 Okay, so the next talk is from Dr. Dorian Bram, who is a PhD candidate at the University of Cambridge, researching on zoonosis within displaced populations. Dr. Bram is not here with us, but I think she has prerecorded her talk, so we should just get it in a minute. My name is Dorian Bram, and I am a PhD candidate at the Disease Dynamics Unit at the Department of Veterinary Medicine at the University of Cambridge, and Director of Praxis Labs, a research consultant seeing humanitarian and international developments. In this lecture, I will discuss the linkages between some of the most important challenges of the 21st century, including forced migration, food security and infectious diseases, looking at the use of a framework based on the One Health approach to investigate zoonotic diseases in displaced populations. Using a conservative estimate, over 60% of emerging infectious diseases are of zoonotic origin. However, of more importance to the health and daily lives of livestock dependent populations are endemic zoonosis such as bruselosis and bovine tuberculosis. During emergencies, the aftermath of conflict and disasters exacerbates ill health outcomes, while displacement further affects risks due to changing pathogens and disease factor environments, challenging living conditions and access to healthcare. This may be as a result of their location, which is quite often a remote marginal location assigned by local authorities, not in use by local populations, or a fear of prosecution by immigration authorities, for instance. Currently, there are over 82 million people forcibly displaced worldwide as a result of conflict, violence or disasters, almost 8 million more than when this map was made. The majority of forced migrants are internally displaced, the green sections of the pie charge on the map. Most displacement occurs in countries where a relatively large population is dependent on agriculture and livestock. In the context of climate change, environmental degradation and more frequent disasters, forced migration is projected to further increase with significant global health risk. However, although forced migration is often cited as a distinct risk factor, especially for the spread of infectious diseases between regions, this fails to capture the complex processes around movements, mixed populations and their networks, which will affect their vulnerability. However, currently there are fewer bus studies on zoonotic disease transmission risks in displaced populations. Most importantly, there is a lack of primary data with most stakeholders assuming that the risk always increases due to the aforementioned risk factors, without properly addressing these. Instead, animals are often blocked from formal relief camps due to the assumed zoonotic disease risk, or only include in humanitarian responses as an afterthought, with the human population becoming solely dependent on humanitarian assistance such as food aid. Systematically ignoring humanitarian responses, displaced people take matters into their own hands, using scarce resources to provide feed and improvised shelter for their livestock, as these pictures from Somalia show. While humans and animals lacking sufficient nutrition and substandard living conditions are likely to increase the risk of zoonotic disease transmission, the aim of my study is to determine the actual impact of displacement on zoonotic disease transmission vulnerability and risk. Based on systematic literature views into infectious and zoonotic disease risk factors during displacement and into the theoretical frameworks and approaches used to study zoonoses in displacement, I developed a conceptual framework combining concepts from eco health, one health and social epidemiology as the basis for my fieldwork. I found that the eco-social theory provided a suitable background to analyze my research findings, as it takes into account not only biological and environmental factors, but importantly includes political and economic processes and socio-economic inequalities, and how these express themselves in health outcomes, which is highly relevant and often structurally marginalized displaced populations. I developed as a qualitative case study methodology approach, using a combination of literature and secondary data reviews, conducting key informed interviews with experts in health, veterinary and disaster responses, and household level interviews with livestock dependent populations with displacement experience. For my study locations, I traveled to Pakistan and Jordan. In Pakistan, I conducted fieldwork in Sindh province, located in southeast Pakistan, host to the river Indus Delta and the Tahr desert, bordering the Arabian Sea and India, at high risk of a range of environmental disasters and related displacement. In Jordan, I visited Mahfrak governorates in northern Jordan, host to a large percentage of Syrian refugees with rural backgrounds. Each year thousands of people become internally displaced in Sindh, as a result of recurrent droughts and floods, but livestock often the only movable assets. Sindh is venerable to flooding, not only from the river, but also during heavy monsoons, and as a result of the increasing impacts of climate change, causing sea intrusion and coastal erosion. These causes result in either short or long term displacement, with most relocating temporarily to nearby river banks, rebuilding their houses and shelters every year once the floods have retreated. If the floods are particularly severe, people and animals may move further away to urban areas to join relatives and host communities. During the so called super floods of 2010, around 10% of displaced ended up in formal relief camps where long livestock was allowed. Some of the people affected by the super flood remain displaced, primarily those who lost older assets. During floods, formal and informal refugee camps or tents and settlements are often assigned marginal locations, in areas where local populations are unlikely to settle. Insufficient humanitarian funding to large crisis have resulted in substandard living conditions and sanitary problems. Standing water is a prime infectious disease risk, and lands affected by sea water intrusion became salinated and unsuitable to establish sustainable livelihoods. Washing is done in the same canals as where the animals drink and bathe, while the lack of drainage is a concern for dengue and malaria. The space communities lived and made huge shelters, with animals herded away from the living spaces during the day, but tied up next to it at night. Young animals were kept in the tents, in the shade, in the same space where women cooked. Environmental conditions mean that shelters are destroyed annually and are in constant need of renovation. Young animals are kept close to cooking facilities in water storage, risking contamination. During this basement, livestock is an important consideration in determining movement and destination location, however rarely accommodated by relief agencies. Pre-existing connections, status within the community, rural within the household and available resources play a significant role in determining displacement experience and related impacts on immunity and health of animals and humans, both during displacement and the aftermath. Health outcomes during forced migration were mainly influenced by poor living conditions and a lack of nutrition and having to relocate to dry marginal zones. Meanwhile, people continuously have to spend time rebuilding shelters and life-ludes, impacted their availability to work and provide an income, deepening the socioeconomic divide and making them even more vulnerable to future disaster and disease, causing more temporary and permanent displacements. While environments and pathogens play a role, unequal power relations, pre-existing networks and connections, and the availability of assistance, all rooted in institutionalized historical inequalities, determined people's vulnerability to displacement and disease. One of the most important risk factors for zoonotic disease vulnerability is a person's socioeconomic status, and floods primarily affected the poor population as they lived in already low-lying, marginalized areas appointed by feudal landlords. They were most at risk of displacements, have fewer access to resources, and therefore cannot pay veterinarians or doctors during health emergencies. Many do not own identification cards and are not registered anywhere, which hampers their access to healthcare, but she even in normal times in rural Sint. As livestock was not allowed in former relief camps, households split up. While women and children remained in camps, men would herd their animals in higher areas with no access to feed or water, where they encountered pathogens that were new to their animals. The lack of humanitarian assistance to livestock resulted in animal deaths, through starvation and disease, impacting the food supply to the displaced, as well as their ability to recover life-loss after the floods. Displacements experienced there for primarily dependent on people's status within the community and pre-existing connections. My second case study location, Jordan, hosts over 1 million refugees from Syria and smaller populations from Iraq and other countries. Most refugees arrived in Jordan after the outbreak of civil war in Syria in 2011, during which the Syrian government lost control over a large part of the country, escalating in a complex, multi-sided conflict over the next years. With the collapse of health services and vaccinations, diseases such as chipolio reemerged. As a result of the lapse in quarantine and border control in Syria, the region saw an increase in endemic diseases, including persilosis and legemaniasis. However, outbreaks are generally blamed on the legal trafficking of animals by opportunistic traders, rather than refugees bringing their livestock. Over half of the country's citizens have become forced to be displaced, with about half of those becoming refugees. And the vast majority hosted in neighboring countries, Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, as many had pre-existing networks and connections. Access to veterinarian public healthcare for Syrians in Jordan is complex and has changed several times over the years, making it difficult to understand and access for refugees. And access and resulting health status of both animals and humans was highly dependent on pre-existing connections in local networks. Many Syrians already had relatives living in Jordan, since the borders were drawn artificially by colonial powers across tribal areas. Others had seasonal jobs for which they moved in and out of Jordan, staying behind permanently once the war broke out, often bringing their families living in informal tented settlements with newly acquired livestock pictured here. Only a small group without pre-existing connections or sponsors is still living in formal refugee camps, of which Zaatari remains the largest and best known. Pathways to displacements impact people's living and health conditions, including through their living conditions and environments, access to veterinarian health services and support from formal or informal connections. We are humanitarian aid has scaled down over the years, while refugees still cannot formally access veterinary services, including vaccinations. And these policies of exclusion do not only threaten their and their animal health status, but also that of the Jordanian host population. While environment and pathogens play a role in zoonotic disease risk in forced migration, it is mainly the compound hazards during displacements which determine zoonotic disease risks. These include power and poverty, pre-existing networks and connections, and the availability of assistance. People's vulnerability to zoonosis is largely grounded in structural inequalities and related vulnerabilities need to be addressed at individual, household, community and institutional level. During displacement, livestock is an important consideration in determining movement and destination location, however rarely accommodated by relief agencies. Pre-existing connections, status within the community, the role within the household and available resources play a significant role in determining displacement experience and a related impact on immunity and health. Pathways to zoonotic diseases are therefore complex and non-linear, and responses to disease risks need not only considered biological drivers, but importantly environmental, historical, political and socioeconomic factors. The results of my study highlight that health and disease outcomes in forced migration and complex emergencies do not only depend on prevalent diseases, but importantly on the type of displacements and people's status and socioeconomic profile. Researchers and responders can mitigate many of these risks by planning the response better, for instance setting up camps in safe spaces, accommodating animals, preventing overcrowding and ensuring sanitary living conditions, as well as access to veterinary services. Rather than blocking livestock and their owners access to humanitarian assistance, a better consideration of livestock value in terms of nutrition, but also mental health and recovery needs to be made.