 Part 13 of the works of Salist. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by Alan Brown. Works of Gaius Celestius Crispus, translated by Alfred W. Pollard, Jagerthine War, Part 4. As the eloquence of Mimeus was at that period renowned and influential in Rome, I have thought it well to set forth one of his numerous speeches, and I shall report by preference one which he delivered at a public meeting after the return of Bestia, somewhat as follows. There is much, Romans, to dissuade me from espousing your cause, were it not that my patriotism is proof against every attack. There is the power of a cabal, your own submissiveness, the absence of justice, and above all the fact that political honesty involves more danger than recognition. I refrain for very shame from dilating on how for the last fifteen years you have been the sport of an arrogant faction, how your champions have perished shamefully and unevenged, how you have suffered cowardice and sloth to weaken your courage, and even now do not rise against your enemies, though they lie at your mercy, even now tremble before men who ought to tremble before you. All this is as I have said, and yet my spirit forces me to oppose the tyranny of the cabal. I, at least, will make use of the freedom which was bequeathed to me by my father, whether in vain or to some purpose, it lies with you to determine. I do not advise you to do as your ancestors often did, and to take up arms against your wrongs. There is no need for violence, no need for secession. Your enemy's own behavior is certain to work their ruin. After the murder of Tiberius Grocus, whom they accused of aiming at kingly power, they set their commissions to work against the party of the commons in Rome. Again, after the slaughter of Gaius Grocus in Marcus Fulvius, many men of your station were put to death in prison, and in neither case was it the law but the victor's caprice that brought the massacre to an end. Let us grant, however, that to give the people back its own is equivalent to aiming at kingly power, and that deeds that cannot be avenged without bloodshed are constitutionally done. In former years you chafed in silence at the sight of the treasury being rifled of kings and free people paying tribute to a clique of nobles, of the highest glory and the greatest riches being confined to them. Now, not satisfied with having committed these crimes with impunity, they have even presumed to betray to the enemy the laws, your dignity, things human and things divine in fine hour all. And the men who have done these things feel neither shame nor repentance. They flaunt their splendor before your eyes, displaying their priesthoods and their consulships and some their triumphs, as if they held them as honors to which they were entitled, not as spoils they had seized. Slaves that are bought for money rebel at unjust commands of their masters. Will you, Romans, who are born to rule, patiently submit to servitude? But what manner of men are these who have taken possession of the state? They are the most wicked of mortals, men of blood-stained hands and monstrous avarice, the most criminal and arrogant of their kind, men who would sell their word, their loyalty, their affections and seek a profit alike from honor and from shame. Some of them find their safety in having murdered tribunes of the people, others in having held oppressive trials, many in the slaughter of your class. The worse their crimes, the greater their safety, the fears that they should feel for their own guilt they have inspired in you in your cowardice. Common desires, common hatreds and common fears have united them together in an alliance which between good men would be friendship, but between bad is a cabal. Where but your anxiety for your freedom equal to their zeal for power the state would assuredly not be the prey it now is, and your benefits would be enjoyed by your best men, not by your boldest criminals, to win their rights and establish their dignity your ancestors, twice seceded in arms and seized Mount Aventine. Will you not strive to the utmost of your power to maintain the liberty which he received from them? Will you not strive for it with a vigor made fiercer by the thought that is more shameful to lose a possession once one then never to have gained it? But what do you propose, someone will ask me, ought we to take vengeance on the men who have betrayed the state to its enemy? Not I answer by force or by violence which is more disgraceful for you to use than for them to suffer, but by legal trial and the witness of Jigurtha himself, for if he has really surrendered he will undoubtedly pay obedience to your commands. If he despises them you will know how to judge of the peace and surrender which has secured to Jigurtha impunity for his crimes. Immense sums to a few powerful men and to the state nothing but loss and dishonor. Perhaps, however, you have not even yet had enough of their tyranny and like the present times less than the days of old when kingdoms and provinces, law, justice and judgment, peace and war and all things both human and divine were held in the hands of a petty class, while you, you who are the Roman people, conquered by no enemy, the lords of every race, thought it enough if you kept your lives for who among you dared to refuse the yoke of slavery? But despite my belief that for one who bears the name of man to sit quiet, beneath a wrong is the deepest disgrace, I would yet be content that you should pardon these, the wickedest of their race since they are your fellow citizens, were it not that your compassion would turn to your own destruction. So great is these men's shamelessness that it will not be enough that you have forgiven their offenses in the past. You must also deprive them of the power of offending in the future, if you do not you will be kept in constant anxiety, for you will discover that you must either submit to slavery or keep your freedom by means of force. Of force, I say, for what hope is there of mutual trust to concord? They wish to rule you to be free, they to inflict wrong, you to prevent it. While finally they treat your allies as enemies and your enemies as allies. With purposes so different, can there be either friendship or peace? I therefore warn and urge you not to allow so great a crime to go unpunished. This is no case of fraud on the treasury or of money extorted by force from your allies. Heavy crimes as these are, custom by this time, has taught us to count them mere nothings. No, it is the powers of the Senate that have been sold to our bitterest enemy. Your sovereign rights have been betrayed, at home and abroad. Our country has been bought and sold. If these things be not inquired into, if the guilty go unpunished, what is there left for us but to live in bondage to the men who have done them? For what is kingship but the power to work your will with impunity? I do not, however, exhort you, queery taste, to be glad that fellow citizens have done the wrong rather than the right. I only exhort you not to set about destroying the good by pardoning the bad. In matters of state I must add it is much better to be forgetful of a service than of an injury. Neglect only makes the good man slower to serve you. It makes the bad worse than he was before. See to it that none do you wrong, and you will not often stand in need of others' help. By frequent speeches to this and the like effect, Memmius persuaded the people to dispatch Lucius Cassius, then Pretor, to bring Jagertha to Rome, pledging the public word for his safety, in order that by the king's testimony the misconduct of Scourus and the others who were arraigned for receiving bribes might be more easily exposed. While this was going on at Rome, the officers left by Bestia, in command of the army in Numidia, committed many scandalous crimes in imitation of their general. Some on receipt of bribes restored his elephants to Jagertha, others sold him his deserters, others again plundered friendly lands, so violent was the avarice which had settled like a plague upon their minds. Gaius Memmius carried his bill and amid the dismay of the whole nobility, Cassius set out on his mission to Jagertha, finding the king full of fear and prompted by his guilty conscience to despair. He persuaded him, since he had surrendered to the Roman people, not to prefer to learn their might rather than their clemency. For his safety, moreover, he privately pledged his own word which such at that time was Cassius's reputation. The king valued as highly as that of the people. Jagertha therefore came to Rome with Cassius in a guise so pitiful as to be the very opposite of royal state. He had himself no lack of courage and was supported by all those whose influence or crimes had enabled him to accomplish all that I have above narrated. Nevertheless, he bought with a great bribe Gaius Bibius, a tribune of the commons, thinking that by his shamelessness he would be protected against both justice and violence. A public meeting was summoned and the commons showed themselves very hostile to the king. Some bidding him be put in chains, others that punishment should be inflicted on him as an enemy, according to ancient custom, unless he revealed who were his accomplices. Gaius Bibius, however, had more regard for their dignity than their wrath, quieted their commotion, softened their passions, and finally protested that as far as he was concerned the public word should not be broken. As soon as silence was gained he brought forward Jagertha and addressed him, reminding him of his misdeeds in Rome and Numidia, and laying before him the crimes he had committed against his father and brothers. The Roman people, he continued, were not ignorant as to who were his helpers and agents in all this. They wished, however, to have it somewhat more clearly stated from his own mouth. Should he reveal the truth, there rested a great hope for him in the honour and merciful disposition of the Roman people. Should he withhold the information he would not save his accomplices, but would ruin himself and his own hopes, Mimeus finished his speech and a Jagertha was ordered to make answer, when Gaius Bibius, the tribune of the commons, whose corruption I have mentioned, ordered the king to be silent, and although the crowd, which was present at the meeting, in a frenzy of rage tried to terrify him by shouts, by gestures, by frequent assaults, and by every other abolition which anger is wont to produce, his shamelessness nevertheless won the day. The people quitted the meeting where they had been thus mocked, and the Jagertha, Bestia and the others whom the investigation was disquieting felt their courage increase. There was at this time in Rome a certain Numidian by name Massiva, a son of Golusa, and grandson of Massinissa. In the struggle between the kings he had opposed Jagertha, and on the surrender of Serta, and to the murder of Adherbal, had fled from his country into exile. Spurious Albinus, consul with Quintus Menusius Rufus, in the year after Bestia, now persuaded him, since he was of the stock of Massinissa, and at Jagertha for his crimes, was loaded with odium and fear to beg the kingdom of Numidia from the Senate. The consul was eager to conduct a war, and so preferred a general agitation to letting the matter lose its interest, for the province of Numidia had fallen to himself, that of Macedonia to Menusius. On Massiva, beginning to stir in the matter, Jagertha, who found no sufficient defense in his friends, some of whom were embarrassed by their consciousness of guilt, others by their ill repute, or their own fears, ordered Bommel Carr, his most intimate and trusty attendant, to employ the bribery by which he had accomplished so much, in hiring assassins to attack Massiva, and to kill the Numidian secretly if he could, or failing this by any means whatever. Bommel Carr speedily carried out the king's commands, and by means of men, skilled in such business, gained information as to his victims' journeys and departures, and in fine as to all the places he was in the habit of frequenting, and the hours which he observed. He then directed the attack as the circumstances made advisable. One of the band who were hired to commit the murder rushed upon Massiva somewhat hastily, and though he cut him down, was himself seized. At the instance of many advisers, and especially of the consul, Albinus, this man turned in former, and Bommel Carr was made to stand a trial, rather on considerations of equity than by the law of nations, since he was in attendance on one who had come to Rome under the public guarantee. Though detected in so great a crime, Jugurtha did not abandon the struggle against facts, until he perceived that the odium of his deed was too great for either influence or money to overcome. On the first hearing of the case, he had given fifty sureties from among his friends, but now, thinking more of his kingdom than his sureties, he privily dispatched Bommel Carr to Numidia, in the fear that, should he be punished, the rest of his accomplices might be seized with the dread of obeying him. A few days afterwards, he himself set out on the same journey as he was commanded by the Senate to leave Italy. When he had passed out of Rome, he is said, after often looking back on it in silence, at last to have cried, a city for sale soon to fall if once it find a buyer. Meanwhile the war had been resumed, and Albinus hastened to convey to Africa provisions and pay and other requisites for his soldier's use. He himself set out immediately, hoping either by arms, a capitulation, or some other means to finish the war before the date of the elections, which was now not far distant. Jugurtha, on the other hand, pursued a policy of delay, assigning now one cause and now another, promising to surrender and then, pretending distrust, retreating before Albinus's advance, and a little while after to keep his followers from despair, himself advancing. Thus now by warlike, now by peaceful means, he secured delay and baffled the consul. Some at the time thought that Albinus was privy to the king's design, and refused to believe that a war so vigorously begun was thus easily prolonged by sloth rather than treachery. Anyhow, time slipped away and the date of the elections drew near at hand. Albinus therefore left his brother, Aulus, as pro-pretor in the camp and departed for Rome. Just at this time at Rome, the state was being violently excited by dissensions among the tribunes, two of whom, Publius Lucullus and Lucius Aneus, were striving, despite the opposition of their colleagues, to extend their term of office. This disagreement prevented the elections being held throughout the year, and Aulus, who as I said above had been left as pro-pretor in the camp, was led by this delay to entertain a hope of either bringing the war to an end or extorting money from the king by the terror of his army. Summoning the soldiers from their winter quarters for a campaign in the month of January, he arrived by means of forced marches in most inclement weather at the town of Seuthel, where the king's treasures were deposited. The bitterness of the season and the natural advantages of the place made its storm or blockade impossible around its wall, which lay on the edge of a steep cliff, a swampy plain, had been turned by the rain into a lake. Yet Aulus, either as a pretense by which to increase the king's alarm or blinded by his eagerness to gain the town for the sake of the treasures, brought up a mantelitz, threw up a rampart and hastily made other provisions, such as might forward his undertaking. Aware of the folly and unskillfulness of the legate, Jagertha craftily fostered his madness, sent a succession of beseeching embassies and, as if to avoid him, kept leading his army amid forests and by-paths. At last he enticed Aulus by the hope of a secret agreement to leave Seuthel and follow him in his pretended retreat into remote regions. There his misconduct was to be more screened from observation. Meanwhile he employed skillful agents to tamper with the preter's army night and day and bribed the centurions and squadron leaders, some to desert, others at a given signal to abandon their post. When everything was arranged to his wish, in the dead of night he suddenly surrounded the camp of Aulus with a host of Numidians. The Roman soldiers were panic-stricken by the unwanted uproar, some seized their arms, others sought concealment, others again tried to encourage their frightened comrades. Everywhere there was confusion, the force of the enemy was large, the sky was darkened by night and clouds, their danger was critical. It was doubtful whether to flee or to remain was the safer course. Of those whom I stated to have been recently bribed, one cohort of Ligurians with two squadrons of Thracians and a few private soldiers deserted to the king, and the chief centurion of the third legion gave an entrance to the enemy over the rampart of which he had been entrusted with the defense. By this road all the Numidians burst into the camp. Our men in a disgraceful route, many of them after throwing away their arms, gained a neighboring hill, night and the plunder of the camp withheld the enemy from making use of their victory. On the next day Jugurtha in a conference with Aulus expressed himself to the effect that, although he held him and his army in the toils of famine and sword, he was yet mindful of human fortunes, and if Aulus would enter into a treaty would dismiss his whole force unharmed beneath the yoke with the furthest stipulation that he was to leave Numidia within ten days, the terms were grievous and shameful, nevertheless with the fear of death before their eyes, peace was concluded according to the king's pleasure. End of Jugurthian War Part 4 Part 14 of Works of Salus This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Alan Brown Works of Gaius Salustius Crispus, translated by Alfred W. Pollard Jugurthian War Part 5 When the information of this was received at Rome fear and grief fell upon the state, some sorrowed for the glory of their empire, others in their ignorance of the affairs of war feared for their freedom. Everyone, especially those who had often gained distinction in war, was bitter against Aulus for having, though possessed of arms, sought safety and dishonor rather than the sword. The consul Albinas, in his fear of odium and consequent danger from his brother's misconduct, consulted the Senate as to the peace. Meanwhile he levied reinforcements for the army, summoned contingents from the Allies and the Latin citizens, and in fact showed energy in every possible way. The Senate, as was their duty from the first, decreed that without the consent of itself and the people, no agreement could have had the force of a treaty. The consul was prevented by the tribunes of the people from taking the forces which he had levied with him, but started himself in a few days to Africa, for his entire army in accordance with the agreement had evacuated Numidia and was now in winter quarters in the province. He arrived there, burning to pursue Jagertha and so relieve his brother's unpopularity. But the sight of his soldiers disorganized, not only by their root, but by the disorder and luxury of a relaxed state of discipline, convinced him that with the means at his disposal nothing was to be done. Meanwhile at Rome, Gaius Manilius Limitanus, a tribune of the commons proposed to the people that an inquiry should be held as to all persons by whose advice Jagertha had disregarded the decrees of the Senate, who had received bribes from him when on embassies or military commands, or who had restored to him his elephants and deserters, and also as to all who had made agreements with an enemy either for peace or war, some in their consciousness of their guilt, others in their fear of danger from party hatred, finding themselves unable to openly resist the bill without arousing their favor for these and similar malpractices, prepared secretly to obstruct it by means of their friends, and particularly by the help of men from the Latin towns and the Italian allies. It is impossible, however, to relate with what determination and violence the commons supported the bill, and this such was the passion that possessed the contending parties, rather from hatred of the nobility against whom these penalties were aimed than from any patriotic feeling. While all the others were stricken with dismay, Marcus Scourus, who, as I related above, had been bestia's lieutenant, amid the triumph of the commons and the rout of his own party, in the confusion which still prevailed in the State, managed to have in themselves appointed one of the three judges created in accordance with the bill of Manilius. The inquiry, however, was conducted with harshness and violence according to the reports and caprices which prevailed among the commons, who at this crisis were possessed by the same insolence in their good fortune, as had so often governed the nobility in theirs. A few years before this, party divisions and cabals, with all the bad qualities they bring with them, had become common at Rome in a period of peace, and of the abundance of such things as men esteem the first of blessings. Down to the destruction of Carthage, the people and Senate of Rome between them administered the State peacefully and soberly. There was no strife among the citizens for glory or supremacy, and fear of its enemies kept the State to the exercise of honourable qualities. When, however, men's minds were relieved of this fear, as a natural consequence, wantonness and arrogance, the favourite vices of prosperity, made their appearance. Thus the repose for which amid their calamities they had longed proved when they had obtained it more troublesome and bitter than calamity itself. The nobility now made dignity, the people freedom, the objects of party passion, and everyone seized, plundered and robbed for his own hand. Thus everything was drawn to one or other side, and the State which had stood between them was torn asunder. Of the two parties the nobility were the stronger, owing to their power of common action. The force of the commons weakened and scattered in a multitude of hands was less effective. All action, both in war and in home affairs, was taken at the discretion of a clique. The same party controlled the treasury, the provinces and civil offices, and the awards of reputation and triumph. The people were ground down by military service and want. The spoils of war were seized by the generals and shared with a few accomplices, and meanwhile the parents and little children of the soldiers were thrust from their homesteads by their more powerful neighbours, hand in hand with power, avarice, unlimited and unrestrained, spread abroad and while it caused general pollution and devastation, held nothing as estimable, nothing as sacred until it worked its own ruin. As soon as members of the nobility were found to prefer true glory to unjust dominion, the State was shaken and civil strife sprang into being like some convulsion of the earth. Tiberius and Gaius grocus, men whose ancestors had done much to advance the State in the Punic and other wars, first asserted the liberty of the commons and exposed the crimes of the clique. The nobility in guilty terror opposed their proceedings at one time by means of the allies and their Latin citizens, at another by the Roman knights who had been drawn from the side of the commons by the hope of an alliance with themselves. First they cut off Tiberius and then a few years afterwards his brother Gaius, who was entering on the same course, the one a tribune, the other a commissioner for establishing colonies, and besides these they killed Marcus Fulvius Flaacus. The grocchi in their desire for victory had certainly shown a too intemperate disposition. It is better, however, to be defeated by a good precedent than to crush a wrong by means of a bad one. As it was, the nobility used their victory to indulge their own passion, made away with many persons by sword or banishment, and for the future gained in the terror they inspired rather than in real power. Such conduct has often proved the ruin of great states. Each party is ready to use any means to defeat the other and to punish the defeated too severely. But were I to set about treating of party passions and to the condition of public morals in any detail, or in proportion to the importance of the question, my time would fail me sooner than my material. I therefore return to my task. After the Treaty of Aulus and the disgraceful flight of our army, the consuls Quintus Metellus and Marcus Silanus, in accordance with the resolution of the Senate, had settled on their respective provinces, in that of Numidia had fallen to Metellus, a man of energy whose reputation, though he was an opponent of the popular party, was unshaken and unblemished. No sooner had he entered office than while accounting everything else as duties to be shared with his colleague, he concentrated his attention on the war which he was about to conduct. Placing little confidence in the old army he levied soldiers and summoned troops from all quarters, made ready armor, weapons, horses and other instruments of warfare, with an abundance of provisions, and everything in fact which in a war of variable character and of many requirements is wanted to be of service. The Senate by its influence, the Allies, Latin citizens and dependent kings, by freely sending contingents, and above all, the whole State, by the earnestness of its zeal used every exertion to complete these measures. When everything was prepared and arranged to his wish, the consul set out for Numidia amid the high hopes of the citizens, which were roused not only by his talents, but especially by the unswerving resolution with which he resisted the temptations of wealth, and by the fact that it was by the greed of our officers in Numidia that our strength had hitherto been crushed and that of our enemies augmented. On the arrival of Metellus in Africa he received from Spurious albinus, the proconsul, an indolent and cowardly army unable to bear either danger or toil, reddier of tongue than of hand, the spoiler of its allies and the spoil of its enemies, without government and without discipline. Thus more anxiety fell to the new general from the bad character of his soldiers than reinforcement or hope from their numbers. The delay of the elections had shortened his time for a campaign, and he suspected that the minds of the citizens were strained with expectation of some decisive action. Nevertheless he determined not to engage in active war before he had forced his men to endure toil by reviving the ancient discipline. Stunned by the defeat of his brother Aulus in his army, albinus, after coming to the determination not to advance beyond the province, for the part of the usual campaigning time during which he was in command, kept his soldiers as a rule in fixed camps except when the effluvium or a scarcity of food compelled him to change his position. These camps were not entrenched, nor were watches set according to military custom. The men left the standards at their own pleasure. Camp followers mingled with the soldiers and roamed about with them by day and night. In their excursions they wasted the land, plundered the country houses, vied with each other in carrying off cattle and slaves, and bartered them away to traders for foreign wine and the like, the corn with which the state supplied them they sold and bought their bread from day to day. Inside there is no shameful outcome of wantonness and sloth that words can express our imagination figure that was not to be found in that army, and more besides. I find, however, that Metellus showed his greatness and wisdom no less in this difficulty than in dealing with an enemy. With such self-command did he keep the mean between popularity-seeking and severity. As his first step he abolished by edict all the appliances of sloth, forbidding the sale in the camp of bread or any other cooked food, the presence of camp followers in the track of the army, or the possession by a common soldier of any slave or beast of burden either in the camp or on the march. On all other points he laid down strict rules. Moving along crossroads he shifted his camp from day to day, fortified it with rampart and trench, as if in presence of the enemy, set numerous watches and went the rounds in person with his officers. On the march he was now in the van, now in the rear, often too with the main body, and saw that no one left the ranks, that the soldiers marched in close order with the standards, and that each man carried his own food and arms. By this course of restraining, rather than punishing offenses, he soon gave stability to his army. Meanwhile, Jugurtha, on hearing the report of what Metellus was doing, and being assured from Rome of his integrity, despaired of his fortunes, and now at last tried to make a real surrender. With this object he sent an entreating embassy to the consul to beg only his life for himself and his children, and everything else they were to surrender to the Roman people. Experience, however, had long ago convinced Metellus that the Numidians were a faithless and unstable race, ever eager for change. He therefore approached the ambassadors independently of each other, and tampered with them by degrees. Finding them favorable to his purpose, he persuaded them, by large promises, to surrender Jugurtha to him, if possible, alive. But failing that, dead. Publicly he bade them take back an answer such as might satisfy the king. A few days later he invaded Numidia with an army prepared for fighting, and in hostile array. No signs of war were apparent. The cottages were occupied, cattle and husbandmen in the fields. The king's officers advanced from their towns and dwellings to meet him, ready to provide corn, convey provisions, and in fact do whatever they were ordered. Nonetheless Metellus advanced guardedly as if in the presence of an enemy, sent his scouts far and wide in every direction, and believed these marks of submission to be a mere show, and that an opportunity was being sought for a sudden attack. He himself, with the light cohorts and a chosen body of slingers and to bowmen, was in the front. In the rear his lieutenant Gaius Marius was in command with the cavalry. The auxiliary cavalry Metellus had divided between the two flanks, under the several tribunes of the legions and officers of the cohorts, in such a manner that skirmishers were mingled with it to repulse the cavalry of the enemy at whatever point it might attack. Such was the treachery of Jugurtha and such his acquaintance with both the country and with the art of war, that it was a question whether he were more dangerous, absent, or present, in peace or in war. Not far from the road along which Metellus was marching was a Numidian town named Vaga, the most frequented market of the whole kingdom, and here many Italians had been want to settle in trade. On this town the consul imposed a garrison, partly for the sake of seeing whether the inhabitants would submit to it, partly on account of the advantage of the place. He further demanded that they should bring in corn and other stores useful for the war, thinking as he had reason that the number of traders would both aid the army with provisions and would help to secure what he had already won. While Metellus was busied with this, Jugurtha, with increasing earnestness, was sending submissive embassies, treating for peace and offering to surrender everything except the lives of himself and his children. As he had done to their predecessors, the consul, before dismissing the ambassadors, suborned them to betray their master, neither refused nor promised the king the peace he promised, and amid these delays awaited the fulfillment of the ambassadors' promises. Jugurtha, when he came to compare the words of Metellus with his actions, perceived that he was being assailed with his own devices. As far as words went, peace was offered him, as a matter of fact the war was being hotly pressed. An important city had been won from him. The enemy had learnt the nature of the land and the loyalty of his countrymen had been tampered with. Forced by a necessity, he determined on a struggle. A knowledge of the enemy's root led him to hope for victory from the favourable nature of the ground, and, raising as great forces of every kind as he could, by means of little-known paths, he got the start of the army of Metellus. In the part of Numidia, of which Adherbal had gained possession at the time of the partition, there was a river named the Muthul, which took its rise from the south. Some twenty miles from this stream, and following the same direction, lay a barren and uncultivated mountain ridge, almost in its midst there rose a hill stretching to an immense distance, and clothed with wild olives, myrtles, and trees of such other kinds as grow in a dry and sandy soil. Between the hills and the Muthul was a plain, barren from water-water, except in the neighbourhood of the river, where it was planted with trees, and thickly occupied by cattle and husbandmen. On this hill, which, as I said, lay at right angles to the road, Jugurtha took up his position in a very extended line, giving Bomelkar the command of the elephants, and a part of his infantry he instructed him what to do, while he himself remained at a point nearer the mountain with the whole body of cavalry and the pick of the infantry, and there posted his men. Then, visiting several squadrons and companies, he urged and conjured them to be mindful of their ancient valor and of victory, and to shield himself and his kingdom against the greed of the Romans. The men, he said, against whom they had to fight were those whom they had formerly beaten and led beneath the yoke, and though they had changed their general, they had not changed their spirit. Everything which the Numidians had a right to expect from their commander he had provided, they would hold the higher ground. Their knowledge would be matched with inexperience. They would not join in conflict as a weaker force against stronger, or as raw recruits with men that are versed in war. They must therefore, he said, hold themselves ready and on the alert to burst upon the Romans at the given signal. That day would either crown all their toil and victories, or be the beginning of the greatest miseries. Besides this he addressed singly each man whom he had rewarded with money, or distinction for some war-like exploit, reminding him of his favor and pointing him out as an example to others. In fine he suited his words to each man's character and used the various incentives of promises, threats, and treaties. As he was thus engaged, Mattalis was seen descending the mountain with his army, unaware of the enemy's presence. At first he was baffled by the strange appearance of the country, for the cavalry and the Numidians had taken up their position in the brushwood, and owing to the loneliness of the trees were not altogether hidden, but yet were difficult to distinguish for what they were, as their own bodies and their military insons were masked, both designately and by the nature of their position. He soon, however, discovered the ambush in order to short halt. Changing his formation on the right flank, which was nearest the enemy, he drew up his line with a three-fold reserve, distributed slingers and bowmen among the companies, and placed all his cavalry on the wings. And, after a few words of suitable encouragement to his soldiers, led his force, in its new formation, with the front ranks at right angles, to the line of march, down to the level ground, he remarked that the Numidians remained quiet and did not descend to the hill, and in that season, and in the scarcity of water, felt a fear that his army should be exhausted by thirst. He therefore sent forward his lieutenant, Publius Retilius, with some light cohorts and a part of the cavalry towards the river to seize a position for a camp, expecting that the enemy would hinder his own advance by frequent charges and flank attacks, and, in their distrust of the sword, would try with the weariness and thirst, of his soldiers would avail them. He himself then made a gradual advance, such as his means and situation allowed. In the same order in which he had descended the hill, Marius was behind in command of the troops facing the enemy. He himself, with the cavalry of the left wing, which in the new order of marching, was become the van. End of Jagerthian War Part 5 Part 15 of Works of Salast This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Chester Works of Gaius Celustius Crispus Translated by Alfred W. Pollet Jagerthian War Part 6 As soon as Jagertha marked that Metellus' rear had passed his own front ranks, he occupied the hill, at the point where Metellus had descended, with a force of about 2,000 foot, so as to prevent it, serving as a refuge and subsequent stronghold to his adversaries in a retreat. He then suddenly gave the signal and rushed upon the enemy. Some of the Numadians cut down our rear ranks. Others assailed us on either flank. Everywhere the enemy was upon us, impressing us hard. The Roman ranks were thrown into disorder at every point, and even soldiers who had resisted the enemy with unusual resolution found themselves thwarted by the baffling nature of the fight. And while they were being wounded from a distance, had no means of striking a blow in return, were coming to close quarters. As often as one of our squadrons began to pursue, Jagertha's horsemen, according to their instructions, did not retreat any body or to any one place, but scattered themselves as widely as possible. They were superior in numbers, and whenever they had failed to deter the enemy from pursuit, surrounded them on their rear and flanks when their order was broken. When again, the hill offered a readyer retreat than the plains, the Numidian horses accustomed to such riding easily made their way amid the brushwood, while ours were held back by the rough and unusual nature of the ground. The whole engagement in its shameful and indecisive aspect was such as to arouse both shame and pity. Separated from their comrades, some retreated, others pursued, heedless of standards and ranks, each man made his stand where danger had overtaken him, and theirs tried to avert it. Swords and javelins, horses and men, folds and countrymen, were mangled in confusion. No plan was followed or order obeyed, chance was supreme overall. The fourth part of the day had passed in this way, and even yet the issue was uncertain. At last, when all were faint with toil and heat, Metellus marked that the onset of the Numidians was less vigorous and gradually getting his men together reformed their ranks and posted four cohorts of legionaries to resist the enemy's infantry, of which a great part out of sheer weariness had seated themselves on the higher ground. At the same time he begged and exhorted his men not to show themselves wanting, nor to suffer the fleeting enemy to win the day, reminding them that they had no camp or fortifications of any kind to which to retreat, and that all their hopes lay in their arms. Meanwhile, Eugirtha, on his side, did not remain inactive. He visited and encouraged his men, renewed the battle, and backed by his chosen followers, left no means of attack untried. He relieved his own troops and pressed on the enemy when they wavered. Where he saw them making a firm stand, he hampered them by distant assaults. Thus did the two generals, both of them men of high ability, vie with each other in their efforts. Personally they were a match, but the resources at their disposal were unequal. Mattelas could count on the courage of his troops, but the ground was against him. Eugirtha, on the other hand, had everything in his favor, saved the quality of his men. At last the Romans understood that they had no place of escape, and that the enemy was avoiding a regular battle. When evening had already arrived, they carried out their orders and stormed the hill. The Numerians, on losing their position, fled in confusion. A few were killed, but the majority were protected by their own fleetness, and by their enemy's ignorance of the country. Meanwhile, as soon as Rutilius had marched past him, Bommelsar, who as related above had been placed by Eugirtha in command of the elephants and a part of the infantry, slowly led his men down into the plain, and while the Roman officer continued his hasty advance toward the river to which he had been dispatched, marshaled his army as noiselessly as the occasion demanded, and kept ceaseless watch on every movement of the enemy. Learning that Rutilius had already encamped and was quite off his guard, and at the same time that the din of the battle in which Eugirtha was engaged was increasing, he now feared lest the lieutenant should discover what was happening, and assist his hard-pressed comrades. In his distrust of his men's courage, he had drawn up his line in close order, but he now extended it so as to block the enemy's march, and in this order advanced against the camp of Rutilius. The Romans, whose view was shut off by a plantation of trees, were suddenly aware of a great cloud of dust. At first they thought it was the dry soil being blown about by the wind. They noticed, however, that its advance was steady and like that of an army in battle order, and that it approached even nearer and nearer. At last, understanding what was really happening, they hastily seized their arms, and in obedience to order took up a position in front of the camp. The distance between the two armies diminished, and they charged each other with a loud shout. The Numidian stood their ground only as long as they thought to find help in their elephants. As soon as they saw them entangled in the branches of the trees, and thus scattered and surrounded, they took to flight. And most of them, with the loss of their arms, escaped whole in sound under cover of the hill and of the night, which was now falling. Of the elephants, four were captured, the rest, to the number of forty, were killed. The Romans were tired with marching, camp-making, and fighting, and were flushed with their victory. Their arrival, however, of Metellus was unexpectedly delayed, and they advanced to meet him ready for battle and on the alert, for the stratagems of the Numidians forbade any relaxation of vigilance. The night was dark, and the two armies, when now not far apart, each inspired the other with terror and confusion by its noise as if of an enemy's approach. In this state of ignorance, a pitiable disaster was on the point of happening, when the horsemen, who were dispatched from both armies, discovered the truth. As it was, fear was suddenly exchanged for joy. The soldiers held each other in triumph, and heard and related their several exploits. Each man was loud and praising his prowess to the skies. Thus is it, in the affairs of men, in victory even the cowards may boast, while calamity cast a slur even on the brave. Remaining four days in the same encampment, Mattellus made the recovery of the wounded his care. Rewarded those who had done good service in the battles according to military custom, and praised and thanked the whole body of his troops in a public speech. He exhorted them to maintain a light spirit in the face of the easy task which still remained, and assured them that they had already fought enough for victory, and that the rest of their toils would be for booty. In the meantime, however, he sent deserters and other suitable agents to discover where Eugirtha might be living, and how he was employed. Whether he was at the head of a few followers, or of an army, and how he bore himself under a defeat. The king, I should mention, had withdrawn to a woody country of natural strength, and was there collecting an army greater in numbers, but without vigor or strength, and composed of men more skilled in the art of the husbandment, or shepherd, than in that of war. The cause of this was that with the exception of the royal cavalry no Numidian attends the king after a rout. They dispersed to whatever quarter they severly feel inclined, and this is not esteemed a military offense, but is the custom of the country. Matelis saw that Eugirtha's spirit was still high, and that a war was being renewed, the conduct of which must depend on his adversary's pleasure, between himself and his enemies the contest was unequal, for their defeats were less costly than his own victories. He determined therefore to carry on the war not by battles, nor in battle array, but in another fashion altogether. Accordingly, he marched into the richest part of Numidia. Wasted the country, captured and burnt many strongholds and towns which had either been hastily fortified or left without a garrison, slew all their adult males, and ordered everything else to be the soldier's booty. Amid the terror thus inspired, many persons were surrendered to the Romans as hostages, corn and other useful provisions were supplied in abundance, and a garrison was stationed wherever there seemed occasion. This policy had a much greater effect in frightening the king than any battle lost by his soldiers. He, whose whole hope lay in flight, found himself obliged to pursue, and though he had been unable to protect his country when his own, he had now to wage war in it when the enemy was its master. He embraced the course which seemed best, with the means at his disposal, and ordered the greater part of his army to conceal itself in a fixed position. While he himself, with some picked cavalry pursued Metellus, by a series of night marches along infrequentent roads, he escaped notice, and suddenly attacked a straggling body of Romans. Most of them were cut down in the defenseless condition, many were captured, and not one of the whole number made his escape unhurt. Before relief could arrive from the camp, the Numidians, according to their orders, withdrew to the neighboring hills. Meanwhile at Rome great rejoicing arose on the intelligence of the doings of Metellus, of his adherence to ancient custom in his government, of himself and his army. Of the victory which, though in an unfavorable position, his valor had won him, of his mastery of the enemy's country, and of how he had reduced Eugirtha, whose glory had been raised so high by the carelessness of all this albinious, to place his hope of safety in a retreat to the deserts. The senate therefore decreed thanksgivings to the immortal gods for the campaign so happily conducted. And the citizens who had been alarmed and anxious as to the issue of the war regained their carefulness. Of Metellus, men spoke in the most distinguished terms. The general now redoubled his efforts for victory, and used every means of dispatch. He was cautious, however, nowhere to expose himself to the enemy, and remembered that Envy follows close upon reputation. The more his fame increased, the greater was his anxiety. And, after Eugirtha's treacherous attacks, he no longer scattered his army on plundering expeditions. When corn or fodder were needed certain cohorts of infantry together with the whole of the cavalry acted as a guard. Part of the army he led in person. The rest were under Marius, but it was rather by fire than by wrapping that he wasted the country. The two generals pitched their camps at no great distance from each other. Where strength was required they united their forces. On other occasions they kept apart, so as to spread flight and terror the wider. At this period Eugirtha was following them along the hills, seeking a suitable line and position for a fight. Asertaining what was to be the root of the enemy, he would destroy the fodder as well as the springs, of which there was a scarcity, showing himself at one time to Mattelus, at another time to Marius. He would attack their rear ranks and immediately retreat to the hills. To recommend his threatening weapons first in one quarter, then in another. He neither gave battle, nor allowed the enemy rest, and contented himself with hampering them in their projects. The Roman general saw that he was being exhausted by this strategy, and that no offer of battle was made by the enemy. He determined therefore to besiege a large town named Zama, the key of that part of the kingdom in which it was situated. Thinking that, as the occasion demanded, Eugirtha would come to the relief of his subjects in their strait, and that there would be a battle before the place. The king, however, was acquainted of this plan by deserters, and by forced marches outstrip Mattelus, exhorted their inhabitants to defend their walls, reinforced them with a contingent of weapons. The troops who, since they could not play in force, were the most trustworthy of the royal forces, and promised in addition that in due course he would himself come to their help with his army. After making these arrangements, Eugirtha retired to the most secret recesses he could find. A little while afterwards, he learned that Marius with a few cohorts had left the line of march to Sica there to collect corn. This town had been the first to secede from the king after his defeat. He now marched thither, by night, with his chosen body of horse, and attacked the Romans in the gateway as they were in the act of departure. At the same time he loudly called on the men of Sica to surround the cohorts in the rear. Fortune, he shouted, was giving them the chance of a noble achievement. If they accomplished it, henceforth he should live in fearless enjoyment of his kingdom and they of their freedom. Marius hastened to advance and get clear of the town. Had he not done so the whole or a great part of the people of Sica would surely have played him false. With such fickleness do the Numidians behave. As it was, Eugirtha kept his soldiers for a short while in their ranks. As soon as the enemy began to press them harder, they scattered in flight after losing a few of their number. Marius next arrived before Zama. This town, situated on a plane, was strong rather by art than by nature. Was abundantly provided with every requisite and well supplied both with arms and men. After making such preparations as his circumstances and the nature of the ground allowed, Mattelus surrounded the whole extent of the walls with his troops and assigned to each of his officers his post of command at a given signal a shout rolled simultaneously from every quarter, without terrifying the Numidians who stood their ground without confusion, hostile and on the alert. The battle then began. The Romans fought each according to his temper. Some discharged bullets and stones from a distance. Others advanced close to the wall and tried now to undermine it and now to storm it with ladders showing great anxiety to bring the fight to close quarters. On the other side the townsmen rolled down stones on their nearest assailants and flung pointed stakes in javelins and torched with dip and burning pitch and sulfur. Even those who had remained at a distance found but slight protection in their timidity for many of them were wounded by javelins hurled either from engines or by the hand and thus brave and cowardly shared the same peril though with very different renown. While this conflict was raging around Zama Eugirtha suddenly attacked the enemies camp with a large force and burst upon the gate at a time when the garrison had grown careless and were expecting anything rather than a battle. Astounded by the sudden alarm our men consulted their safety in such ways as their several characters inclined them. Some fled others seized their arms while many were by this time wounded or killed. Out of all that host however not more than forty took thought for the honor of Rome. These formed themselves into a body in seizing a position a little higher than the rest defied all efforts to dislodge them hurling back the darts discharged at them from a distance and as a few men amid a host more rarely missing their aim. Whenever the Numidians attacked them in close quarters they displayed prodigies of valor and slaughtered, scattered and routed them with the greatest vigor. Meanwhile Mattelus expressing on the siege with much energy heard the noise of an attack in his rear. Turning his horse he observed that the flight was toward himself which showed the fugitives to be his own soldiers. In all haste he dispatched a whole of his cavalry to the camp followed immediately afterwards by the cohorts of the allies under Gaius Marius he besought in the name of their friendship and of the state not to allow reproach to cleave to their victorious army nor to permit the enemy to escape unpunished. Marius quickly carried out his orders. Eugirtha found himself entangled in the entrenchments of the camp and seeing some of his men hurled headlong over their ramparts and others in their hurry blocking each other's way amid the narrow paths withdrew with a heavy loss to his strongholds. Mattelus whose own operations had been unsuccessful on the arrival of Knight returned with his army to the camp end of Eugirtha's war. Part 6 Part 16 of Works of Salist This is a LibriVox recording or LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Chester Works of Gaius Celustius Crispus translated by Alfred W. Pollard Eugirtha's War Part 7 The next day before marching out to the attack he ordered the whole of the cavalry to patrol before the camp on the side by which the king had made his approach and assigned the charge of the different gates and the neighboring points to the different tribunes he then marched up to the town and attacked the wall as on the former day. While he was so engaged Eugirtha suddenly dashed upon our men from an ambush. Those who had been posted nearest to his point of attack were for the moment frightened and thrown into confusion. The rest however quickly came to their aid. The Numidians could now have no longer stood their ground had not their infantry mangled with the horsemen made great havoc in their encounter. In reliance on these we followed the usual cavalry tactics of alternate pursuit and retreat. They charged horse against horse and entangled and confused our ranks and thus by the help of their light infantry almost defeated their enemy. Meantime the conflict was raging around Zama. The struggle was fiercest at the several points where a lieutenant or tribune was in command and no one trusted to his neighbors instead of his own. The townspeople showed no less vigor. At every point there was assault and preparations to meet it. On each side men were more eager to wound their opponents than to defend themselves. Shelts of encouragement, joy and pain arose to heaven amid the den of arms while darts were flying from side to side. When the enemy for a while was slacking in their attack the defenders of the war watched with eagerness the distant cavalry engagement. As you girthless fortunes rolls and fell you might mark them now rejoicing and now in fear. As if they could be heard or seen by their comrades some shouted warnings others encouragement while they beckon and gesticulated and swayed their bodies as if to avoid or hurl the darts. Marius who was in command at this point marked their behavior and feigning despair purposely slacking the attack and suffered the numidians to gaze without disturbance at the king's encounter. As soon as they were strongly engrossed in the anxiety for their comrades he suddenly assaulted the wall with the utmost violence and the soldiers had already climbed their ladders and almost seized the battlements. When the townspeople rallied and met them with a shower of stones fire and other missiles our men at first stood their ground then as one ladder after another was broken and those who had stood on them dashed to the ground the remnant some hole in sound but many sorely wounded made their retreat as best they could at last night broke off Matelis saw that his attempt was vain the town was not captured Eugirtha never gave battle except in surprises or in ground of his own choosing and the summer was already past he now retreated from Zama and after placing garrisons in such of the towns which had seceded to him as were sufficiently protected by their position or fortifications led the rest of his army to its station in that part of the province which borders on Numidia he did not however follow the custom of other commanders and surrender that season to repose and luxury but since the war was little advanced by force of arms aimed a secret attack against the king by means of his friends and prepared to use their treachery instead of arms the man who as Eugirtha's greatest friend had the greatest power of deceiving him was Balmasar the same who had been with him at Rome and after giving surities in the matter of Massiva's death had fled to escape trial to this man Matelis now applied with many promises and induced him as a first step to visit him secretly for the sake of a conference and then pledged his word that on his surrendering Eugirtha dead or alive the Senate would grant him a full pardon and possession of all his goods these offers easily won over the Numidian who besides his natural inclination to treachery was alarmed less than the event of peace being concluded with Rome his own surrender for punishment might be one of the terms of the treaty on the first favorable occasion Balmasar approached Eugirtha at a moment when he was troubled and lamenting his fortunes and advised and conjured him with tears at last to take thought for himself and his children and the Numidian people who had deserved so well of him he reminded him that they had been beaten in every battle their country wasted many of his subjects made prisoners or killed and the resources of his kingdom utterly impaired the courage of his soldiers and the fervor of fortune had already been tried sufficiently often he implored him to be on his guard lest while he was hesitating the Numidian should take counsel for themselves by these and other like arguments Balmasar incited the king to surrender and ambassadors would despatch to the general to announce that Eugirtha was ready to comply with his orders and offered to surrender himself and his kingdom to his protection without any stipulation Metellus hastedly ordered all persons of senatorial rank to be summoned from their winter quarters and held an assembly of these and such other persons as he himself thought fit according therefore to ancient custom by the decree of his council the ambassadors his commands to Eugirtha to deliver up 200,000 pounds of silver all his elephants and a large number of horses and suits of armor these commands were complied with without delay and he now ordered that all his deserters should be brought to him in chains the greater number would deliver to him in obedience to these orders as soon as the surrender began had escaped to Mauritania to King Bacchus after being thus plundered of arms, men and money Eugirtha was summoned in person to Ticidium there to await further orders on this he began once more to waver in his resolution and in consciousness of his guilt to fear the punishment he deserved for wasting many days in hesitation during which at one moment in disgust at his ill fortune he thought anything preferable to war at another he considered how great would be the fall from king to slave he at last resumed the war after vainly sacrificing many of his chief means of defense at Rome the senate when consulted as to the provinces had decreed Numidia to Metellus about the same time it happened that as Gaius Marius was invoking the gods in sacrifice the diviner informed him that there were portents of great and wonderful events and that he should therefore carry out in reliance on the gods whatever projects he had in his mind let him try fortune that as often as he would the issue would always be favorable even before this Marius had been tormented with a great desire for the consulship for attaining which he was indeed well endowed with every qualification except that of ancient family he was energetic upright of wide experience and warfare and immense courage and battle in domestic life he was frugal unconquered by lust and riches and the only covetous of glory the birthplace of Marius was Arpinum and there he spent his boyhood as soon as he was of an age of military service he practiced himself not in Greek oratory or in elegant accomplishments but in campaigning and thus amid honorable pursuits his character quickly developed unimpaired on his seeking election as a military tribune few people even knew him by sight but the fame of his exploits procured his return by every tribe beginning with this he won successive magistracies and always so conducted himself in office as to be esteemed worthy of a more important post than the one he held such was the quality he had on hitherto for afterwards his thirst for popularity worked his ruin and yet he did not dare to stand for the consulship even as late as this the commons had entrance to other magistracies but the consulship was preserved by the nobility as the hereditary possession of their order no self-made man was so or had performed such noble deeds as to be held worthy of that office or other than unclean when Marius saw that the words of the diviner pointed in the same direction as his own desires were spurring him he asked leave of absence for Metellus in order to stand as a candidate Metellus was eminently endowed with courage renown and much else than good men might desire he had however that evil so common with men of rank a scornful and hoardy temper at first astonished by so unusual an occurrence he expressed his surprise at Marius' project and advised him with an parents of friendship not to enter upon so improper a course nor to cherish thoughts above his fortunes he said that all men were free to desire Marius ought to be content with his position and in fine should be careful not to demand from the Roman people a favor which they would rightly deny him finding that these and other arguments did not change Marius' resolution Metellus answered him with a promise to do what he asked as soon as the public business would allow when however the request was subsequently repeated with some frequency he is said to have remarked that Marius should be in no hurry to depart as it would be time enough for him to stand for the consulship in the same year as his own son a youth of about twenty who was serving at the time in the war and sharing his father's tent as was afterwards seen strongly excited Marius to efforts to gain the office to which he aspired and to enmity towards Metellus he said to work under the influence of ambition and anger those worst of counselors and refrained from no act or speech that might gain him popularity he treated the soldiers whom he commanded in the winter quarters with more indulgence than before and at the same time spread slanderous and boastful insinuations about the war among the traitors of whom there were many at Attica were but the half of the army he said entrusted to him in a few days he would have Eugirtha in chains the general was purposely procrastinating war in the excessive delight which a frivolous action of regal hardiness took in authority these insinuations seemed to the traitors all the better grounded in as much as the length of the war had impaired their fortunes and to the Eugir mine no haste is sufficient there was more of in our army a Numidian named Gorda a son of Mass Danabal and grandson Anissa whom Massipsa when spent with disease and with his mental powers thus somewhat impaired had appointed in his will as his second heir Gorda had requested Metellus to assign him as a prince a seat next to his own and again on a subsequent occasion to grant him a squadron of Roman cavalry to guard both of these requests Metellus refused the seat of honor because by custom it belonged only to those whom the Roman people recognized as kings the guard in as much as it would be an insult to Roman cavalry to consign them as attendants to a Numidian Marius made advances to Gorda in his trouble and encouraged him to try with this help to avenge himself on the general for these insults inflating with fair speeches a mind with diseases had enfeebled he represented to Gorda that he was a king an important person and the grandson of Mass Anissa should Eugirtha be captured or slain he would have immediate possession of the kingdom of Numidia he himself were dispatched as consul to direct the war in this way not only Gorda but the Roman knights the soldiers and traders were incited some by Marius personally many by the hope of peace to speak bitterly of Metellus' conduct of the war in their letters to their connections at Rome and to ask it thus came to pass that many persons sought to gain the consulship for him with the most honorable recommendations while just at this period the commons after routing the nobility by the mammalian law were supporting men of no birth as candidates thus everything combined to favor Marius in the meantime Eugirtha after breaking off his surrender and renewing the war was zealously making all possible preparations showing great activity and collecting an army he tried by threats and by holding out rewards to gain over the cities which had deserted him fortified his own positions replaced by manufacture or purchase the armor weapons and other material which he had sacrificed to attract the bodies of Roman slaves and with his money tampered even with the Roman garrisons in a word he left nothing untried no stone unturned but adopted every possible expedient when Eugirtha had first opened negotiations for peace at the important and treaty of the king to whom at heart the inhabitants had never been disloyal the chief citizens now formed a conspiracy as for the common people they as usual especially with new medians were of an inconstant temper rebellious and full of discord eager for change the enemies of peace and quietness arranging their plans among themselves they agreed to carry them out on the third day which was one observed as a festival throughout all Africa and promised rather sport than alarm when the time arrived the centurions, military, tribunes and the governor of the town Titus Trpilius Silanus himself were invited by different citizens to their homes and all with the exception of Trpilius massacred in the course of the banquet the conspirators then attacked the soldiers who were wondering about unarmed as was natural on such a day and in the absence of their officers the common people followed their example some instructed by the nobles others urged only by the zeal for such work these were ignorant of what had been done and the purpose of it but found in the mere rioting and revolution enough to content them the Roman soldiers baffled by so unexpected an alarm and not known what best to do fell into confusion a force of the enemy barred their path to the citadel where their standards and shields were deposited the gates previously closed prevented their flight and the women and children standing on the edge of the roofs zealously hurled at them stones and such other missiles as were at hand against so baffling a danger no precautions could be taken and the bravest soldiers could make no resistance to these weakest of opponents good and bad, stout and cowardly were alike massacred, unevented amid these outrages when the cruelty of the Numidians was added tight in every gate shut the governor Tephilius was the single Italian who escaped unharmed whether this was the result of his host's compassion or of chance I cannot assure myself in as much however as in such a calamity he preferred a shameful life to unspited honor he seems to have been a worthless inexcrible character Mattelus on receiving news of the event at Vaga for a short while retired and sorrow from the public gaze as soon as anger began to mingle with his grief he hastened with the utmost zeal to avenge the wrong exactly at sunset he let out the legions with which he was in winter quarters and as many Numidian horsemen as he could muster lightly equipped about the third hour of the next day he arrived at a plane surrounded on all sides by somewhat higher ground his soldiers their long march were inclined to be mutinous when Mattelus laid the matter before them told them that Vaga was not more than a mile distant and that they ought cheerfully to submit to the rest of their toil so long as they could avenge their fellow citizens those bravest and most unfortunate of men in addition he generously promised them the booty after thus raising their spirits he ordered the cavalry to go in front in skirmishing order and the infantry to follow with their ranks as close as possible and their engines concealed the people of Vaga on perceiving that an army was marching in their direction at first conjectured rightly that it was Mattelus and closed their gates when however they noticed that their lands were not being wasted and that the van was composed of Numidian cavalry they changed their minds and thinking it was Eugirtha who was coming went forth to meet him with great rejoicing suddenly part of the cavalry and infantry at a given signal cut to pieces the crowd which had poured out of the town while others hurried to the gates and others seized the towers rage and the hope of plunder overcame their weariness the men of Vaga rejoiced in their treachery for only two days the whole of that great and wealthy city was now given over to Vendence and Plunder Terpilius the governor of the town who has explained above was the only man who escaped the massacre was ordered by Mattelus to stand his trial he excused his conduct but lamely was condemned and as a Latin citizen punished by scourging and decapitation end of Eugirtha war part 7 part 17 of works of Salist this is a Librivox recording or Librivox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org recording by Chester works of Gaius Celestius Crispus translated by Alfred W. Pollard Eugirtha war part 8 about the same time Bamosar at whose instigation Eugirtha had begun the surrender which he afterwards abandoned through fear having incurred the king's suspicion and being suspected by him in turn was now desirous of a change of affairs after worrying his mind day and night in seeking some plot to work Eugirtha's destruction he at last in the course of his innumerable efforts took to himself as a nobleman named Nabdalsa a man of great wealth and beloved and esteemed by his countrymen who generally held an independent command and carried out all tasks which Eugirtha either from weariness or from attention to weightier matters had left unfulfilled in this way he had acquired both renown and wealth by agreement between the two conspirators a day was fixed for their treachery everything else they thought best to arrange at the moment as occasion might demand Nabdalsa set out for his army which according to his orders he was keeping between the outer stations of the Romans to prevent the enemy from ravaging the country with impunity confounded by the greatness of the crime he did not appear at the time agreed on and his cowardice prevented the execution of the plot Bamosar was eager to carry out his designs but at the same time was disconcerted by the timidity of his accomplice fearful lest, now that Nabdalsa had abandoned his original plan he might form some new one he dispatched a letter to him by trusty messengers in this letter after reproaching him for his lack of resolution and energy and calling to witness the gods by whom he had sworn he warned him not to turn the bribes of Metellus to his destruction and showed that Eugurthe's ruin was near at hand and that the only question was whether he should perish by their courage or by that of Metellus Nabdalsa should consider therefore whether he preferred rewards or a miserable death when this letter was delivered Nabdalsa happened to be fatigued and was resting on a couch after acquainting himself with the message of Bamosar at first anxiety and then as often happens sleep took possession of his troubled spirit and his service was a certain Numidian who took charge of his affairs much trusted and esteemed by him and the sharer in awe but this latest of his designs hearing that a letter had been brought and custom making him think that his own help and ability would be needed this man now entered the tent took the letter while his master slept as he lay carelessly on a cushion above his head read it through and learning the treachery intended hastened to the king shortly afterwards Nabdalsa awoke and or failing to find the letter understood exactly what had happened first he tried to overtake his betrayer then finding the attempt fruitless he approached Eugurtha with the object of appeasing him declared that the treachery of his retainer had anticipated the step which he had himself determined to take and tearfully besought him by their friendship and by the proofs which he had hitherto given of his loyalty not to suspect him of such an enormity dissembling his real failings the king returned him a mild answer after putting to death Bamosar and many others whom he discovered to have shared in his treachery he seems to have stifled his anger for fear lest the matter might give rise to a rebellion from that time no day or night brought peace to Eugurtha he never trusted place man or season feared his countrymen no less than the enemy pried into every corner and was terrified at every sound at night he rested sometimes at one place sometimes at another often where little fitted his royal dignity and now and again on waking from sleep was seized his arms and raised an outcry so tormented was he by a terror which verged madness on hearing from the deserters of the fate of Bamosar and the betrayal of the plot Matelis once more made every preparation and hastened to renew the war Marius was wearing him as to his departure and was at the same time hateful and hostile to him personally thinking him therefore an unsatisfactory lieutenant he dismissed him home at Rome the commons on learning the purport of the letters which had been dispatched on the subject of Matelis and Marius have very readily believed the characters respectively assigned them the noble birth which had hitherto been an honor to the general now made him unpopular while humble descent brought his rival into favor in each case men's judgment was guided rather by party spirit then by the good or bad qualities of these two officers turbulent magistrates moreover excited the crowd impeached Matelis at every public meeting and exaggerated the merit of Marius at last the commons were so aroused that all the artisans and country people whose fortunes and credit lay only in their hands abandoned their work to attend or Marius and thus postponed their own necessities to his dignity the nobility were defeated and the consulship after many years was entrusted to a man of no birth later on the tribune of the commons Titus Manlius Mancinius demanded of the people whom they wished to conduct the war with Eugirtha and in a full assembly the people ordered that Marius should have the command I should mention that a little before this the senate had decreed that goal should be his province but this measure was useless at the same time Eugirtha who had lost his friends many of whom he had himself put to death while of the rest was taken to the Romans others to King Bacchus now found that it was impossible to carry on the war without lieutenants amid such treachery however on the part of his old officers he thought it dangerous to try the loyalty of new ones and was changeable and uncertain in his plans discontented with every man measure and consul he changed his route and his officers from day to day marched now against the enemy and now into desert places often rested his hopes in flight and then a moment afterwards in arms he doubted whether he could trust the courage or the loyalty of his countrymen the less and thus to whatever quarter he turned found everything opposed to him while he was in this state of inactivity Metellus suddenly appeared at the head of an army and Eugirtha equipped and marshaled the Numidians as well as time would allow and the battle then began in the quarter where the king was taking part in the fight the conflict lasted some time the rest of his troops were all driven back and routed at the first charge the Romans captured a considerable quantity of standards and arms but only a few prisoners for in all their battles the Romans as a rule are protected rather by their feet than their swords by this defeat Eugirtha was led to still deeper distrust of his fortunes taking with him the deserters and a part of his cavalry he made his way to the waist and thence to Thala a large and wealthy town where he had great treasures and where his sons were passing their boyhood amid much splendor when Metellus discovered this movement although he knew that between Thala and the nearest river there lay 50 miles of parched and barren desert yet in the hope that by gaining possession of the town he might put an end to the war he applied himself to surmount every difficulty and conquer even nature herself he ordered all the beasts of burden to be relieved of their packs with the exception of provisions for ten days and that only skins and other vessels suitable for holding water should be carried he collected also from the fields as many trained oxen as he could and on these placed vessels of every description but mostly wooden which he had got together from the huts of the Numidians he then ordered the men of the neighborhood had made submission to Metellus to bring each of them as much water as he could and announced the day and place for them to appear he himself loaded his beast from the river which as I mentioned above was the nearest water to the town and thus equipped set out for Thala on arriving at the place where he had enjoyed the Numidians to meet him the camp was hardly pitched and fortified when suddenly so much rain is said to have fallen from the heavens that this alone provided the army with water enough and to spare their supplies too surpassed their expectation for the Numidians like mostly newly submitted peoples had exceeded the services required of them the soldiers however from a religious feeling of water and his fall added greatly to their courage by making them think themselves under the protection of the immortal gods on the next day to the surprise of Eugirtha they made their way to Thala the inhabitants who had deemed themselves protected by the difficulties of the country were astounded by so great and unusual a feat they prepared however for the conflict with undaunted energy and our men did the same the king now believed that nothing was impossible to Mattelus whose energy he had seen overcome all things arms and weapons situations and seasons and even nature herself who ruled all other men he therefore made his escape from the town by night taking with him his children and a great part of his money henceforth he never abode in any place for longer than a single day or night pretending that he was hurried away by business but really from fear of treachery this he thought he might avoid by the quickness of his movements as such designs require leisure and a favorable occasion for their achievement to return to Mattelus on saying that the town's people were ready for battle and at the same time that the town was protected both by his works and its situation he surrounded the walls with a rampart and ditch he then pushed forward Mattelus at the most suitable points that offered threw up a mound and by erecting towers on it protected his work and his helpers to meet these measures the town's people were active in their preparation nothing and fine on either side was left undone at last the Romans were worried by much previous toil and by the battles they had fought on the 40th day after their arrival gained possession of the town and that alone all the booty had been destroyed by the deserters these on seeing that rams were battering the wall and that their fortunes were ruined brought the gold silver and whatever else was of highest value to the royal palace there they laden themselves with wine and the banquet and then destroyed the booty the house and their own lives by fire they thus voluntarily paid the very penalty which they had feared to receive from their enemies in case of defeat simultaneously with the capture of Thala deputies had come to Mattelus from the town of Leptus beseeching him to send thither a garrison and governor according to their account a certain Hamelsar a man of good birth and intriguing disposition was eager for a change in affairs and the commands of the magistrates and the authority of the law were powerless against him so Mattelus delay their safety allies of Rome as they were would be in the greatest danger the people of Leptus I should mention long before this at the very beginning of the war has sent to the council Bestia and subsequently to Rome itself to request friendship and alliance on obtaining their prayer they remained ever honest and loyal and had strenuously carried out all the commands of Bestia Albanius and Mattelus the general therefore readily granted their petition and sent to their town for cohorts of Ligorians and Gaius Aeneas as governor Leptus was founded by Sidonians who as I learned were exiled on account of internal dissensions and came to these parts by sea it is situated between the two Serites whose name was given from their nature these are two bays which lie almost on the verge of Africa of unequal size but like character near land they are very deep elsewhere as it chances in some places deep in others when a storm is blowing full of shoals when the sea gets high and struggles with the wind the waves draw down mud sand and huge stones and thus the appearance of these parts changes with every change of the wind it is this power of suction from which they are called Serites into marriage with the Numidians change nothing more than the language of the people of Leptus the greater part of their laws and civilization is Sidonian and this they have the more easily retained owing to their distance from the kings government for between them and the more populous part of Numidia lay many miles of desert as the affairs of the people of Leptus have taken me into these regions it seems not unbecoming to record a splendid and memorable deed of two Carthaginians of which the mention of the country has reminded me in the period when the Carthaginians were rulers of the greater part of Africa, Cyrene also was a great and wealthy city the intervening country was sandy and monotonous without river or mountain to mark the boundary of their dominions this fact kept them in a desperate and prolonged war armies and fleets had often been defeated and routed on either side and each had considerably impaired the other's strength at last in the fear lest some third power should presently attack both victors and vanquished in their exhausted condition they agreed in a time of truth that on an appointed day deputies should set out from either city in the place where they met beheld the common boundary of the two peoples two brothers, called the Felene were sent from Carthage and these made good speed in their journey the progress of the Cyreneans were slower whether through laziness or accident I have not clearly ascertained for in these parts storms are as want to delay the traveler as on the sea gathering as it sweeps across the flat and lifeless country the wind tosses up the sand from the soil then blown along with tremendous force and fills the face and eyes hinders progress by shutting off all view the Cyreneans saw that they were somewhat behind hand and in their fear of being punished on their return for their failure accused the Carthaginians of having left home before their time try to upset the whole proceedings and in fact showed a determination to do anything rather than come off the worst the Carthaginians then asked them to propose any other terms so long as they were fair and on this the Greeks gave them their choice of either being themselves buried alive at the point where they demanded that their country's boundary should be set or allowing them to advance as far as they like in the same condition the Fellini approved of these terms and sacrificed their own persons and lives to the public good accordingly they were buried alive the Carthaginians dedicated altars to the brothers on the spot and other honors were ordained to them in the city I now return to my subject after the loss of Ugartha thought he had no sufficient safeguard against Metellus he set out therefore with a few companions and made his way through vast deserts to the Gaetulians a wild and uncivilized tribe at that time ignorant of the name of Rome of this people he collected a host and in a short time accustomed them to keep the ranks follow the standards obey commands and behave in other respects like regular soldiers beside this by means of great gifts and greater promises he prevailed on those immediately about King Bacchus to be zealous in his service and with these to aid him approach the king and induce him to take up arms against the Romans this task was the more easily and readily accomplished in as much as Bacchus at the outset of this war has sent an embassy to Rome to ask for a treaty of friendship the conclusion of such a treaty which would have been most advantageous for the war then newly begun was prevented by the blind avarice of a clique accustomed to sell every service whether honorable or the reverse Bacchus moreover had previously married a daughter of Eugirtha through this tie is held of slight importance among Numidians and Morotanians in as much as everyone has as many wives as he can afford some ten, some more and the kings a proportionately greater number the mind is thus distracted by numbers no wife holds the place of a partner but all are held equally cheap the two kings now assembled their armies at a place they had agreed on pledges were then given a receipt and Eugirtha roused the spirit of Bacchus by an harang the Romans he said were unjust a fathomless greed and the common enemy of all peoples they had the same reason for the war with Bacchus as with himself and other races their lusts namely for empire which made them see an enemy in every kingdom it was now himself who was the Roman foe a little before it had been the Carthaginians then king Purses and thereafter it would always be the richest victim they could find after these in similar speeches they determined on a march against the town of Serta as the place where Metellus had disposited his spoil captives and heavy baggage Eugirtha thought that they would either be rewarded by the capture of the town or that should the Romans advance to its relief a battle would be fought in his crafty policy the only thing for which he was eager was to lessen Bacchus' chance of peace lest there should be any procrastination he might prefer some other course to war End of Eugirtha's War Part 8