalgia for the Golden Age of Gloriana. However, despite strong opposition from his councillors and subjects, James pushed onwards, travelling persistently and extensively for the next 22 years. As David Bergeron suggests, it was if he could only make forward progress through constant motion. Thus, for James, progresses were not a diversion from the business of government, as is commonly claimed, but were the business of government. Thank you.