 I think it's been a fantastic day so far. I'm sure I speak for everyone. I know all the sessions that I've been in have been really excellent. My name is Fiona. I'm from the editorial board of Socialist Appeal. I just want to say it's so amazing to see so many people here, so many people in this room. There's a lot of international guests with us at this event. It was spoken about yesterday, but I think it's worth reiterating that this is a truly international event. We've got comrades from Canada, from Austria, Germany. Give us a whoop if you're in the room. Sweden, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, the Basque Country, Catalonia, Switzerland, Poland, Poland, Hungary. I think I've forgotten too, so if I didn't say you. Wales. The Welsh Comrades, because we do obviously have a large contingent of comrades from all over Britain as well. Comrades have travelled very far. Obviously you've got the comrades from Scotland, Falmouth. That's all I'm going to mention. London Holmen. We've travelled not so far. This has been a really great day, a really great event so far. It's actually the biggest revolution festival that we've ever had. We've sold the most amount of tickets. It's been obviously very fantastic for us all to be a part of that. There's been loads of people watching online on the live streams as well, I've been told. I think everyone's feeling good. Everyone's feeling confident. I think the future holds great things for the Marxists and the forces of Marxism in Britain. The last couple of weeks have been amazing for us as an organisation. We've been intervening in freshers fairs in about 53, 54 different campuses up and down the country, meeting hundreds, thousands of young people who are open to the ideas of Marxism. There's probably some of you who've met us in the last six weeks and have come to this event. In fact I wanted to ask if this is anyone's first rev fest, if they want to put their hands up. That's great. I think on that basis in the last six weeks that we've had we can expect that this time next year we can fill this room, this room sits up to 1,000 people, we've got 700 tickets sold this time, then if everyone who's put their hand up now comes next time and brings another person then we'll outlive, we'll outdo the size of even this room. So I think we can have that as a target for us. So there's never been a more important time to be a Marxist. We've got tables, lots of different tables, Marxist literature. If you've seen the front cover of the Socialist Appeal you might have correctly noticed that it's a bit out of date. This happened again a couple of weeks ago. We had a Socialist Appeal cover and then reactionaries essentially, reactionaries keep dying or resigning just as we go to press. Because the paces of events in Britain are moving at a very quick, very quick speed and it's happening all over the world and that's what we're here to do. This weekend discuss the state of the world but in particular this session is to talk about what's happening in Britain and the perspectives for the British Revolution. And on that note I'm really pleased to introduce Rob Saw, the editor of Socialist Appeal. Well comrades, it's great to be here amongst you all at this time of economic, political, chaos, mayhem, disaster, you name it. So actually everybody's laughing now, everybody's happy that this is the occasion. But yes, events are moving extremely fast. Even we didn't think really they would get this bad. But clearly it shows how the contradictions of the past period have built up to such an extent that this is not just a simple crisis but a series of crises. Each of one building on upon another. And therefore I know some commentators have said well this crisis is as bad as it was in 1956 at the series time. But I think that's a well underestimate to be honest with you. This is probably the most serious crisis for British capitalism probably in modern history I would say. I mean even before, we've had crises before, but at least you had someone at the helm who had a bit of an idea what to do or what to say. There's today, there's no one there. It's a complete vacuum which is obviously compounding the crisis itself. Of course the Europeans are quite happy about the chaos in the last few weeks. I can see they're rubbing their hands after all the shit they had to put up with in the last five or six years about Brexit. They're not surprised and therefore the newspapers have made a meal of it. I can see Le Monde do you know that trust resignation leaves UK in deep unprecedented political crisis. El Paes UK is plunged into chaos and even the Ukrainians threw in a tweet the other day saying that was the exact words better called Boris. Which apparently is a play on the better called Saul you know of the Netflix series. But they quickly withdrew it probably realising well he may not win or he may not get here. So let's play safe. But you can see that they're also worried of course about Britain because what happens in Britain will have a knock on effect everywhere else. As was explained yesterday that the world has never been more integrated and therefore the crisis in Britain is not simply a British crisis. And we'll have enormous consequences because it's not over yet by a long shot. I know I think it was today's financial times that can things get more worse for the Tories. Of course the resounding reply will be absolutely not given the fact that Boris Johnson is flying in with the suitcase full of spanners in order to throw into the works of course. And the ruling class are a bit alarmed that he is a prospect of winning actually. And of course that means further and further instability again headline in the financial times investors and MPs take fright at Johnson's return. I mean everything they seem to do has been a disaster. And that's no accident really it's the whole product of this period that's been building up over a long period of time. Of the contradictions facing British capitalism and also of world capitalism itself. Now we have a title this evening or a discussion on preparing for power. Perspectives for the British Revolution. I think we should be all be honest and say well as far as the mass of ordinary people are concerned. The idea of revolution is pretty far fetched. That it's not on the cards it's not on the radar as far as they're concerned. It doesn't enter their experience really. I mean I think you'd say that that was the case in relation to the lefts particularly in Britain. We're also very skeptical about things. And they too are well revolution yeah. Nice idea but now come on it's not going to happen is it. I mean that's their kind of outlook. They don't believe in it. And of course we have to understand. Yes we can understand why the broad mass would feel that way because they're being conditioned by the past. Their experience has been determined by the past. And particularly the older generation would look back to the post war period the 1950s the 60s. When it was full employment when council houses were built when living standards were going up. There seemed to be a better hope around at that time. And that had a big bearing on things. Obviously revolutions don't take place every two minutes. They're very rare occurrences. I mean when was the last time you had a revolution in Britain. You'd have to go back to the 17th century and the English Civil War. Although of course we've had revolutionary consequences in the past period that's for sure. You know in the last hundred years here in 1912 the great unrest. 1918-1919-1920 were 100,000 troops armed troops marched down Whitehall demanded to be demobbed. Where you had councils of action being formed in Britain and the threat of a general strike. In 1926 you had the elements of dual power being created in Britain. But were of course betrayed by the TUC. In 1931 you had the Invergordon Mutiny kind of pre-revolutionary crisis in Britain. Even after the war with a massive victory for the Labour government they were revolutionary overtones at that time. And probably in my experience the 1970s also certainly was very, very politically charged. And certainly even the ruling class were looking for civil war at that time. All but an element of the ruling class. But of course this is very, you know it's not happening every day. The vast majority of experience is stability. The vast majority of experience of people is generally looking at the past. It's not revolution, but general stability. Although you must qualify that over the last 20 years. Probably the generation that's in this room at the moment have only experienced crisis. But for the old layers they feel like, they're hark back to this days of Keynesianism and capitalism giving reforms because they could afford to do it on the basis of an upswing. But that swings gone. It's finished. It is completely over. And therefore you know we have to move on. We have to understand what is happening. And of course we're not saying yes there's going to be a revolution. You know nine o'clock on Monday morning or around the corner. What we say and however is that the objective crisis of capitalism on a world scale and in Britain are pushing events towards revolutionary consequences in every country including in Britain. Whether we like it or not or whether Bush was he likes it or not. The system is in a dire crisis and cannot deliver what it delivered in the past. And therefore a new situation is evolving. A new normality is evolving which is more crisis ridden. And therefore poses enormous challenges as far as the working class is concerned. Of course we know that consciousness people's ideas are very conservative. You know they cling on to what they know. And that has a very powerful influence on people. They hope for the best if you like. But of course it's events as Ted Grant used to say. Events, events, events which transform the consciousness of working class people. Shakes them up. Destroys the illusions that they have in the system. And as a result changes the outlook and pauses the question can there be something better than we have today? And of course I would say that certainly a lot of worried faces out there. You know looking people's eyes and they know what's coming. That things are going to get very bad in Britain. Worse than that they have been. And they've been pretty bad up to now. We've had what 40 years I would say of counter revolution in Britain insofar as destroying the gains of the past in the factories and the workplaces and the rights of people. Real wages in the last two decades have been reduced. Well it's been the worst two decades since Napoleonic times in relation to the fall in real wages. It's quite a remarkable position. That was just an old derv if you like. A little foretaste of what is coming. And therefore we as Marxists have to understand the deeper reasons behind the situation. It's not a wishful thing you know and it wouldn't be great to have a revolution. A revolution I think as Alan said yesterday is a very hard thing. A revolution is not a tea party. And it only happens when people are desperate enough to want to change their lives. Take the possession if you like of the fate, their own fate into their hands. And that takes courage and a land and determination which can only come when people see the need to do that. But the needs are born out of necessity on the basis of the crisis of the system itself. And therefore it's not wishful thinking. All the equilibrium has been destroyed. It's finished. It's complete dis-equilibrium. It's complete chaos in the world situation. And therefore that is laying the basis for fundamental change. I think it was Lenin explained that a revolution occurs when the working class cannot live as they did. And the ruling class cannot rule as they did. And there's a complete impasse. It creates revolutionary conditions. Include it in Britain which would be quite amazing for many people to think. Although I think it was an experience of the last couple of weeks. Must be thinking something's up. Something's going on here. And of course it is true. This is just the beginning of a foretaste of the deepening crisis in relation to British capitalism. Because what we are seeing in front of us, it's like a perfect storm. And at a time I mean it's unbelievable. You've had three prime ministers in eight weeks man. You know Truss. Was a non entity. Non entity it is true. But you know it gets the prize for being the shortest Prime Minister in the whole British history. And the same goes for the rest of the camp. The home was at Swella Bravermar, isn't it? Who was the Home Secretary. She lasted very little time. You had to go back to the Duke of Wellington in 1834. To have summoned the beta in relation to the little time span she's had as Home Secretary. And these are gold medals. These are prizes to be won in relation to Britain of all places. Britain. Which you have to scratch your head and pinch yourself you know that these things are happening here. Which was traditionally a very very stable country altogether. And that included the Tory party. I mean the Tory party I would say. In Britain was probably the envy of the ruling classes of the world because of its success. Since its origins. It was a very stable very articulate means of carrying out the instructions of the ruling class. And they were particularly the Europeans were very envious of it. But now it's completely shattered. And that is an indication of the profound change in British capitalism itself. All the main institutions the props of British capitalism have been undermined. Fundamentally the distrust in politicians in parliament in the state apparatus. All those monarchy anything you get a name. All these things are now being questioned as part of the deepening crisis of British capitalism. And I prepared in the ground for changes in consciousness. It was Trotsky actually said. He wasn't revolution wasn't born out of the slump or boom. It was a shift between one and the other. In other words it is the tremendous uncertainty generated by life. That creates this shock if you like. That changes consciousness itself. And that's we're going to be in for this is the beginning of shock after shock after shock after shock for the working class. And therefore it's going to drive more and more to look for a way out of the problems that they face and the speed of events. By God it's incredible. I mean we wrote a document wasn't it? I think it was a month after Boris Johnson was elected. At the end of 1919. Sorry. Well it could have been. That will really be fought to us. 2019 shows all I'm getting. And in this document the British perspective is document after all the Tories are only being in a month. An 18 majority the Labour Party was shattered and we write in the document. This government will be a government of crisis. And all likely it will not achieve its full term. And I must admit some comments that whoa that's getting a bit. That's a bit rich you know. Perhaps you should cool it down a bit. Qualified a bit and said no no that's going to happen. Why? Because of the objective conditions in British capitalism itself. Creates the instability creates the crisis. Which reflects itself politically economically socially and so on and so forth. But we could never have dreamed of writing something. I mean this is just what has happened in the last four weeks. It's incredible. You couldn't make it up. You know certainly couldn't predict it in the way that it's developed. The intensity, the savagery, the depth. And all the ruling class is pulling its hair out. Because they cannot get a handle on the situation. They can't get a grip on it. And that is obviously an extremely dangerous thing. And therefore they are thrashing about as to what can be done at the present moment. Of course we know that the ruling class and the agents. Revolution it will never happen. And that will be the general message of course that is pumped out. Britain is a stable country. Revolution could never happen. But they said that 2008 couldn't happen. They said that there would be no major economic crisis on a world scale. Because they could manage the economy. That was their whole prediction. When it came it was a damn shock to them. It was the biggest slump in 2008. Bigger than probably the early 1930s. There was a devastating one. And it could have led to a depression. But they had to bail out the capitalist system. The state had to intervene to prop up capitalism at that time. And then they said well it's only going to be a once in a century event. And of course we see what happened after 10 years of soak or growth. An austerity. And a crisis in Europe. It was building up. Another slump was building up. And of course it coincided with the pandemic in 2020. And resulting in a devastating collapse in Britain. The GDP fell by 10%. The biggest fall in 300 years. Incredible collapse. The state had to intervene and bail out the capitalist system. In order to keep it afloat. Of course we were also going to be asked to pay for the crisis itself. But then they said well don't worry it's going to be a recovery. And what a recovery because people are going to spend their money now. They've been in the houses with lockdowns and so on. And they were even talking about a road in 20s. Like in the United States. Well that road didn't happen very much. It was a further collapse. And this is what we have at the present moment. Obviously brought about by other factors as well. The system itself is not simply driven by economics. But also politics and other factors can result in it. As a trigger if you like. In order to provoke deeper crises. And what you have at the present time is a move towards another. Serious will slump. Even the bourgeois recognise that. The IMF will bank all of the strategy of capitalists. Recognise they are moving into a new slump period in the next year. Britain is already in the slump. Europe is mostly in the slump. It's all building up at the present moment. And of course this again once again has an enormous impact. On the consciousness of the working class. This crisis is not simply this or that crisis. On energy or whatever it will be of inflation. We have to understand it's a generalised crisis of the capitalist system itself. And the reason for that is capitalism has reached its limits. Mark explained a long time ago that the development of history is determined by the development of the productive forces. In other words industry, technique, science. All these things which are essential to civilised life. If a society can develop them. Then that society will be relatively stable. But as soon as the society is incapable of developing the productive forces. Taking society forward. Then opens up the period of revolution according to Mark's. This is the basis of historical materialism. And this is how we must apply this to today on the world scale. And in Britain the productive forces are being hemmed in. As was explained yesterday by private ownership. And the nation state. You know they have created enormous productive potential. And they can't use it. Even in a boom. And they don't have many booms these days. 80% of capacity will be used no more than that. In a slump it could be 60% of capacity even lower. They cannot use this capacity. They are holding back. They hamstring the whole development of society. And that's because of capitalism and the nation state. It's reached a complete and utter impasse. It's what we describe as an organic crisis of capitalism. Not this or that. But a deep rooted inherent crisis of the system. Which has now become a barrier that the development of society. And that is the root of the crisis of the last four weeks. That's the root of the world crisis. That we are experiencing at the present moment. And therefore it is these fundamental objective reasons. Why we have a continuing deepening crisis of capitalism. At the present moment. Of course in the past they were able to overcome some of these contradictions. They worked to overcome them. What was they needed to? In order to try and push things forward. But every time they overcome partially one contradiction. They create another one as a barrier. And therefore they accumulate these contradictions. By attempting to make the capitalist system work or function. And now it can only function on the basis of a colossal bailouts on the state. You talk about these monetarists and free marketeers and so on. The wonders of capitalism, etc. It can only function on the basis of state handouts. Huge state handouts. And that's why there's enormous debt at the present time. And that's why the working class is going to suffer. In order to pay back those debts in the coming period of time. Of course as was explained yesterday the last throw with the dice I would say. Was globalization. Which was an intensification of opening up. Of China of opening up different markets extending and deepening the markets. But it becomes a limit to that. You can only go so far. But where else are you going to go? The moon. That's it then. You've tied it all up. And therefore the system then reacts in a big way. And is reverting to what they called in the 1930s economic nationalism. There's been a disintegration of this globalization. Of breaking down of the globalization. In other words it's going into reverse. Which again is compounding the massive problems of world capitalism. And of course results in the fact there's no stability anywhere. No stability anywhere. Every country to one degree or another has been affected now by this capitalist crisis. And there's no way out for them apart from attacking the working class. But if you attack the working class you cut the market. You intensify a crisis such as the contradictions of capitalism itself. And this then produces all manner of phenomenon which have never been seen. Or new things emerge which are reflecting this crisis. Even in Britain we've had these things. In 2014 you had that massive support for Scottish nationalism. And that was again a shock because although they didn't win they came very close if you like. And reflected this pent up anger and frustration with the status quo. With Westminster and so on and so forth. The Labour Party in Scotland collapsed. It had 40 seats in Scotland and it was used to one. It was smashed. It had all sorts of other things. Corbyn, the rise of Corbyn. What was that? If you like a reflection of this changed mood if you like. And looking for a way out. And this movement of Corbynism again is a reflection of the instability of capitalism. Brexit in another way is also a reflection of the instability that affects British capitalism. Of course the present day and the collapse of governments and the resignation of ministers. The chaos if you like, political chaos at the present time again is a reflection of the underlying crisis of British capitalism. And unless they solve that underlying crisis they're not going to solve these other crises. And therefore we can expect more of them to occur in the next period. Of course one of the great difficulties for the ruling class in Britain is this loss of control over the Tory party. It's a bit like in America where Trump took over the, you know, also a bit crazy. He took over the Republican Party in the United States. And the same process that in Britain you had this, the Brexit is in effect taken over the Conservative Party. And epitomised by Boris Johnson. Boris Johnson really was just, he was a maverick. He wasn't interested in British capitalism as such. He was interested in Boris Johnson. And that's why they're terrified now. If he comes back, you know, because if he gets on the ballot paper, is he on, is he? Oh, I knew I should have looked at the paper before I come on you. Events, events, events comrades. They're moving so fast. Whoa, absolutely. Well, if he's on the ballot paper, it's goodbye to you, boys. Christ almighty. I mean, the ruling class must be, they must be on the, obviously, the last one out. Can't turn the lights off, please. I mean, that's the way they have to look at it. Their idea, and they thought they came quite close. The Brexiteers took over the Tory party. OK, but they then, the Brexiteers, went a bit too far, you know. Obviously, they were epitomised by Liz Truss. And they thought they had it all sewn up. The Tory party, everything was going now going to move forward to a creation of a deregulated economy. A kind of Singapore, a kind of economy. Singapore on, was it, on 10s, this right? I think that's the words they use. And, with deregulation, and opening up, if you like, of the economy to big business internationally, in that way, hoping they could develop British capitalism. It would have been a disaster, because that's not the way it would work. But clearly they thought they had everything in the bag. And yet, it all started to unwind, and Truss was forced to bring on to a cabinet. People, they were opposed to Henry's to the Hunt, and Shaps came on to the cabinet. And the ruling class thought, great, squeeze her out, get these two back in. Perhaps Sunach would be elected. He's a safe pair of hands. And then we can begin to stabilise the situation. We might not be able to rescue the Tory party now, but at least we've got control back over it. That's what they were hoping for for Johnson. I'm not saying Johnson will inevitably win, but if he's on the ballot paper, he's got a hundred, it means that they have to put it out to a vote to the membership of the Tory party, who are absolutely bonkers. They are the most reactionary little Englanders that you ever come across. And they are barmy, and therefore they would want to select one of their own, if you like. And if it was a choice between Sunach, who they regard as a socialist, because he's put up taxes so much, or Johnson, and the pine for Johnson, because it was the way he was treated and so on, and so on. He could well, well, he could get in there. And if he does come back as Prime Minister, of course he might not last that long. That's the problem, because they've got a parliament to be committed to investigate this party-gates scandal. And if it's been proved that he liked the parliament, then he'll be suspended from parliament, and he could be out in his year, and therefore they could be looking for another Prime Minister in January or February of next year. So it's a real headache. I mean, I wouldn't like to be in a ruling class at the moment, for God's sake. It's just, where do you go next? Everything you do seems to be wrong. And therefore, this is an indication, yes, that revolution has been prepared. It's been prepared by the ruling class itself. It's been prepared by the contradictions of capitalism. It's been prepared by the objective conditions that we face at the present time. But they've made everything worse and worse. I mean, the idea of Brexit, for instance, was madness on the point of view of the interests of British capitalism. I mean, Europe was the main market for Britain, you know, for 50 years. They had 50% of their property coming from Europe. And they kind of leave the customs union and the single market just for the hell of it. They say, oh, now we're going to go bucking-earing around the world. I'm going to recreate the British Empire, which they were setting. I mean, they are absolutely crazy. Crazy is the word. And therefore, they haven't got much to hold on to. So the Tory party, if Johnson, I mean, there's going to be civil war. If he gets there, there's a whole number of MPs there that are going to resign from the Tory party. He could split the Tory party. There'll be absolute civil war in the Tory party. And therefore, it'll be out of how to commission, if you like, for quite a long period of time. I mean, it is remarkable even now, the fact that the latest opinion polls give the Tory party 14%. Labour are on 53%. You know, the difference is 39 points. It's never been known in the history of polling of any political parties. It is absolutely off the scales. And therefore, the idea that somehow even Johnson is going to rebuild the support, you know, in the red wall seats, et cetera, and win the next election is a bit of a pie in the sky dream, really. But whoever gets the leadership of the Tory party, you know, I think someone said the Archangel Gabriel, I think, would have a difficult job if they won the Tory leadership in order to turn things round. And he's probably got a point there. But the thing is that the Tory party was the main bastion of British capitalism. The political representation has been around for two, three hundred years. It was the main thing. And it's been completely destroyed by these individuals and the way that they have behaved. Of course, added to this is that they've attempted to move in this direction of de-regulation and so on. This mini-budget, which created an absolute Ferrari on the international markets, the idea of cutting taxes in order to bail out the rich, if you like, and at the same time just borrow money in order to do it, was clearly unsustainable given the plight of the British economy. It's a basket case. That's no exaggeration. I mean, out of the G20, out of the 20 of the top countries, Britain will come 19 out of 20 in relation to the lack of growth, the worst performing country out of 20 of the G20 country. The only other worst performing is Russia. Of course, there is a war and it's got almost sanctions placed on the economy. So you can have an indication of what it's like. It will be the worst inflation of all the European countries in Britain. In other words, it's the sick man of Europe. It's degenerated and that's the product of the crisis of British capitalism, the failure of the ruling class to invest, to modernise, to prepare to speculate, to invest abroad and so on and so forth. Now the chickens have come home to roost in a big way. They cannot sustain the living standards of the working class. That's the whole point about it. They have to make big cuts. Even Hunt said that there's going to be eye-watering decisions that have to be made and so on and so forth. Osterity's not gone away, by the way. It's been there all the time. They just changed the name. They're going to intensify it and that means enormous class struggle because the working class at the moment is not passive as it has been over the last 40 years. The working class has reawakened in Britain and that reawakening has represented a big strike wave, the biggest strike wave we had in 40 years where workers who have not been on strike before aren't taking strike action. As you see, the railway workers, we've seen the dock workers, we've seen the postal workers, the telecommunication workers. We've had barristers going on strike. Lots of sectors uniting on strike. I think there's been 150 major strikes that have been involved in. I mean, it's incredible the bubbling up of an industrial wave at the present moment because of the inflation. Now it's at 10%. Inflation before was very little. You could probably manage to get along with all the extreme difficulties. Now it tips you over the edge. Of course, the increase in interest rates, the increase in mortgages, the increase in rents, the collapse of the pound also means that imports will be more expensive into Britain. So all these things are going to start flattening the working class. It's bad now. But I was going to get a dam site worse in the next period. And therefore this industrial movement is the beginning of a revival of the struggle, of the class struggle, of the class war as the sun gracefully put it in the front pages of its newspapers a few months ago. But it's coming on top of a working class which is at its bitter end. There are many workers who have to take two jobs, maybe three jobs in order to make ends meet. The poverty in squalor has gone up. Child poverty has increased. Food banks have been increasing. All the problems that the working class faces has been compounded now by this cut in real wages. Of course, with the increase in energy prices, and they've gone up from what was about 1,000 to 1,200, they went up to 2,500 this time, next year they're talking about 4,000 pounds per year on average for heating your house on energy. That puts everybody, it puts it out to reach many, many people. So this is going to be a desperate situation. We thought that the 1930s were bad. Yes, it was a depression. Even then, in Britain in the 1930s, the economy grew by 3% a year. British capitalism in the last 10 years has grown by 1.2% per year. In the 1930s, it was those who were unemployed who got hammered in Scotland, Wales and the North and so on. Those who managed to get a job actually saw their living standards go up a bit because prices fell in the 1930s. It was a deflation. So we're going to have a position where workers are going to be worse off now than they were in the 1930s. That's the reality. That's going to have a big, big impact on the anger and the bitterness which is building up in the working class, particularly young workers, going to see what's happening. And yes, we were taught yesterday about the amount of discussions at the bus stops and so on and so forth. The politicisation is taking place at the present moment in society. People are talking politics. They're talking what is going on, what the hell is happening. It's not like before. This shows the change in the mood and psychology of the masses themselves. On the industrial front, there's talk of a general strike from leaders who are under pressure from their rank and file. They have to talk left. Then you see Mclynch then is coming out. We need an uprising. This is stirring up, if you like. It's feeding also the mood of the workers when they hear this kind of language and the mood of the workers is pressuring on these leaders to make such statements. Even the right wing of the trade unions are also under pressure. Christine McEnny, the right wing general secretary of unison is coming out and told her we cannot tolerate this situation anymore in the health service where nurses and health workers are having their wages cut. We have to ballot our members. There's going to be three quarters of a million health workers balloted in the next period, three quarters of a million. These teachers, these head teachers who've never been in stun strike in their lives are starting to ballot. There's a fundamental awakening and change in the working class. That's not going to stop, is it? Of course, you might be able to get a bit there, but what you're winning that hand will take with that hand. You're never going to be satisfied. You're on a rollercoaster all the time and you have to fight and fight if you're going to get anywhere. And therefore, that's what's happening in these ballots. Even Gary Smith, the right wing general secretary of the GMB. I know Gary used to be in the militant. He used to be in Scotland in the militant. Yes, he was sympathetic to Socialist People at one point. Then he went off and done his career in the union and then moved to the right, of course, and became the general secretary. What we are facing now is like a combination of the poll tax riots with the winter of discontent in 1979. In other words, that's the kind of picture he is putting forward, which is one of enormous upheaval of class battles that we have not seen for generations. That's the perspective opening up in Britain, not the quiet life that we've had before. It is a tidal wave that's facing the ruling class. A tidal wave that's facing any government that comes into office itself. And wonder the financial times, the representative of a finance capital in Britain is calling for a general election. Not that there should be a Tory government and getting a general election. Why? Because, first of all, they have no confidence in the Tories. They're wasted, they're finished. And, therefore, what we need is a new change. And, of course, what they're looking for is a Starmer Labour government. That has been the traditional role, by the way, of right-wing Labour governments. When the Tories have behaved or performed badly, then, well, they're retired in the game of cricket, the second 11 they brought on to clear up the mess. That's the only reason that they're brought in. And, of course, Labour now is no danger as far as the ruling class is concerned with Starmer at the leadership, where he's purged all the left wing, abandoned all the left-wing policies, and completely bowed down to capitalism, the market, the monarchy, the British flag, everything, and your uncle is bowed down to, you know, to ingressate himself with the ruling class. I'm your servant. I will do anything that you ask. And that's what he is. He's a right-wing agent of the ruling class within the Worker's Organization, a snake, if you like, in the Worker's Organization, together with the other Blairites and the right-wing crew that are there who are taking over as careerists and so on. And they will do the dirty. And, of course, under these circumstances, whenever the election is called, he won't want an election because they'll be annihilated. But they have to get one sooner or later and given the crisis that's going on. Who the hell knows when it's going to happen? I wouldn't know. But they have to have one by 2024. And therefore, it's like you will have a Starmer government in my opinion, as the way it's looking. It could be a majority government by the look of it. And we welcome it. We want the Starmer government. Put them in power. The working class experience the right-wing reformism of a Labour government which they'll go through and feel the bitterness against you. Because they will carry out the same policies as the Tories. They'll carry out the same dictates of the ruling class as far as they're concerned. And therefore, attack the working class. Even that government, by the way, and it could have a big majority, I will say it now, will be a government of crisis. Because of the crisis in the capitalist system, there will be a force to attack the working class. They can do no other. They have to reduce the enormous debt burden of the British state. £40 billion worth of economies will need to be made. And they will do the dirty. No doubt about it. And of course, yes, I think as Lenin said, in relation to Ramsey MacDonald will support Ramsey MacDonald like a rope supports a hangman. I won't necessarily put that in social appeal, but nevertheless, you can see what I'm talking about. No, we want these people. Let the working class go through the experience. It will mean an enormous shift to the left on the basis of that. Because they'd be a hatred. Even though there's no real illusions in Starmour, the only reason why Labour's doing so well is the Tories are doing so badly. That's the only reason, nothing else. There won't be any great expectations, but there'll be pressure and the unions will be demanding left, right and centre what they'd be doing. And who knows what kind of conditions will be created before a Labour Government comes in. There could even be a general strike on the basis they could fall into it. It's not that they want it. The TUC doesn't want it. The trade union leaders don't want it. But if they come off, for instance, they come forward with new legislation in order to further stymie the trade union movement by demanding at workers go to work during a strike and provide a certain service level during a strike, for Christ's sake. No wonder Sharon Gray says if you want to go down that road the gloves are off and that's where the pressure will be on. And they can stumble into this as they stumble in 26 as a matter of fact or in 1972 when the dark workers were arrested and the movement moved and there was going to be a one day official general strike which would have turned into an all-out general strike and then the official solicitor no-never-hooded this guy came along and said you're okay, you're right and calmed down. And that's what they did. They were definitely keen to make sure that it didn't get out of hand and of course once the workers are on the move it's difficult to stop them and that's the building up of this pressure that's taking place at the present day angered the bitterness it's hard to contain it's hard to hold back and of course a new Labour Government well, they'll be under enormous pressure under those circumstances as well and the trade unions will be pushing that Labour Government so therefore we will have to yes, we will look at events if you like but clearly if you look at the last five years you can see how the right-winger got away with murder basically Starmer got away with murder a way they cleared out the left without hardly any resistance and that's like we mentioned yesterday about the weakness of left reformism Corbyn had the Labour Party in his hands the left had the Labour Party in their hands apart from the MPs and the apparatus and they could have just sacked them but they weren't prepared to break with the right-wing MPs and the right-wing MPs were stabbing them in the back left, right and centre he was the idea that they were comrades too you know, we had to we would debate with them and they were debating, they were stabbing them in the back if I once said I'm stabbing them in the front not just the back and they were very open and brazen about it and of course using this scandalous allegation of anti-semitism which they threw at the left and instead of the left going on the offensive and denouncing it and then going on the offensive to deselect all these bastards that's the only way to do it and they would have split from the Labour Party good riddants to hell with them they would have re-generated the Labour Party on class lines but the lefts weren't prepared to do that they capitulated to the pressure they tried to appease the right-wing in the Labour Party which was the kiss of death because weakness invites aggression and every time they buckled down the right-wing got firmer and firmer and more determined because they were backed by the ruling class of course this weakness was pointing out yesterday of left reformism is a political one they do not have the confidence in the working class they have no perspective of changing society they may talk about socialism but it doesn't mean anything to them all they want is a kinder nicer capitalism they want to reform a bit here tinker with the system and so on and therefore inevitably they accept the system and it's dictates and what if you had a Labour Government come to power even if Corbyn came to power look what would happen with the markets in relation to the Tory Government do you think they are going to be nice as pie and say fine, fine of course not they are going to blackmail, dictate they are going to sabotage that Labour Government as we said they would do and that the only way forward is expropriate capitalism there is no middle ground here and that's the lesson really of the years of Corbyn there isn't a middle ground we have to take on the right-wing and as the enemy and drive them out fully on the basis of a determination to go to the very end that's the only way you do it Brzeistrotsky said inherent in reformism is betrayal why? it's not because there's some as it says yesterday they can be very sincere but the road to hell is paid with good intentions that's the whole point about it and that if you accept capitalism you get laws and the dictates of capitalism and that's why we have to do away with it all together and we saw the way in which even in the unions the left have capitulated in unison, I was at the unison conference and unison it's national executive and moved to the left they had elected a left president in Paul Holmes but the right-wing would determine to get rid of them of course what are they going to do, sit back it was important to the right-wing to attack the left and as soon as they did that the left started to capitulate and they moved into identity politics then and this was the sexual the socialist workers party and so on and eventually during that week instead of Paul being the president of the union they said no you're going to stand down because you're not a woman they said we need a woman there he was the leader of the left for Christ's sake he was attacked he was known as the secretary candidate of the left oh no it doesn't matter and then they kicked him out of the presidential team because he wasn't black it's so ridiculous for words how these people capitulate to identity politics and the pressure from the right-wing instead of facing up to it and say we want class fighters we want people fighting for the working class and dedicated to the working class whatever they are that's the criteria that we should undertake in and therefore the so anyway we've always said look that a crisis really can be brought down to a crisis of leadership that the working class is prepared to fight if they give them a lead they would even storm heaven if they had a lead but of course that lead is absent and that is a task that we have to fulfil in reality Lenin explained there were four conditions for revolution he said one, a split in the ruling class well I think the ruling class has split a bit at the moment number two that the middle class is infirmate well I think they are yes they were the mortgages where the inflation and so on the businesses are going bankrupt they are definitely infirmate as well and the collapse in the Tory party is an indication also 30 the working class on the move and they are on the move it's a beginning it's not the end but they are on the move and fourthly the building of the revolutionary party the existence of a revolutionary party which does not exist at the present time and therefore that is our fundamental task in the next period the other points will mature are maturing, have matured but the fourth one which is the guarantee for success needs to be built the revolution is going to happen whether we are here or not comrades because objective conditions will force the working class to move what we are talking about is a successful revolution and that requires a revolutionary party to lead the working class and therefore we have to say on the basis of the changing consciousness of the working class there will be layers that will draw yes radical and even revolutionary conclusions you will be shocked for what will happen people will vote Tory will end up in our ranks of our organisation I remember Felix Farrell jobs rather in the United States he was the leader of the Trotskies in 1928 he voted for the republican presidency of Hoover three years later he was in the ranks of the Trotskies movement and became a leader you don't have to go through the right wing and then Tories and then right wing Labour and then left reformism and then let's get the Marxism you can have people jump over their heads and draw revolutionary conclusions that's the dialectic of it and that's what we must understand as well that the whole basis that we face is the need to build the organisation build the forces of Marxism of course we cannot do that just by announcing it and it will not be done as events move we can't just spontaneously create something it has to be built beforehand that was the lesson of Lenning and the Bolshevik party who put in painful years of building up the forces and when the opportunities arose they were able to take advantage of it they were in February 1917 the Bolsheviks had 8,000 members by October they had 240,000 members and the vast majority of the Soviets were under their influence and they took power of course I'm not saying it takes nine months it will take a lot what we're going to have is a protracted revolution in Britain more like the Spanish Revolution which went from 1931 to 1937 and even within that you had two black years two reactionary periods because a revolution is not a one act it's a process of the transformation of the consciousness of the working class but it's a process that begins and develops and extends and on the basis that it matures and if you have a revolutionary party in place when it's matures then you could lead the working class to power we comrades, we have less than a thousand comrades we're not far off a thousand we need to get to that thousand but we need to build to 5,000 and 10,000 that is entirely possible are you telling me there's not what 5 or 10,000 young people in Britain at the present time who would not join our organisation I tell you they exist but we have to get them we have to reach out it will not be built for us and that requires you ourselves to put the effort the determination in in order to build this organisation to build the subjective factor because without that we are lost with it we will win and if we can develop an organisation 5, 10,000 on the basis of events that will grow enormously under conditions of revolutionary further as was for instance the PUM which was a centrist organisation which grew from about one and a half thousand to 50,000 in the space of weeks on the basis of the Spanish Revolution but you have to have that core first the educated Marxist caters that we have to recruit to the organisation and develop and educate when young workers to the organisation through the youth through when the older layers that's the way to do it but if we consciously determined now this is the main task that we will perform then we can reach those targets we can build that organisation we can create the subjective factor which can lead to the victory of the working class in Britain and internationally and create a world fit for our class for our people of plenty no war, no poverty but growing living standard a real life for our people for our working class through when the international knowledge unites the human race of space the answer new