 Well it's pretty congested up here at the top and indeed in the room and I think the negotiating chambers associated with this Brexit will be equally congested for a long period of time. Thank you very much for the invitation to be here. It's good to see so many and not surprising to see so many on the morning after such an event. The first thing I want to say is a fact. It's neither a spin that's optimistic nor pessimistic but an observation. That this is the first time since the declaration of Robert Schumann on the 9th of May 1950 subject to some bumps and falls starts where there is an act of European disintegration. This is a first and this is a fact. I think we know there is in the political zeitgeist. There's a mood out there. It's not just about the EU. We see it in the United States and that mood has certain anti-politics and populist elements that are consistent even on both sides of the Atlantic. And I think that the Brexit will be a political catalyst to energize those parts of the body politic for whom that mood is the essence of their politics. I do agree with Brendan Heligan. It would be unhelpful to talk of doomsday scenarios. But I do add it would be unwise to ignore political realities and I think these two things must go hand in hand. They don't need to compete but they need to go hand in hand. We have elections in Spain at the weekend and the Spanish case is particular after the serial failures to form a government over many months. But next year we will have legislative elections in the Netherlands, presidential elections in France and Bundestag elections in Germany. We already know in the Netherlands before yesterday that according to popular opinion polls the largest party in the state is the freedom party of Mr. Gert Wilders who is now calling for a referendum in the Netherlands. I don't predict therefore it will happen but it is there on the political agenda. We have Mrs. Le Pen who got the highest vote in the party's history for Fron Nationale during the departmental elections in France last year getting a score of more than 7 million French citizens. She has called for a referendum in France. This is there. I don't say that that will happen but it's part of the political zeitgeist that I refer to. In Germany two years ago, two and a half years ago, Alternative for Deutschland was a group of people meeting written off a bit as being right wing cranks. In the land elections that they contested last year they achieved 16%. They haven't gone away you know and this kind of thing will be grist to their mill. And if you didn't notice in the last week or so in the second round of mayoral elections in Italy the key gains in the key cities were by Mr. Beppo Grillo's Cinque Stelle movement and that too belongs to that more populous part of the spectrum. So these are realities that we need also to factor in. I think what has happened is a wake up call and I think Blair Horan is right that a business as usual response from the EU would be to actually misunderstand what is needed. I think on the other side rushing off to major treaty overhaul in the current political climate could risk to be suicidal. And so the question is how do you optimize your margins of maneuver and your policy instruments within the context of the existing treaties as a potential possibility. On the issues that might feed into some of the mood that we see the continued andemic growth in the Eurozone is a problem. The continuity of low growth or even recession and depression in some of the states is a real problem. The border issue with Schengen has proved to be difficult. It's not impossible to deal with but difficult to deal with and I would summarize because I don't want to go into too much detail. I think what is there is that the EU has some very decent aspirations in terms of policy perspective. But it also has a lot of delivery gaps in those aspirations and the delivery gaps are becoming credibility gaps. And I think this is real so it has got to be factored into the conversation as part of it. Let me come to the United Kingdom and the EU on one particular set of things. Towards the end of the no campaign we began to see people saying they would unilaterally obligate different EU laws, laws under charter fundamental rights, take the control back immediately from European Court of Justice and so on. And some of them were quoting Vienna conventions around international law to do that. I hope that whenever the yes campaign has finished partying over the weekend and wake up to a sober reflection of their new responsibilities that they will not leap prematurely into provocative unilateral actions of that sort. I think that risks to poison the start of necessary negotiations that could risk to be the detriment of both parties and I hope that won't happen. Let me turn to Scotland in particular. Well of course Scotland and Northern Ireland both voted to remain. I think for all the reasons we know so I won't develop at Scotland and Northern Ireland are different cases. But the thing about Scotland is that the first minister of the Scottish devolved government as Brendan remarked has announced this morning that they would prepare legislation for a new independence vote. Now when that might take place what might trigger it and how it will impact in these negotiations remains to be seen. But it is a clear declaration of intent. This actually poses for the EU a really really substantial challenge. Scotland is a member by virtue of being in the United Kingdom of the European Union. The Scottish legal order wholly incorporates the Aki communitaire and in that sense it's a fact that Scotland is in the EU. But it is in it by virtue of being part of the United Kingdom and the United Kingdom is the high contracting party to all of the treaties of the European Union. If the United Kingdom disintegrates under Vienna conventions you have to know which is the successor state. And this has all been thrashed out in the Scottish independence debate and the short answer to that very long set of things was that Scotland would not be the successor state of the United Kingdom. So what does the EU do with someone who wants to stay in, who is in, but not in under their own right as a high contracting party? Do they have to go back, get unanimity, start over, negotiate 30 odd chapters, do screening etc. Which is a bit of a fiction in the context of the country, it's 100% adopted by Aki. This stuff is going to be a big, big challenge, not just for the UK but also under EU law and for the EU institutions about what to do. All in all, I mean all of these things which is no surprise, we've never been there, leaves us in a very unprecedented state. I would give you a quick flavour, some of you may have followed it more than I did this morning. What are some of the European leaders saying? This morning at a press conference in Brussels, Jean-Claude Juncker was asked at this beginning of the end of the EU and he answered in one word, no. He then left the podium so we don't know what the other words would have been if he stayed. Mrs Merkel has said she believes the EU is strong enough to find the right answers. I actually think that's an important voice. This lady at least for the period we know in September or October 2017 will be an anchor to do with the stability of this system. Asked in the European Parliament at a press conference, President Schulz remarked that the chain reaction, what I've talked about, the domino effect or whatever, that the chain reaction will not happen, he said, and we are prepared. Donald Tusk said it's an historic moment, but not a moment for historical reactions. And I think that actually captures pretty well also what you're saying in a way, Brendan, in your own words. And Mr Schoibler pointed out today that the procedures for withdrawal from the EU are clearly defined and they will be applied. Now speaking of that, the three institutional presidents, Commissioned Parliament and Council, and Mr Rutter for the European Council, issued a joint statement this morning in Brussels. The key elements of that statement, the Union of 27 will continue and we are bound together by history, geography and common interest. We now expect the United Kingdom to give effect to this decision of the British people and as soon as possible. So this issue of how soon will become one of the political issues in the UK, in the EU and between the two. They said we are ready to launch negotiations swiftly. And they pointed out, I'm using my words not theirs, but the Cameron deal, milk and watery or not as it may have been of last February, is now a dead letter because things have moved on. And finally, and of course this is the key point about the new dispensation, that the agreement, so that will be worked on under Article 50, will be concluded with the United Kingdom as a third country. So it's 27 to 1 vis-a-vis the negotiation. The UK remains a member, but going through the divorce process will be dealt with as a third country. So leaving aside all of the other detail, that clarifies for us a bit the political kind of in out part. In summarizing what I feel, but not to go into detail, given the time constraints, I think for all sorts of reasons, we've entered a new age of uncertainty. Whether that is in EU, whether that is EU-UK relations, or indeed as I said, watching across the Atlantic. I think as regards the EU negotiations and I agree with what has been said here, we do not know the content, we do not know the length, the two years is specified. It is possible to negotiate an extension, and in some areas I'm sure some extension would need to be negotiated, but that requires unanimity, and therefore that requires the degree of goodwill to keep the wheels on the wagon. And we don't know how contested the content will be of these negotiations. And so all these unknowns as we speak to me constitute the key elements of the uncertainty. The last comment, I haven't gone into Ireland, Northern Ireland as well because the other colleagues have been talking about that. I think our government has been doing a lot of work behind the scenes to anticipate this. The EU institutions have done a lot of work. Everyone hoped that the work would end up as a document of historic record and not of historic momentum. But I think what we need in the politics for a period now is calm deliberation, clear assessment, cool heads, and some time. And if we give it the space, we'll have to do it as best we can.