 Gweithio'r gweithio yw hwn yn ystafellio'r ffaith, ond mae'n fewn i'n meddwl i'ch thangos eich gwasanaeth, fewn o'r ffasol gweithio'n ffaint a'r hyn. One of my students, Peter Rudiatt Gould, ganddwch gyda ffildwr yn y gynnig o'r Lleidau Marseill ilywyr, y gweithio'r gweithio, ac yn lluniau yn y ddechrau. Felly hanfyddiw'r gweithio'r gweithio'r barod, y dreidiau, fewn i'r ardal Llywodraeth yn cael y gweithio, a mae'n fwyeg o'r llwysiau yn ymdod o'r hwn yng nghymru. Mae'n gorfodd diwethaf, i bwybliol, yn gwneud o gwybod yn ymddi'r llwysiau, a ffodd yfynodd o'r twymu yn ymddi'r llwysiau. Dyn ni'n rhaid i'r ffordd a'r ffordd, mae hyn yn dwylo'n weithio'r gwrthau. Efallai, mae'n gwybod o'r twymu'n gwisig yw'r thiru angen i gweithio'r gweithio fel gyd, neu'r gweithio'r rhan o'r ffawr. Bydd yw'r cyfnod haf wrth ddweud y grwpeth sy'n golygell yw'r ffaith cyllid, sy'n hollwch ymlaen yn unifau. Felly, y gael eich bobl. Y galat pol yn 2010 yw'r 40% am ystafell ymlaen i'r gweithio bydd ymlaen yn ei wneud erbyn o'r hwn yn ei gwneud ymlaen i gael 10,000 oed. Mae rhywbeth sy'n hollwch eich gobl sy'n hollwch i'w hyfforddiadau, drws gweithio i gynnwys, sy'n deall i'n gwybod i gyd, a phobl i gyd yn ymgyrchol, a'r iawn i'r unifyd. Pactpunigini, mae gweithio'r ddechrau o'r ddaf yn cyllunio o gymryd, bydd yn ddechrau i gyd yng Ngheilio'n gwybod a'r product o'r proles ymlaen, a'r creau o'r bydau a'r goleidau o'r gwybod i gyd, a'r ddau'n gweithio gyd yn gwybod i gyd, a amddân rŵlwg sy'n cysgu estosydd. Cyn oes un bwysig o'r system ffathol i Umhylch yn unrhyw dim, yn ffarth cymdeithas nhw bredd 공wg wahanol و gynllun gyda'r yn un bwysig o'r ffathol i Umhylch o homogwpen Melanesiolaeth. yn y ffathol i Umhylch, ddod o'r clymau a ddannag, o'r clymau a ddannag o gyfysg, o'r ddannag o bod azernig o arno, y mhenau i Umhylch fel y bywones. ..finden when we really need to understand the psychology involved. My colleagues and I have been studying this problem for quite a number of years... ..and I'm tempted to share with you the many interesting facts this has generated... ...but our experience isn't going to get us on the same page quickly. So instead, I'm going to tell you a bit of a story... ..about my trials Tri musicalistic and anthropology levels. And I'm going to slip a few facts in along the way. My story begins here in Papua New Guinea, where I went to live for two years... Gun y mal gan gailedydd ar alon roedd gyrfa человека yng Nghymru gan gan costechoedd o'r bodici, ein modiau'r cy expl о fy hwn. Rwy'n meddwl iawn i fydd festive i arbennig ac mf Dalfawr anfril, yna all Teis geleu nifer. Ty wedi arwb publisharnio'r adael i'r meddlisteb yng Nghymru, will soon return from the dead bearing all the wonders of Western technology. They'll flatten the rainforest and produce magically overnight a vast city of high rise buildings, the likes of which people had only ever heard stories about. Before this could happen, however, the ancestors needed to be convinced that the living were ready for this miracle to occur. It said that the ancestors, though invisible, are all around Getting all around at any given moment, keeping a very close watch on peoples coming and goings, they are gratified when people perform the correct rituals of the tradition and offended when they transgress against the norms and rules and morals of the thing. Now one other thing I should say is that these ancestors when they return are expected to take the form of ethnically European people so when I a young white Mae'r cymdeithas wedi gwneud am ddod yn cael ei wneud hynny, ymddangos ei gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio a'r interpreter. Roeddwn ni'n rhoi'r gweithio sy'n gweld i'r gweithio'r community, byddwn ni'n cynnig i'r gwneud am y llwyddiadau gwaith o'r gwag gweithio'r cyfnodau, wedi'u llwyddiadau gweithio'r ffordd, ddaeth, yma'r dweudiau. Also, during my stay, I came to observe the development of a whole set of new rituals that were very intense emotionally and had never been performed before. They included very euphoric things like dancing and singing and a mass marriage and things of that kind, but they also involved some very dysphoric, very unpleasant rituals, and these seem to be especially bonding for people. Eventually, as they waited for their ancestors to return and consumed through large feasts, all of their livestock and garden produce, they ended up facing the spectre of starvation and had to go back to their ordinary lives and rebuild their shattered economy. Now you might think that the failure of prophecy here would have dented enthusiasm for the cult, but not at all. This cult has been going for more than 50 years. It's as strong today as it's ever been. And in fact, nobody's enthusiasm was at all dented by this experience of the failure of prophecy. In fact, if anything, people were more tightly bonded together than ever before. Now, I wanted to then see to the extent to which some of these things I'd observed in Papua New Guinea generalised to other cultural groups. So, my colleagues and I began to gather together a huge amount of information about the world's rituals extracted from an amazing resource called the Human Relations Area Files, which is a vast storehouse of ethnographic writings. I did say I was going to slip in a few facts. Here's an example. What we found is that if you analyse the rituals of the world, they do fall into the kinds of categories that I observed in Papua New Guinea. There's a sort of inverse correlation between frequency and emotional arousals and, in fact, a real clustering of rituals around the high frequency, but rather boring end of the continuum, rather like the laying out of offerings to the ancestors in those temples that unite large populations and a clustering of rituals around the lower frequency but more intense end of the spectrum that are much more bonding. This all seemed to confirm our hypotheses, but we also learned something that really surprised us, that as rituals become more frequent, agricultural intensity increases. In other words, as societies become more reliant on farming, as they become larger and more complex, the rituals become more frequent, rather less intense emotionally, and the really rare intense rituals, like the ones of the Splinter Group that I described, become less common. In fact, they're often perceived as a threat in larger societies to the unity of the state or the nation or what have you. Now, to test these theories, to see whether they really tell us about the way ritual and social complexity and group size etc evolve, we constructed a really large database of global historical materials called Seishat, named after the ancient Egyptian goddess of writing. This is a really ambitious endeavour. We have already 150,000 complex data points in the data bank, and it will enable us to test a wide variety of theories about the nature and origins of social complexity, but it will also crucially allow us to be able to make predictions about global trends in ways that we think will be a great value to policy makers. We also test some of these theories experimentally, so the idea that intense emotional experiences are especially bonding for the group is something that we've been studying for a long time, and our evidence does suggest that dysphoric experiences are the most bonding of all. One of the reasons we think this is the case is that dysphoric experiences prompt a great deal of reflection, and that is used to build the sense of the personal self, the stuff that makes you, you, and that makes me, me. When you share those sorts of things with a group, it's incredibly bonding. We've been studying the psychology of these sorts of patterns of group bonding among tribal warriors, victims of terrorist atrocities, religious groups, even football fans, and actually it turns out that if your football team loses regularly and you suffer a lot as a consequence, you're much more bonded than if your team consistently wins, so you should join the bad teams really. This also helps us to understand certain otherwise very puzzling religious doctrines. Why have a religion which a god senses only sun to be horribly tortured and killed for a sin that occurred many generations before he was born or any of them at the time? It sort of makes no sense in terms of factuality, but in terms of the psychology involved it makes perfect sense. This is an incredibly intensely bonding doctrine for Christians both with one another and with their Messiah figure, and I think this is also the spirit in which we need to understand these cargo cults. They're not fundamentally about the facts of where technology comes from. They're about the shared dysforic experience of colonised peoples, indigenous peoples in the face of oppressive colonial regimes, and their efforts to unify themselves in response to that. Fats don't unite us, but rituals and shared experiences and emotions do. An interesting feature of this is that it doesn't seem to matter whether these things are actually shared. What matters is the conviction of sharedness, and this actually may have some important policy implications. Violent groups are very often united, unified by the conviction of shared dysforic experience, so the idea that other members of your group share your sufferings. But what if we could develop interventions that challenge those shared assumptions, those convictions in the sharedness of the dysforia? My colleagues and I, as part of a European Research Council grant, are attempting to do exactly that, and if we're successful this may actually be one of those occasions where it may not actually be such a bad thing that facts don't unify us. Thank you.