 Book II. CHAPTER IV. It may be thought strange that the western colony should have fallen into such extremity in so short a time, being fully provided when the ship left them, in addition to their share of the corn which was got by trade, besides much that they got by one means or another from the Indians where they lived. It must needs have been their lack of order, spending excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting part among the Indians, for the chief man amongst them was said to keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then when they began to want many sold their clothes and bed coverings, others, so depraved were they, became servants to the Indians, cutting them wood and fetching them water for a capful of corn. Others fell to plain stealing from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In the end some starved and died with cold and hunger, one in gathering shellfish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud and was found dead in the place. At last most of them left their dwellings, and scattered up and down in the woods and by the water side, a few here and a few there, wherever they could find groundnuts and clams. The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began to insult them in a most insolent manner. Often when they were cooking a pot of groundnuts or shellfish, when it was ready the Indians would come and eat it up, and at night they would come and steal the blankets from such few as had them and let them lie in the cold. Their condition was very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy the Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom they could not keep from stealing. While things went on thus the Governor and the people here had noticed that their friend Massasoit was sick and near to death. They visited him and took whatever they could to relieve him, and he recovered. He then discovered a conspiracy amongst the Indians of Massachusetts, and other neighbouring tribes with whom they had conspired to wipe out Mr. Weston's people in revenge for the continual injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New Plymouth would avenge their death, they decided to do the same by them, and had solicited Massasoit to join them. He advised the New Plymouth settlement to prevent it by speedily capturing some of the chief of the conspirators before it was too late, for he assured them of the truth of it. This troubled them much, and they took it into serious deliberation, and upon examination found other evidence too long to relate. In the meantime one of Mr. Weston's people came from Massachusetts, with a small pack on his back, and though he did not know a foot of the way, he got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for though pursued he was missed. He told them here how everything stood among them, and that he dared stay no longer. He believed by what he observed they would all be knocked on the head shortly. So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste, and they dispatched a boat with Captain Standish and some men, who found them in a miserable condition out of which he rescued them, and killed some few of the chief conspirators among the Indians, and according to his order offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement here if they thought well, in which case they should fare no worse than the colonists themselves till Mr. Weston or some supplies came to them, or if they preferred any other course he was to give them any assistance he could. They thanked him, but most of them begged he would give them some corn so that they could go with their small ship to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr. Weston or get some supplies from him, since it was the time of the year for the fishing ships to be out. If not, they would work among the fishermen for their living, and get their passage back to England if they heard nothing from Mr. Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they had, and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving enough to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the bay under sail at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a penny worth of anything from them. I have but touched these things briefly, because they have been published in print more completely already. This was the end of those who at one time boasted of their strength, all able, healthy men, and what they would do in comparison with the people here, who had many women and children and weak ones among them, and who had said, on their first arrival, when they saw the want here, that they would take a very different course and not to fall into any such condition as these simple people had come to. But a man's way is not in his own hands. God can make the weak to stand. Let him also that standeth take heed lest he fall. Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution of his colony, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, under another name, and disguised as a blacksmith. He got a boat, and with a man or two came to see how things were there. But on the way ashore he was caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk in the bay, between Merrimack River and Piscotaqua, and he barely escaped with his life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of the Indians, who robbed him of all he had saved from the wreck, and stripped him of all his clothes to his shirt. At last he got to Piscotaqua and borrowed a suit of clothes, and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration there was in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourishing condition, so uncertain are the mutable things of this unstable world, and yet men set their hearts upon them, though they daily see their vanity. After many arguments and much discourse, former troubles boiling in his mind and rankling there as was discerned, he asked to borrow some beaver from them, and told them he had hopes that a ship with good supplies was on its way to him, and that then they should have anything they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his report of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former courtesies. They pointed out to him their own once, and said they did not know when they might get any supplies. He well knew also how the case stood between them and the adventurers in England. They had not much beaver, and if they should let him have it, it would be enough to cause a mutiny among the people since there were no other means of procuring the food and clothes which they so much wanted. Nevertheless they told him they would help him, considering his necessity, but that it must be done secretly for the above reasons. So they let him have one hundred beaver skins which weighed one hundred seventy pounds odd. Thus they helped him when all the world failed him, and with this he went again to the ships, and supplied his small ship and some of his men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out, and it was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his course thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself a bitter enemy upon every opportunity, and never repaying them to this day except in reproaches and columnies. All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they know when they might expect any. So they began to consider how to raise more corn, and obtain a better crop than they had done, so that they might not continue to endure the misery of want. At length after much debate the governor, with the advice of the chief among them, allowed each man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust to themselves for that, in all other things to go on in the general way as before. So every family was assigned a parcel of land according to the proportion of their number with that in view, for present purposes only, and making no division for inheritance, all boys and children being included under some family. This was very successful. It made all hands very industrious, so that much more corn was planted than otherwise would have been by any means the governor or any other could devise, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave far better satisfaction. The women now went willingly into the field, and took their little ones with them to plant corn, while before they would allege weakness and inability, and to have compelled them would have been thought great tyranny and oppression. The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later times, that the taking away of private property, and the possession of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and flourishing, as if they were wiser than God, for in this instance community of property, so far as it went, was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have been to the general benefit and comfort. For the young men who were most able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend their time and strength in working for other men's wives and children without any recompense, the strong man or the resourceful man had no more share of food, clothes, etc., than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the other could. This was thought injustice. The aged and graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labor, food, clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it some indignity and disrespect to them. As for men's wives who were obliged to do service for other men, such as cooking, washing their clothes, etc., they considered it a kind of slavery, and many husbands would not brook it. This feature of it would have been worse still if they had been men of an inferior class. If it was thought all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as another, and so, if it did not actually abolish these very relations which God himself has set among men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so important should be preserved amongst them, let none argue that this is due to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing in them, that God and his wisdom saw that another plan of life was fitter for them. But to return, after this had been settled and their corn was planted in this way, all their food supplies were consumed, and they had to rely upon God's providence, often at night not knowing where to get a bit of anything next day, and so as one well observed, they had need above all people in the world to pray to God that he would give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for upwards of two years, which reminds me of what Peter Martyr writes in praise of the Spaniards in his fifth decade, page 208. They, says he, led a miserable life five days together with the parched grain of maize only, and concludes that such pains, such labor, and such hunger he thought none living who was not a Spaniard could have endured. But alas, these colonists, when they had maize, that is, Indian corn, thought it as good as a feast, and not only lacked bread for days at a time, but sometimes for two or three months continually were without bread or any kind of corn. Indeed, in another place, his second decade, page 94, the same writer mentions how some others were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead men, and so died almost all. From these extremities the Lord in his goodness kept these his people, and in their great need preserved both their lives and their health, let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear make use of the same writer's conclusion, which in a manner may be applied to the people of this colony, that with their miseries they opened away to these new lands, and after these hardships, with what ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to the calamities which these four runners had suffered, so that they who followed seemed to go as it were, to a bride-feast, where all things are provided for them. As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very well fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or seven to a crew, who went out with a net they had bought, to catch bass and other fish, each party taking its turn. No sooner was the boat emptied of what she had brought than the next crew took her, and went out with her, not returning till they had caught something, even though it were five or six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest. They tried who could do best, if she stayed long or got little, then all went to seeking shellfish, which at low water they dug out of the sands. This was what they lived on in the summer time, till God sent them better, and in winter there were ground nuts and foul to help them out. In the summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of the fittest, being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in that way was divided among them. At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too long and tedious to record here in full, which told of their further crosses and frustrations beginning in this manner. The adventurers in England, to the settlers at New Plymouth, loving friends, as your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses and interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small. After we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the paragon away to sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about fourteen days after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with storms, so that she had to be put into dock and have one hundred pounds spent on her. All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks, and much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well, and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience and have but strength to hold on to life. While these things were happening, Mr. Weston's ship came, and brought various letters from you. We rejoice to hear the good reports that many have brought home about you. This letter was dated December 21st, 1622. This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted out at his own expense in hope of doing great things, the passengers and goods which the company had sent in her he took aboard as freight, arranging to land them here. This was the man in whose name the colony's first patent was taken out, because of the acquaintance of their friends with him, though his name was only used in trust. But when he saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the success God gave them had obtained the favour of the Council of New England, he goes to the Council, as if on behalf of the settlers, asks them for another patent much more extensive, which he thus easily obtained. But he meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists what he pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord prevented him, for after the first return of the ship, and the expenses above mentioned, when she was fitted again, he takes in more passengers, and those not very good, to try and meet his losses, and sets out a second time. But what the result was will appear in another letter from one of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April, 1623, written to the Governor here, as follows, Loving friend, when I sent my last letter I hoped to have received one from you by this time, though when I wrote in December I little thought I should see Mr. John Pierce till he brought tidings of you. But it pleased God that he brought us only the woeful tidings of his return, driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, wherein the goodness and mercy of God appeared in sparing their lives, in all 109 souls. The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the company is put to great expense. At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce to assign to the company the grand patent, which he had taken in his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to write that many here think that the hand of God was justly against him, both the first and second time of his return, for it appears that he, whom you and we so confidently trusted only to use his name for the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all, and to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of him, but his unwillingness to part with his royal lordship, and the high rate he put it at, which was five hundred pounds, it cost him fifty pounds, makes many speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with expense of passengers six hundred forty pounds. We have hired from two merchants a ship of one hundred forty tons called the Ann, which is to be ready at the last of this month, to bring sixty passengers and sixty tons of goods. This is their own judgment of the man's proceedings. I thought it better to describe them in their words than my own. Yet, though no other compensation was got from him than the reversion of this patent and the shares he had in the adventure, he was never quiet, but sued them in the chief courts of England, and when he was still frustrated brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead and I will leave him to the Lord. This ship was in greater extremity at sea during her second attempted passage than one could often hear of, without being wrecked, as I have been informed by Mr William Pierce, who was then captain of her, and by many others who were passengers on her. It was about the middle of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days altogether, but for two or three days and nights continuously it was of fearful violence. After they had cut down their mast, their roundhouse and all their upper works were swept away. Three men had all they could do to keep the helm, and the man who held the ship before the wind was obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing away. The seas so overraped them that many times those on the deck did not know whether they were within board or without. And once she was so foundered in the sea that they all thought she would never rise again. But yet the Lord preserved them and brought them at last safe to Portsmouth, to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was in and heard what they had endured. About the latter end of June there arrived a ship with Captain Francis West, commissioned to be admiral of New England, to restrain interlopers and such fishing ships as came to fish and trade without a license from the Council of New England, for which rights they were to be made to pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good with them, they were too strong for him, and he found the fishermen's stubborn fellows, and their owners upon complaint made to Parliament procured an order that fishing should be free. He told the Governor they spoke with a ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming to this settlement in which there were several passengers, he wondered she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for they parted company in a storm shortly after they had been aboard. This report filled them with fear, though they still had hopes. The Captain of this ship had some two hogshead of peas to sell, but seeing their need he held them at nine pounds sterling a hogshead and would not take under eight pounds, and yet he wanted to buy their beaver at less than the market rate. So they told him they had lived so long without, they would do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. So he went on to Virginia. About fourteen days after the ship called the Anne arrived, of which Mr. William Pierce was Captain, and about a week or ten days later came the penis which they had lost in foul weather at sea, a fine new vessel of about forty-four tons which the company had built to stay in the country. They brought about sixty settlers for the colony, some of them very useful persons who became good members to the body, and some were the wives and children of those who were here already. Some of the new settlers were so unruly that they were obliged to go to the expense of sending them home again the next year. Besides these there were a number who did not belong to the general body, but came on their own resources, and were to have lands assigned to them to work for themselves, but subject to the general government. This caused some differences, as will appear. I shall here again take the liberty to insert a few things out of letters which came in this ship, desiring to give account of things in their own words as much as may be. Robert Cushman in England, to the settlers at New Plymouth. Beloved friends, I kindly salute you all with trust of your healths and welfare. I am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have we now sent you all that we would for want of money. But there are people more than enough, though not all who are fit to go, for people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in. Some few of your old friends have come. So they come dropping to you, and by degrees I hope ere long you will enjoy them all. As people are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are none of the fittest, I pray you right earnestly to the treasurer, and direct what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak a company sent you, and yet had I not been here they would have been weaker. You must still call upon the company here to see that honest men are sent you, and threatened to send back others. In no way are we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly persons. Such and such came without consent, but the importunity of their friends got our treasurer's word in my absence. There is no need why we should take lewd men, for we have honest men enough. Your assured friend, R.C. Thirteen of the adventurers in England to the settlers at New Plymouth. Loving friends, we most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection, hoping that the same God who has hitherto preserved you in such a marvellous manner continues your lives and health to his own praise and all our comforts. We are very sorry that you have not been sent to all this time. We have in this ship sent such women as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends, with their children. We would not have you discontented because we have not sent you more of your old friends, and especially him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us to neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the results shall show that we will deal fairly and squarely answer your expectations to the full. There also come to you some honest men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had not allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you, them, by inconveniencing them, and you, because being honest they will be a support to the place and good neighbors to you. In regard to these private planters we have made two stipulations. First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till the dividends. Secondly, while they may settle near you, it shall be at such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment of your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of need. We have sent you several fishermen with salt. We have sent you various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash is small, it is what we could. Although as it seems you have discovered many more rivers and fertile grounds than where you are, since by God's providence the place fell to your lot, let it be accepted as your portion, and rather fix your eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in hope after things elsewhere. If your sight is not the best, it is the better, because you will be envied or encroached upon less, and such as are earthly minded will not settle too near your border. If the land afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest you a while contented. God will one day grant you better fare, and all men shall know that you are neither fugitives nor discontents, but can, if God so order it, take the worst to yourselves with content, and leave the best to your neighbors with cheerfulness. Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the ice for others, who come after with less difficulty, the honor shall be yours to the world's end. We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have never seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as their own, as we do and ever shall, that the same God which has so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honorable among men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much glory may come to him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and makeeth small things great, to whose greatness be all glory forever and ever. This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their names. The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of those ashore, were much daunted and dismayed, and according to their different characters were differently affected. Some wished themselves in England again, others began weeping, fancying what their own misery would be from what they saw before them, others pitied the distress they saw their friends had been in so long and still were under, in a word all were full of sadness. Some few of their old friends rejoiced to see them again, and to know it was no worse with them, for they could not expect it to be better, and hoped that now they would enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not unnatural that the new arrivals should be thus affected, for the settlers were in very poor case, many were ragged in apparel, and some little better than half naked, though some few who were well stocked before were well enough clothed. But as for food they were all alike, except some who had got a few peas from the ship that was last here. The best dish they could present to their friends was a lobster or a piece of fish, without any bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring water. The long continuance of this diet and their labours had somewhat abated the freshness of their complexions, but God gave them health and strength and showed them by experience the truth of that word, Deuteronomy 8.3, man liveth not by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord, doth a man live. When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine in Jacob's time, when he said to his sons, Go by us food, that we may live and not die, Genesis 42.2 and 43.1, and that the famine was great in the land, and yet they had such great herds of cattle of various kinds, which besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter and cheese, et cetera, and yet it was counted a sore affliction when we think of this, then we see that the affliction of these settlers must have been very great, who not only lacked the staff of life but all these things, and had no Egypt to go to, but God fed them out of the sea for the most part, so wonderful is his providence over his in all ages, for his mercy endureth forever. Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when it was ripe, would have to be shared with the newcomers, and that the provisions which the latter had brought with them would give out before the year was over, as indeed they did. So they went to the governor and begged him that as it had been agreed that they should sow their corn for their own use, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. They would rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in of the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own, and let the newcomers enjoy what they had brought. They would have none of it, except what they could purchase by bargain or exchange. Their request was granted them, and it satisfied both sides, for the newcomers were much afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they had brought, and then that they would fall into like conditions of want. The ship was laden in a short time with clabbered by the help of many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver and other furs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her to give information and to procure such things as were required. Harvest time had now come, and then instead of famine God gave them plenty, and the face of things was changed to the rejoicing of the hearts of many for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particular planting was well seen, for all had one way or another pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler sort and more industrious had to spare and sell to others. In fact no general want or famine has been amongst them since to this day. Those that came on their own venture looked for greater things than they found or could attain to, such as building great houses in pleasant situations as they had fancied, as if they could be great men and rich all of a sudden, but they proved castles in the air. The following were the conditions agreed on between the colony and them. One, that the governor in the name and with the consent of the company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship, and is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town, and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire or us to perform. Two, that they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders as are already made, or hereafter shall be made for the public good. Three, that they be free and exempt from the general employments of the said company which their present condition of community requires, except common defense, and such other employments as tend to the perpetual good of the colony. Four, towards the maintenance of government and public officers of the said colony, every male above the age of sixteen years shall pay a bushel of Indian wheat or the worth of it into the common store. Five, that according to the agreement the merchants made with them before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with the Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities till the time of the communality be ended. About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorge's arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts with sundry passengers and families intending to begin a plantation there, and pitched upon the place that Mr. Weston's people had forsaken. He had a commission from the Council of New England to be Governor-General of the country, and they appointed for his Council and Assistance, Captain Francis West, the Admiral afore mentioned, Christopher Levitt Esquire, and the Governor of New Plymouth for the time being, etc. They also gave him authority to choose such other as he should see fit. Also they gave, by their commission, full power to him and his assistance, or any three of them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and execute what should seem to them good, in all cases capital, criminal, and civil, etc., with various other instructions. Of these and also his commission, it pleased him to let the Governor here take a copy. He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before they could visit him he went eastward with the ship he came in, but a storm got up, and as they lacked a good pilot to harbor them there, they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were kindly entertained here, and stayed fourteen days. In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captain Gorgeous, who informed the Governor here that one purpose of his going east was to meet with Mr. Weston, took this opportunity to call him to account for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and some other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place, and charged him first with the ill-carriage of his men in Massachusetts, by which means the peace of the country had been disturbed, and he himself and the people he had brought over to settle there were much prejudiced. To this Mr. Weston easily answered that what had been done was in his absence, and might have befallen any one, he left them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be well governed, for any error committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particular charge was passed by. The second charge was of a wrong done towards his father, Sir Ferdinand Gorgeous, and to the State. The offence was this. Mr. Weston had used him and others of the Council of New England to procure him a license for the purchase and transportation to New England, of many pieces of great ordinance, on the plea of great fortifications in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and sold them beyond the seas for his private profit, at which he said the State had been much offended, and his father had been sharply rebuked, and he had ordered to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deny it, it being the main reason why he had left England. But after much argument by the mediation of the Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be lenient, though he foresaw the vexation of his father. When Mr. Weston saw this he grew more presumptuous, and made such provoking and cutting speeches that the Governor-General rose up in great indignation and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him or send him home to England, at which Mr. Weston was somewhat daunted, and came privately to the Governor here, to know whether he would allow him to be apprehended. He was told they could not prevent it, and blamed him much that, after having pacified things, he should again break out, and by his own folly and rashness, bring trouble upon himself and them too. He confessed it was his temper, and prayed the Governor to intercede for him, and smooth things if he could. At last he did so with much adieu, so he was summoned again, and the Governor-General consented to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further answer when either he or the Lords should send for him. Finally he took only his word, and there was a friendly parting on all hands. But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to the Governor and his friends here, gave them this quip behind their backs for all their pains, that though they were but young justices they were good beggars. Thus they parted for the time, and shortly after the Governor took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very grateful for his kind entertainment. The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia, having some passengers to deliver there, and with her there returned several of those who had come over privately, some from discontent and dislike of the country, others because of a fire that broke out, burning the houses they lived in and all their provisions. The fire was caused by some of the seamen who were roistering in a house where it first began. It being very cold weather they had made a great fire which broke out of the chimney and set a light, the thatch, and burnt down three or four houses and all the goods and provisions in them. The house in which it began was right against the common storehouse in which were all their provisions, and they had much difficulty in saving it. If it had been lost the plantation would have been ruined, but through God's mercy it was saved by the great efforts of the people, and the care of the Governor and some about him. Some advised that the goods be thrown out, but then there would have been much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships who were almost all ashore. But a reliable company was placed within, so that if necessity required they could have got them all out with speed, and others with wet cloths and other means kept off the fire outside, for they suspected some malicious dealing if not plain treachery. Though whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows, but this is certain that when the tumult was greatest a voice was heard, from whom it was not known, that bid them look well about them, for all were not friends near them. And shortly after, when the worst of the fire was over, smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end of the storehouse, which was waddled up with boughs, the withered leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran to put it out found a large fire-brand, about a yard long, lying under the wall on the inside, which could not possibly have come thereby accident, but must have been put there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. But God kept them from this danger whatever was intended. Shortly after Captain Gorgias, the Governor-General, had got home to Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest Mr Weston and his ship, and sent a seaman to sail her thither, and one, Captain Hanson, of his suite to be in charge of him. The Governor and others were very sorry to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the warrant, as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade him from this course, showing him that he would but entangle and burden himself by doing this, and that he could not do Mr Weston a better turn, as things now stood with him, for he had a great many men in his service in the ship, to whom he was deeply in debt for wages, and that he was practically out of provisions, and winter was at hand, for all of which Captain Gorgias would be responsible if he arrested his ship. In the meantime, Mr Weston had noticed to shift for himself, but it was supposed that he did not know where to go or how to better himself, but was rather glad of the issue, and so did not move. But the Governor-General would not be dissuaded, and sent a very formal warrant under his hand and seal with strict orders, as they would answer for it to the State. He also wrote that he had better considered things since he was here, and he could not answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had come to his knowledge since which Mr Weston must account for, so he was allowed to proceed, but he found in the end that what had been told him was true, for when an inventory was taken of what was in the ship, food was found sufficient for only fourteen days at a bare allowance, and not much else of any worth, and the men clamored so for wages and rations in the meantime that he was soon weary. So in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expense of his provisions, and towards the spring they came to an agreement after they had been east, and the Governor-General restored him his vessel again, and made satisfaction in biscuit and meal and such-like provisions for what he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed. So Mr Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped his course for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave him. He died afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war, of the sickness there. The Governor-General and some of his sweet soon returned to England, having scarcely saluted the country put under his government, as he did not find the state of things here correspond to his station and way of life. The people dispersed, some went to England, others to Virginia, some few remained and were helped with supplies from here. The Governor-General had brought over a minister of religion with him, one Mr Morrill, who about a year after his return took shipping from here. He had I know not what power and authority of superintendents over other churches granted him, and sundry instructions to that end, but he never showed it or made use of it. It seems he saw it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here at his departure. This was the end of the second settlement there. This year there were also some scattered beginnings made in other places, as at Piscotacoa by Mr David Thompson, at Monaghan and some other places by several others. It remains now for me to speak a word about the penance mentioned before, sent by the adventurers to be employed in the country. She was a fine vessel and bravely fitted out, but I fear the adventurers were over-proud of her for she had ill success. However, they made a great mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew were upon shares, and none were to receive any wages but the captain. Secondly, though mainly busyed with trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When they came over they received bad advice from Mr Weston and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain nor the governor could control them, for they declared that they were abused and deceived, that they were told they would sail as a man of war, and take I know not whom, French, Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade nor fish without wages. In fine they would obey no orders of the captain, and it was feared they would either make away with the vessel or get off on the other ships and abandon her. So Mr Pierce and other friends persuaded the governor to change their conditions, and give them wages, which was accordingly done. Then the vessel was sent about the cape to the Narragansets to trade, but they made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and beaver, but the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth and better commodities, and these had only a few beads and knives, which were not valued by the Indians. On her return home, at the very entrance into her own harbor, she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced to cut her main mast by the board to save herself from driving on to the flats that lie outside, called Brown Islands, the force of the gale being so great that her anchors gave way, and she was being driven right upon them, but when her mast and tackling were gone, they were able to hold her till the wind shifted. CHAPTER V The time for the election of the officers for the year having come, the number of people having increased, and the business of government accordingly, the governor desired them to change the officials and renew the election, and give the governor more assistance for his help and advice, pointing out that if it was an honour or advantage it was only fit that others should share it. If it was a burden, as doubtless it was, it was but fair that others should help to bear it, and that this in fact was the purpose of the annual elections. The outcome was that whereas before there had been only one assistant they now chose five, giving the governor a double voice, and afterwards they increased them to seven. This plan has been continued to this day. Coming at some trouble and expense, new masted and rigged their penis, in the beginning of March they sent her well-victualed to the eastward fishing. She arrived safely at a place called Damaris Cove, and was well harboured where ships were accustomed to anchor, with some other ships from England already there. But shortly after there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, that the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat such a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have been driven through, and then she drifted into deep water where she lay sunk. The captain was drowned, the rest of the men, except one, with difficulties saved their lives. All her provisions, salt, etc., were lost, and here I must leave her to lie till afterwards. Some of those who still remained here on private venture began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the community. The governor consulted with the ablest members of the colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate on the same terms as the other private settlers, with the additional stipulation that they should be bound to remain here till the general partnership was concluded, and that they should pay into the common store one half of all the goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred for them, and some other similar details. When this liberty was granted the defection soon stopped, for but few took this course when they came to consider it, and the rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that they had been told by the other private settlers and Mr Weston that no more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that the private settlers had friends at home who would do I know not what for them. Shortly after Mr Winslow returned from England and brought a pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship sent for fishing, an enterprise never successful with the colony, he brought three heifers and a bull, the first cattle in the country, some clothing and other necessaries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers against the colonists, and especially against sending the rest from Leiden. He related with what difficulty the present supply was procured, and that by their strong and long opposition his departure had been so delayed that not only had they now arrived too late for the fishing season here, but the best fishermen had gone to the West country, and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he could procure. Some letters from the adventurers will make these things clearer. James Shirley in England, to the settlers at New Plymouth. Most worthy and loving friends. Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks. It has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise new stock for fitting out this ship called the Charity, with men and necessaries both for the settlement and fishing, though with very great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who undoubtedly serve their private ends, and thwart the others here and worthy instruments of God's glory elsewhere, rather than aiming at the general good and furtherance of this noble enterprise. Still we have many others, I hope the majority, very honest Christian men, whose intent I am convinced is wholly for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of his gospel, and the hope of gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of God. But as the proverb says, one scabbed sheep may mar a whole flock, so these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they can to draw men's hearts from you and your friends, and from the general business, even with a show of godliness and zeal for the plantation. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the honest-hearted men, though lately of their faction, made clear at our last meeting, but why should I trouble either you or myself with these restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, will be continual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On Thursday, January 8, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us, at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you to grant in our recent letters, an addition to the period of our joint stock. Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled their conscience to exact longer time from you than had been agreed upon at first. That evening, however, they were so confused and wearied by their own perverse contentions that they even offered to sell their adventures, and some were willing to buy, but I, thinking it would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do us more harm, would not permit it. So on January 12 we had another meeting, but in the interim several of us had talked with most of them privately, and had great combats and reasoning pro and con. But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we had the friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies offered to put up fifty pounds. So I sent for a bottle of wine, I would you could do the like, which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn the hearts of men when it pleases him. Thus, loving friends, I heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, yours to my power, James Shirley. January 25, 1623. Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth Beloved Sir, we have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish three things—vis, fishing, salt-making, and boat-making. If you can master them, your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert yourselves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, and sent to Bilbao. You must send some incompetent representative, whom, once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The boat-builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and will no doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command over his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon as you can. The salt-maker is a skillful and industrious man. Put some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, though none of the most imminent and rare. About his appointment, use your own liberty and discretion. He knows he has no authority among you, though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget himself. Mr. Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy some here, and we see no reason against it except his large family of children. We have taken a patent for Cape Anne. I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters home. Some say you are starved in body and soul, others that you eat pigs and dogs that have died, others that the reports of the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so on. I wish such discontented men were back again rather than the whole plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better disposed. In the meantime it is our cross and we must bear it. I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have run into so much expense to victual this ship, provide salt, fishing implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship and the James will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God gives us rest from our labours. Farewell in all hearty affection, your assured friend, RC. January 24, 1623 With the former letter from Mr. Shirley we are sent various charges against the colony of which he writes thus. These are the chief objections which those just returned raise against you and the country. I pray you consider them and answer them at your first convenience. These objections were made by some of those who came over on private enterprise and had returned home as before mentioned. They were of the same kind as those the last letter mentions. I shall record them here with the answers made to them and sent over at the return of this ship. The fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed and others denied what they had said and ate their words. Some have since come over again and have lived here to convince themselves sufficiently. Objection 1. Diversity of Religious Beliefs Answer, we know of no such diversity, for there has never been any controversy either public or private to our knowledge since we came. Objection 2. Neglect of Family Duties on the Lord's Day Answer, we allow no such thing. They who report it would have showed their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of it kindly rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs, but to say no more we wish they themselves had given a better example. Objection 3. Want of Both the Sacraments Answer, the more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us at whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have the Lord's supper every sabbath and baptism as often as there were children to baptize. Objection 4. Children are not catechized or taught to read. Answer, neither is true. Several take pains with their own as well as they can. We have no common school for want of a fit person hitherto or means to obtain one, though we hope now to begin. Objection 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not work for the community. Answer, this also is not wholly true. For those some do it unwillingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst of them gets his own food and something besides. We do not excuse them, but try to reform them the best we can, or else quit the settlement of them. Objection 6. The Water is Not Wholesome Answer, if they mean not so wholesome as to good wine and beer in London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them, but for water it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it. Objection 7. The ground is barren and grows no grass. Answer, here as everywhere some ground is better, some worse. The cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be. We wish we had but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and know the contrary. Objection 8. The fish cannot be salted to keep them sweet. Answer, this is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to be seen or a fish to be caught. Things likely to be true in a country where so many ships come fishing yearly. They might as well say that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour. Objection 9. Many of them steal from one another. Answer, if London had been free from that crime we should not have been troubled with it here. It is well known that several have smarted well for it, and so are the rest likely to do whenever they are caught. Objection 10. The country is overrun with foxes and wolves. Answer, so are many other good countries too, but poison, traps and other such means will help to destroy them. Objection 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson's Bay and are likely to overthrow the trade. Answer, they would come and settle here as well, if we and others did not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend them than condemn them for it. Objection 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes. Answer, they are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations and colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would wish such to keep at home, at least till they be mosquito-proof. But this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be, and in the end scarcely any at all. Having dispatched these objections I will here insert two letters from Mr. Robinson, their pastor, the one to the governor, the other to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which will throw much light on what has gone before, and show the tender love and care of a true pastor towards them. John Robinson at Leiden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved, preserve and keep you still to his glory and the good of many, that his blessing may make your godly and wise endeavors equal to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here we have never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. Our love and care, too, and for you, is mutual, though our hopes of coming to you are small and weaker than ever, but of this at large in Mr. Brewster's letter, with whom you mutually communicate your letters, I know, as I desire, you may do these, etc. Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard at first by rumor, and since by more definite report, oh, how happy a thing had it been if you had converted some before you had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved it, I grant it, but upon what provocation from those heathenish Christians? Note, Mr. Weston's men, end note. Besides, you are not being magistrates over them, had to consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were by necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many I cannot see. Me thinks one or two principles should have been enough, according to the approved rule, the punishment to a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort you seriously to consider the disposition of your captain, whom I love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good has sent to you if you use him right. He is a man humble and meek among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, but if this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to fear that, on occasions of special provocation, there may be wanting that tenderness of the life of man made after God's image which is meat. It is also apt to be more glorious in men's eyes than pleasing in God's, or if it for Christians, to be a terror to poor barbarous peoples, and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world. I doubt not that you will take in good part these things that I write, and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we were present to communicate our mutual help, but seeing that cannot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and wait God's appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither money to send us, nor any great mind for us for the most part. They deny it to be any part of the agreement between us, that they should transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them till means come from you. My wife with me resolutes you and yours, unto him who is the same to his in all places, and near to them which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with you, resting, yours truly loving, John Robinson, Leiden, December 19, 1623. John Robinson at Leiden to William Brewster at New Plymouth. Loving and dear friend and brother, what I most desired of God for you, namely the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I most gladly hear of, and praise God for it, and I hope Mrs. Brewster's weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the coming of her daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former ships, which makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of our desired transportation. I call it desired rather than hoped for, for first there is no hope at all that I know or can conceive of, of any new stock being raised for that purpose, so that everything must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so many uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle, still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised to take its place. In order to understand this better, we must divide the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six, as I believe, are absolutely in favor of us, before all. Another five or six are openly our bitter adversaries. The rest, the main body, are I believe honest minded and friendly towards us, but they have other friends, namely the forward preachers, nearer to them than we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict with ours, they would rather advance than ours. Now, what a pull these men have with the professors, you know, and I am convinced that they, of all others, are unwilling I should be transported, especially such of them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing that if I go there, their market will be marred in many respects. As for these adversaries, if they have but half as much wit as malice, they will stop my going as soon as they see it as intended, and as one rest if jade can hinder, by hanging back more than two or three can draw forward, so it will be in this case. A clear proof of this they gave in your messenger's presence, binding the company to promise that none of the money now subscribed should be expended to help any of us over to you. Now as to the question propounded by you, I judge it not lawful for you, a ruling elder, Romans 12, 7, and 8, and First Timothy 5, 17, as distinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, to administer them, nor fitting if it were lawful. Whether any learned man will come out to you, I do not know, if so, you must concilium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and mine, your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the meanwhile, and always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty and faithful to the end. Amen. Your very loving brother, John Robinson, Leiden, December 20, 1623. These matters premised I will now proceed with my account of affairs here, but before I come to other things I must say a word about their planting this year. They felt the benefit of their last year's harvest, for by planting corn on their own account they managed, with a great deal of patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a saying of Seneca's, epistle 123, that an important part of liberty is a well-governed belly and patience in want. The settlers now began to consider corn more precious than silver, and those that had some to spare began to trade with the others for small things, by the quart, puddle and peck, etc., for they had no money, and if they had, corn was preferred to it. In order that they might raise their crops to better advantage, they made suit to the governor to have some land apportioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly lot, whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought under good culture one year would change hands the next, and others would reap the advantage, with the result that the manoring and culture of the land were neglected. It was well considered, and their request was granted. Every person was given one acre of land for them and theirs, and they were to have no more till the seven years had expired. It was all as near the town as possible, so that they might be kept close together for greater safety and better attention to the general employments. This often makes me think of what Pliny, Lib. 18, Cap. 2, says of the Romans' first beginnings in the time of Romulus, how everyone contented himself with two acres of land, and had no more assigned to them, and, Cap. 3, how it was thought a great public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of Rome, and long after the most generous present given to a captain, who had won a victory over their enemies, was as much ground as he could till in one day. In fact, a man was not considered a good but a dangerous citizen, who was not content with seven acres of land, and how they used to pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to do for many years until they got a mill. The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, and with her captain and crew was sent out fishing to Cape Anne, where they had got a patent as mentioned above. As the season was so far advanced, some of the planters were sent to help to build the landing stage to their own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness of the year, and more especially to the bad character of the captain, one baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did little but drink and guzzle, and consume time and victuals, most of the crew following his example, and though Mr. William Pierce was superintending the business and was to captain the ship home, he could do no good amongst them. The loss was great and would have been more, but that they did some trade for skins which was a help to them. The shipbuilder who had been sent out to the colony was an honest and very industrious man. He and his assistants quickly built two good strong shallops, which afterwards did them great service, and a strong lighter, and he had hewn timber for two catches when he fell sick with fever in the hot season of the year, and though he had the best attention the place could afford, he died. He was a very great loss, and they were very sorry for his death. But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great things in making salt works, so he was sent to seek out fit ground for the purpose, and after some search he told the governor that he had found a suitable place, with a good bottom to hold water, and otherwise very convenient, which he doubted not in a short time could be brought to perfection and yield them great profit, but he must have eight or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make sure the ground was good and otherwise suitable, and that he could bring it to perfection, otherwise he would incur great expense by employing himself and so many men. But he was, after some trial, so confident that he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house to receive the salt and for other promises. But in the end it all proved useless, so he found fault with the ground in which he said he had been mistaken, but if he might have the lighter to carry clay he was sure he could do it. Now though the governor and some others saw that this would come to little good, they had so many malignant spirits amongst them who, in their letters to the adventurers, would have blamed them for not letting him bring his work to perfection, and the man himself, who by his bold confidence and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, had so wound himself into the high esteem of some here that they decided to let him go on till everyone saw his vanity. In the end all he could do was to boil salt in pans, and yet tried to make those who worked with him believe there was a great mystery in it, and used to make them do unnecessary things as a blind until they saw through his deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Anne, and the pans were set up where the fishing was, but before the summer was out he had burnt the house, and the fire was so fierce that it spoiled the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that expensive business. The third person of importance mentioned in the letters was the minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John Leiford, of whom and whose doings I must be more lengthy, though I will abridge as much as I can. When this man first came ashore he saluted them with such reverence and humility as his seldom to be seen. Indeed he made them ashamed he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have kissed their hands if they had allowed him. He wept and shed many tears, blessing God who had brought him to see their faces, admiring what they had done in their need, as if he had been made all of love and was the humblest person in the world. And all the while, if we may judge by his after behavior, he was only like him mentioned in Psalm 1010, who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his might, or like that dissembling Ishmael, Jeremiah 61.6, who when he had slain Getalaya, went out weeping and met them who were coming to offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying, come to Getalaya when he meant to slay them. They gave him the best entertainment they could in all simplicity, and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had. And as the governor in all weighty affairs had consulted their elder, Mr. Brewster, and his assistants, so now he called Mr. Lieford, too, to the council with them on the most important matters. After a short time he desired to become a member of the church here, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his being entangled with many corruptions which had been a burden to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his people, with many similar expressions. I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who joined him in his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction among the private settlers, and an intelligentser to those in England. But now, since the coming of the ship with supplies, he opened his mind to some of the chief members here, and confessed that he had done them wrong, both by word and deed in writing thus to England. That he now saw the imminent hand of God was with them, which made his heart smite him, and he assured them that his friends in England should never use him against them again. He begged them that former things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one who desired to support them in every way, and such like expressions. Whether this was hypocrisy or some sudden pang of conviction, which I rather think, God only knows. However, they at once showed themselves ready to embrace him in all friendliness, and called him to the council with them on all the chief affairs without any distrust at all. Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and smooth amongst them, at which they rejoiced. But it did not last long, for both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could. No matter how vile or profane, they backed the delinquents in all they did so long as they would but uphold them and speak against the church here, so that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them. Thus they fed themselves and others with what they would accomplish in England through their friends there, bringing others as well as themselves into a fool's paradise. However, they could not be so secret but that much of their doings and sayings was discovered, though outwardly they still showed a fair face. At length when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered that Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters and could not forbear to communicate with his intimates, such things therefrom as made them laugh in their sleeves, thinking he had done their errands satisfactorily. The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how matters stood in England and what harm this might do, took a shallop and went out with the ship a leg or two to see, and called for Lyford's and Oldham's letters. Mr. William Pierce being captain of the ship, and knowing well the mischief they made both here and in England, afforded them all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of Lyford's letters, many of them long and full of slanders and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass but took copies of them, of some they sent true copies and kept the originals, lest he should deny that he had written them. Amongst them they found copies of two which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of these two letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at his coming away as the ship lay at Gravesend. They were lying sealed in the main cabin, and whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly mischief maker opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again, and not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, but adds in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations. The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, as they heard nothing, they were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing was known, and all had gone well for them, and that the governor had only gone to dispatch his own letters. The reason why the governor and the rest took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen, so that they might the better discover their intention and see who were their adherents. For, amongst others, they had found a letter from one of their Confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Leiford intended a reformation in Church and Commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship was gone they intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc. As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was so bad ascribed that his hand was scarcely legible, but he was as deeply involved as the other. So, thinking they were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at everything. Oldham being told off to stand watch according to order refused to come, calling the captain a beggarly rascal resisting him and drawing his knife on him, though he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, but had merely required him with all fairness to do his duty. The governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it, but Oldham ramped more like a furious beast than a man, and called them all traitors and rebels, and other such foul languages I am ashamed to remember. But after he had been clapped up a while, he came to himself, and with some slight punishment was let go upon his behavior pending further censure. But to cut things short at length it came to this, that Leiford with his accomplices, without speaking one word to either the governor, the church or the elder, withdrew themselves, and held a separate public meeting on the Lord's Day, and with many such insolent doings, too long to relate here, began to act publicly what they had been plotting privately. It was thought high time to prevent further mischief by calling them to account, so the governor called a court, and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged Leiford and Oldham with their guilt, but they were stubborn and resolutely denied the charges and required proof. The court first alleged that from what had been written to them from England, and from their practices here, it was evident they were plotting against them, and disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and church estate, which was most injurious to the colony, for both they and all the world knew that they had come here to enjoy liberty of conscience and the free use of God's ordinances, and for that end had ventured their lives and had already passed through so much hardship, and they and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings which was not small. They pointed out that Leiford for his part was sent over at their expense, and that both he and his large family were maintained by them, that he had joined the church and was a member of it, and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin was most unjust and perfidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over at his own expense, and were on their own resources, they had been received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek shelter and protection under its wings, being unable to stand alone. But as the hedgehog in the fable, whom the Coney on a stormy day invited in pity into her burrow, would not be content to share it with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor Coney out, so these men, with similar injustice, endeavored to do the like by those who entertained them. Leiford denied that he had anything to do with the people in England or knew their plans, and pretended similar ignorance of the other charges. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at which he was struck dumb. But Oldham began to rage furiously, that they had intercepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in very high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and mutinous manner called upon the people, saying, my masters, where are your hearts? Now show your courage, you have often complained to me so and so, now is the time, if you will do anything, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that everyone who, knowing his humor, had soothed and flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent uttered anything to him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he was disappointed, not a man opened his mouth, for all were struck silent by the injustice of the thing. Then the governor turned to Mr. Leiford and asked him if they thought he had done wrong to open his letters, but he was silent and dare not say a word, knowing well what they might reply. Then the governor explained to the people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was bound to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to the colony. But Leiford, besides his misbehavior here, had dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent copies of them with disgraceful annotations to his friends in England. Then the governor produced them and his other letters under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them read before all the people, at which all his friends were blank and had not a word to say. It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here, they would almost fill a volume, though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the chief things from them with the answers to them as they were then given, as instances. One. He said that the church desired that no one should live here except its members, nor would anyone willingly do so if they had but company with which to live elsewhere. Answer. Their answer was that this was false in both its parts, for they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with them who would behave peaceably and seek the common good, or at least do them no harm, and that there were many who would not live elsewhere so long as they were permitted to live with them. Two. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters they soon disliked them, etc. Answer. Their answer was as before, that it was a columny, for they had many amongst them whom they liked well and were glad of their company, and should be of any such who came to them. Three. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from 2 Samuel 12.7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their teaching, in particular to special persons. Secondly, that great men must be reproved as well as humble. Answer. Their answer was that both these charges were without truth or color of truth, as was proved to his face, and that they had taught and believed this long before they knew Mr. Leiford. Four. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by this, they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell with them, or to exchange one commodity for another. Answer. This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold, or exchanged with them as often as they pleased, and also both lent and gave to them when they wanted. And this the private settlers themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse, for he was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the company's supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had arranged should be put in at his window in the night, and also for buying salt of one who had no right to it. Leiford not only backed this defaulter, who was one of these private settlers, by excusing and extenuating him, but upon this ground he built this mischievous and false slander, that because they would not suffer a private settler to buy stolen goods, ergo they sought their utter ruin, bad logic for a divine. Five, next he accused them of forcing men to become private settlers on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them and deprive them of all means of subsistence. Answer, to this it was answered he did them manifest wrong, for they had turned none upon their own resources who had not of their own importunity, and earnest desire urged and constrained them to do it. They appealed to the persons themselves for the truth of it, and they testified against him before all present, and that they had no cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage. Six, he accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it seemed strange that some should be allowed sixteen pounds of meal per week, and others only four pounds, and then adds, floutingly, it seems that some men's bellies and mouths are very little and slender compared with others. Answer, this might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he wrote his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for it, but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers had no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who came in the Anne, the August before, and had to live thirteen months on the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of meal and peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, when fish and fruits were to be got, they had only four pounds, being at liberty to make their own provisions in addition. But some of those who came last, such as the ship builder, the salt men, and others who were to follow constant employment and had not an hour's time from their labor to provide food besides their allowance, such workers had at first sixteen pounds allowed them, and afterwards, when fish and other food could be got, they had fourteen pounds, twelve pounds, or some of them eight pounds as occasion required. But those who had time to plant corn for themselves, even though they received but four pounds of meal a week from the store, lived better than the others as was well known, and it must be remembered that Lyford and his family had always the highest allowance. He accused them of many other things in his letters, such as of great waste of tools and utensils, though he knew that an honest man was appointed to look after these very things, and of this when it came to be examined, all the instances he could give was, that he had seen an old hog-head or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left carelessly in the fields, but he had written such things as these to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them, thinking that what came from a minister would pass for true. He told them that Winslow had said that there were not above seven of the adventurers, who sought the good of the colony, and he ended by saying that the faction here matched the Jesuits for cunning. Finally he gave his friends advice and directions. One, first that the Leiden Company, Mr. Robinson and the rest, must still be kept back or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship, Mr. William Pierce, and put someone else in Winslow's place as agent or it could not be prevented. Two, he would have such further settlers shipped over as would outnumber those here. The private settlers should have votes in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office, and every private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be only a servant, someone else investing the necessary ten pounds, the bill being taken out in the servant's name, and then assigned to the party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between them for the purpose. These things said he would be the means of strengthening the private settlers. Three, he told them that if that captain they spoke of came over to take command, he was sure he would be elected, for this captain Standish looks like a silly boy and is in utter contempt. Four, then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they could not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or four miles, and showing that there were far better places for a settlement than this. Five, lastly he concluded that if neither of these things were accomplished they must join the main body here per force. Then he added, since I began to write some letters have come from your company giving sole authority in various things to the Governor here, which if it take place, then they know best. But I hope you will be more vigilant hereafter that nothing may pass in such a manner. I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things. I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc. I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and shall now return to their proceedings with him. After reading his letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say in defence, but all the answer he made was that Billington and some others had informed him of many things and had made sundry complaints which they now denied. He was asked if that was sufficient ground for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by letter, never saying a word to his colleagues of the council, and so they went on from point to point, and demanded that neither he nor his confederates should spare them if they had any proof or witness of wrongdoing on their part. He said he had been misinformed and so had wronged them, and this was all the answer they could get, for none would take his part and Billington and others whom he named denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and that on the other hand he would have drawn them to such and such things which they had declined to do, though they had sometimes attended his meetings. Then they taxed him with dissembling about the church, professing to concur with them in everything, and with the large confession he made at his admittance, not considering himself a minister till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated himself from them, and drew a number away and would administer the sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking a word to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. In conclusion he was fully convicted, and, bursting into tears, confessed. He feared he was a reprobate. His sins were so great he doubted if God would pardon them. He was unsavory salt, etc. He had so wronged them that he could never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against them was false and empty, both in matter and manner, and all this as completely as words and tears could express. After their trial and conviction the court censured them to be expelled the place, old him at once, though his wife and family had leave to stay all the winter or longer, till he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Lyford had leave to stay six months, with some eye to remission of the sentence if he behaved himself well in the meantime, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was far less than he deserved. Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly with tears in the church more fully than before. I shall here record it taken down in his own words. He acknowledged that he had done very evil and had slanderously abused them. He had thought that most of the people would take part with him, and he would carry all with a strong hand against them, that God might justly lay innocent blood to his charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his writings, and blessed God they were intercepted. He had listened to any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all good, and if God should make him a vagabond on the earth as was Cain, it was but just, for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. He confessed three things to be the cause of his doings, pride, vain glory, and self-love, amplifying these generalities with many other sad expressions in particular. They began to conceive well of him again after his repentance, and admitted him to preach amongst them as before, and Samuel Fuller, a deacon, and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken in by his signs of sorrow and repentance that they said they would fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed. But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze all others who come to hear of it, for a rarer precedent can hardly be shown, was that after a month or two not withstanding all his former convictions, confessions, and public acknowledgements, both in the face of the church and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures of himself before God and man, he should try again to justify what he had done. For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers in England, in which he justified all his former writings, except as regards some things in which he had disparaged them, which, as it is briefer than the former, I will hear insert. One life were at new Plymouth to the adventurers in England. Worthy sirs, though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth may not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor injurious dealings be continued, with bold outfacings I have ventured once more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt very indiscreetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote to private friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the like, which I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to it by seeing the indiscreet courses of others, both here and with you there, for effecting their designs, but I am heartily sorry for it, and due to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The said letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under sentence of banishment, and but for the respect I have for you, and some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnest to England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive better encouragement from you than from the Church, as they call themselves here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I came, so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the place, though they are very poor, and they have changed my wages ten times already. I suppose my letters, or at least copies of them, came into your hands, as they hear report. If so, pray take notice of this, that I have written nothing but what is certainly true, and could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not to make myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the care of whom in part belongs to you, and to our destitute of the means of salvation. The Church itself is well provided for, the members forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the ministry, believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry for the conversion of those outside the Church, so that some of the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was centred for preaching to all in general, though in reality they have had no ministry here since they came, but such as might be performed by any of you whatever pretenses they make, but they equivocate about this as about many other things, but I exceed the bounds I set myself, therefore awaiting further from you, if it come within the time limited me, I rest, etc., remaining yours ever, John Leiford, Exile, August 22, 1624. They made brief answer to some things in this letter, but referred chiefly to their former one to this effect, that if God in his providence had not brought all this to their notice, they might have been traduced, abused, columnated, overthrown, and undone, and never have known by whom or for what. They desired but this just favor, that the adventurers would be pleased to hear their defense, as well as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice and reason, and then censure as they pleased. I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not longer than was necessary, but I will revert to other things. He returned to the pennice left sunk near Damaris Cove. Some of the fishing-boats' captains said it was a pity that so fine a vessel should be lost, and sent them word that if they would bear the expense they would show them how to float her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sent men for the purpose and beaver to defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim I know not how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and hauled her ashore with many hands in a convenient place where she could be worked at, and then set several carpenters to work at her, and others to saw planks, and at last fitted her and got her home. But it cost a great deal of money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails for her, both now and when she lost her mast before. So she proved an expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter in great secrecy, but the party entrusted with it gave it to the governor. The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits without any special matter worth noting, except that many who before stood somewhat aloof from the church, now seeing Lyford's unjust dealing and malignity, came forward and were made members, stating that it was not out of dislike of anything that they had stood off so long, but a desire to fit themselves better for such a state, and that they now saw that the Lord called for their help. And so these troubles produced an effect on several here quite contrary to what their adversaries had hoped, and it was recognized as a great work of God, to draw him into him by unlikely means, and such as, in reason, might have been calculated to alienate them, and thus I shall end this year. CHAPTER VI At the spring of the year, about the time of their elections, Oldham came back again, and though his sentence forbade his return without obtaining leave, his effrontery and the ill counsel of others led him to ignore it, and at the same time to give reign to his unruly passion beyond all reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with him were ashamed at his outrage, and rebuked him, but all reproofs were but as oil to the fire, and inflamed his anger the more. He called them all good for nothings, and a hundred rebels and traitors, and I know not what. So they locked him up till he was tamer, and then he was made to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was ordered to give him a thump on the breach with the butt end of his musket. Then he was conveyed to the waterside, where a boat was ready to take him away, and they bid him go and mend his manners. Whilst this was going on, Mr. William Pierce and Mr. Winslow came up from the shore, having arrived from England, but the others were so busy with Oldham that they never saw them until they thus came upon them. They told them not to spare either him or Leiford, for both had behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will hear briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the removal of his family he encountered difficulties, and about a year afterwards, towards winter he sailed for Virginia. But it pleased God that the ship was in great danger, and he and the other passengers despaired of life, many resorting to prayer and the examination of their consciences, and confession of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham then made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had done to the people and the church here, saying that, as he had sought their ruin, so God had now met with him and might destroy him. I, and he feared they all fared worse on account of his presence. He prayed God to forgive him, and made vows that if the Lord spared his life he would repent. This I learned by reliable report of some who are still living at the bay, and themselves shared the dangers of the shoals of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their voyage, and ever after Oldham behaved decently to them, acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his peace with them that after a time he had liberty to come and go at his pleasure. He went afterwards to Virginia, and there fell very ill, but he recovered and came back again to his family at the bay, and lived there till many people had come over, at length going trading in a small vessel among the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that were related to him were saved, though injured, and the vessel was recovered from the Indians by another inhabitant of the bay of Massachusetts. Oldham's death was in fact one cause of the subsequent Pequot War. Now as to Mr. Lyford, his time having expired his sentence was to be carried out. He was so far from fulfilling their hopes of amendment that he had doubled his offence as shown. But behold the hand of God upon him wherein the psalmist is verified, Psalm 715, he hath made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the pit he made. He thought to bring disgrace upon them, but instead he discloses his own shame to all the world. When he was confronted with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his doings that she could no longer conceal her grief, and opened her mind to one of the deacons and some of her friends, and later to Mr. Pierce on his arrival. She said that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon the family because of her husband, and now that they were able to remove she feared she would fall into the Indians' hands, and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women, recalling God's threatened judgment upon David, 2 Samuel 1211, I will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house, and will take thy wives before thine eyes, and give them unto thy neighbor. Then she disclosed how he had wronged her, and that he had abastered by another woman before they were married. She had had some inkling of it while he was courting her, and told him what she had heard rumoured, but he not only stiffly denied it, but to satisfy her took a solemn oath, so she consented to marry him. Afterwards she found it was true, and reminded him of his oath, but he prayed her to pardon him, and pleaded that otherwise he would not have won her, and yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but he would be meddling with them, and sometimes she had taken him in the act. The woman was a respectable matron of good behavior all the while she was here, and spoke out of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly but circumstantially. What seemed to affect her most was his easy repentances, followed by a speedy return to the old paths. This was all borne out of the reports of Mr. Winslow and Mr. Pierce on their return. Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the same trouble with Lyford's friends in England as with himself and his friends here, his adherents crying out that to deal thus with the minister and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further meeting of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to choose two eminent men as arbitrators. Lyford's faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, the others chose the reverend Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the meantime God in his providence had disclosed Lyford's evil career in Ireland to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr. Winslow and mentioned two godly witnesses who would testify upon their oath. The fact was that when Lyford was in Ireland he had wound himself into the esteem of several worthy reformers who, burdened with the ceremonies in England, found greater liberty of conscience there. Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence, and amongst others there was an honest young man who intended to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things, before he suffered his affection to run too far, he resolved to take Mr. Lyford's advice and judgment about the girl, since he was the minister of the place, and so spoke of it to him. He promised to inform him faithfully, but wished to get to know her better first and have some private talk with her. In conclusion he recommended her highly to the young man as a very fit wife for him, so they were married. But some time afterwards the woman was much troubled in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weep and mourn, and it was long before her husband could find out the cause. But at length she told him, praying him to forgive her, that Lyford had overcome her and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I forbear, suffice it, that though he had satisfied his lust upon her, he endeavored to hinder conception. The young husband then took some godly friends with him to confront Lyford with this charge. At length he confessed it with a great deal of seeming repentance and sorrow, but he was forced to leave Ireland, partly for shame and partly for fear of further punishment. And so, coming to England, unhappily he was hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony, and sent out to them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his recent offenses there gave them cause enough to deal with him as they had done, but these disclosures made him unfit ever to bear ministry any more, what repentance so ever he should pretend. From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the bay of the Massachusetts, where Oldham lived with some of his friends. Thence he removed to Nomkeg, since called Salem, but later, whether for hope of greater profit or what I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to him, and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died, and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards returned to this country, thus much of this matter. Though the storm had blown over, the effects which followed it were serious. For the company of adventurers broke up in consequence, and the majority wholly deserted the colony as regards any further supplies. Furthermore, some of Lyford's and Oldham's friends fitted out a fishing-ship on their account, and arriving ahead of the ships that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing at Cape Anne, the year before at great expense, and would not restore it unless they would fight for it. However, the governor decided to send some of the settlers to help the fishermen build a new one, and let them keep it. This fishing-ship also brought Lyford's and Oldham's contingent some supplies, but of little value. But they were unsuccessful in their fishing, and they could make no return for the supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England never looked after them again. This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their reasons for having abandoned the colony, and offers of reuniting again upon certain conditions. They are long and tedious, and most of them have already been touched upon. Their answer was in part as follows. In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold with and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed Churches as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according to our means in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us to the French practices in every detail you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The apostle Paul would have none follow him, but wherein he followed Christ, much less ought any Christian or church in the world to do so. The French may err, we may err, and other churches may err, and doubtless do in many circumstances. The honor of infallibility, therefore, belongs only to the word of God and the pure testament of Christ, to be followed as the only rule and pattern for direction by all churches and Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or church to think that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom, as to be able to set down precisely a church's practices without error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter may digress or differ from them with impunity. Indeed it is not difficult to show that the Reformed Churches differ from each other in many details. The rest I omit for brevity's sake, and so leave these men and their doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers who were friends of the company and stuck to them. I will first insert some of their letters, for I think it best to render their minds in their own words. Letter to the colonists at New Plymouth, from the adventurers in England who remained friendly to them, to our loving friends, etc. Though what we feared has happened, and the evil we tried to avert has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friendship and fellowship of some years standing, and though its expression has been small, our hearty affection towards you, known by face, has been no less than to our nearest friends or even to ourselves, and though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom by a wonderful providence of God we are so nearly united, we have thought well to write and let you know what has happened here and the reasons for it, and our intentions and desires concerning you for the future. The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left to rethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your lives and our money be not lost. The causes of these alterations are as follows. First and mainly, the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of semen have incurred such heavy expenses for us, that we could not continue without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater and our associates had stuck together. Secondly there has been a faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you mainly for want of money, pretended to charge you with being brownists, etc., but how you or we ought to turn all this to account remains to be considered, for we know the hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish us hereby to see what is amiss. While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its feet again, and whatever else may be said, that your honesty and conscience remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence amidst your crosses and afflictions, and surely if you behave yourselves wisely and go on fairly you will need no other weapon to wound your adversaries, for when your righteousness is revealed as the light they who have causelessly sought your overthrow shall cover their faces with shame. We think it only right that everything belonging to the common stock shall be kept together and increased rather than disbursed for any private ends whatever, and that after your necessities are met you shall send over such commodities as the country affords to pay the debts and clear the engagements here which amount to not less than fourteen hundred pounds. Let us all endeavor to keep an honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and what God in his providence will work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people who must make the settlement a success when all others fail and return, and your experience of God's providence and preservation of you is such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your friends should forsake you, which we ourselves will not do whilst we live, and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged. We have sent you some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather, etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange for commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably. Pluck up your spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may continue, for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good of our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to live the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land or eating the fruit of a grown tree. With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves this 18th of December, 1624, your assured friends to our power, J. S., W. C., T. F., R. H., etc. This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at this time. They bought the goods, but at dear rates. The adventurers put forty percent on them for profit and risk outward bound, and for risk on the goods sent back in payment homeward bound, they added another thirty percent, in all seventy percent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and to oppressive, considering the case of the purchasers. The cattle were most valuable, the other things were neither of the best quality nor at the best prices. They also sent over two fishing ships on their own account. One was the Penis, which was wrecked the previous year here and saved by the planters, and which, after she reached home, was attached by one of the company for a private debt, and had now been sent out again on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted, with an experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to make a fishing-cruise, and then to go to Bilbao or Sebastian to sell her fish. The Penis was ordered to load with corfish, and to bring home to England the beaver received for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship was well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would have yielded eighteen hundred pounds. But as there was a rumour of war with France, the captain feared to carry out his orders, and on getting over put first into Plymouth and afterwards into Portsmouth, and so met with a heavy loss being obliged to sell at lower prices. The Penis met with no better success. She was laden with a cargo of corfish caught on the banks as full as she could float, and besides she had some eight hundred pounds of beaver as well as other furs to a good value from the plantation. The captain, seeing so much lading, wished to put aboard the bigger ship for greater safety. But as Mr. Winslow, their agent in the business, was bound in a bond of five hundred pounds to send it to London in the small ship, there was some discussion between the captain and him about it. But he told the captain he must obey his orders about it or ignore them at his peril, so the furs went in the small ship and he sent bills of lading in both. The captain of the big ship was so careful, both vessels being so well laden, that he towed the small ship at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully home together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her off till they were well within the English Channel, almost in sight of Plymouth, but even there she was unhappily taken by a Turkish man of war, and carried off to Saller, where the captain and crew were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sold for four pints apiece. Thus all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant to carry home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought this was the hand of God in punishment for their too great exaction of the poor colony. But God's judgments are unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. However it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them. In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from the settlement, with instructions and letters both to their friends of the company, and to the Honourable Council of New England. They requested the company, since they only meant to let them have goods for sale, that they might have them upon easier terms, as they would never be able to bear such high interest, or allow so much percent, and that they should send goods which were useful and suitable to them. They wished the company to be informed of the contents of the letter to the Council of New England. This letter sought the Council's favour and help, and asked that the adventurers who had forsaken them might be brought to order, and not keep the colony bound while they themselves went free, and that they might either stand by their former agreement, or else reach some fair conclusion, by dividend or composition. But he arrived at a very bad time, for the country was full of trouble, and the plague very deadly in London, so that no business could be done. However, he spoke with some of the Honoured Council, who promised all possible help to the colony. Several of the friendly adventurers were so reduced by their losses last year, and now by the ship taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on their fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly of the plague, that all trade was dead and little money was available, so that with great difficulty he raised one hundred fifty pounds, and spent a good deal of it in expenses at fifty percent, which he expended on trading goods and such other commodities as he knew they needed. He returned as passenger on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers. In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to bless their labours that they had sufficient corn, and some to spare for others besides other food. After harvest this year, they sent out a boatload of corn forty or fifty leagues to the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The boat they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had built them the year before, for they had nothing bigger. They laid a little deck over her midships to keep the corn dry, but the men had to make the best of all weathers without shelter, and that time of the year it began to be rough. But God preserved them and gave them success. They brought home seven hundred pounds worth of beaver, besides some other furs, having little or nothing else for trading with but this corn which they themselves had raised out of the earth. This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the old standards, for they had no sailors. Book 2, Chapter 6