 Mynd i ddallu'n amser ac efallai llawer y pwynghbeth. Mae'n bod i'n cydweithio sut yng nghymru, ond wrth gwrs, dwi'n gwybod i ddweithio â'r analogyau cynarynau. Mae gwybod, pwynghbeth yn cyd-wyrsiau i'r cymraeg. Bydd y gallai y gwirio drosau i ddweithio. Mae'n ddiwedd i'ch chymru yn y lleol. Ym 2003 a yn ei gwrs ac yn ychydig ochr â'r unig newid strictio rwy'n fydda i'ch ymddangos â'r arweith. Felly, esbryd mewn amser. If you could actually explain to the people what an arm drowned actually does... ...you have a great service to them. So when I became European Armoured when I realized my task was even greater... ...because it is a small institution which has a vision against it and others... ...just 70 people. And it's quite a young institution as well. It merged out of my strict breeding. The first armoured was pointed in there to the Gulf of Soto. Yn 1996, ydych chi'n gweithio ar y dweud, yw'r amlwg. Yn ymdweud yw'r amlwg, yw'r amlwg, yw'r amlwg, yw'r amlwg, yw'r amlwg, yw'r amlwg, ac mae'n gweld i'n parlynt yn 2013, yn ymddangos 2013, ac mae'n gweithio ar y dweud. Yn ymddangos 2013, yw'n parlynt yn y parlynt, yw'r newid parlynt yn 2014, i wedi ei wneud o'r gweithio ar y diwedd. Er, mae'n gweld i'n parlynt i'w pryd, mae'n cwylogion, ac mae'n sg unaill kwych, ond ychydig yn ei wneud i'r cwylogion. Felly, mae gennym ni am wrth i du. Yn ymddangos, mae'n cyrau'n cydweithio ar gyfer gwaith hwnnw, ac mae'n cyfrifiad agor nhw, i fi yw'r crinod. Yn ymddangos, yw'n cyfrifiad yw'r newid yw'r newid. Mae sut yw wedi'i'n ei wneud, a'i ei dwyddi o'r ein cyfaint o'r scherfod y gallwn yn ymgyrch. Mae'n argymellio'r cyfrifonau ar y ffrifonau, mae'n bod yn ystafell yn gweithio'r ymgyrch. Yn ymgyrch, mae'n yn ei ddefnyddio'r cyfrifonau a'r cyfrifonau ar y gweithredu. Ystyried bod ychwanegwch â'r tylch yn yr Unedig Ieolyddion Ieolwyrdig yw'r eistedd, byddwn yn yn bynnag followers wedi'u tympennu. Mae'r ddigonig nid i'w rhai o'n atweud bod tynnu a'r ddod i ddod i ddod i'w rhai morfyrdd sydd wedi'i dod amser ar ddod i ddod y ac yn ddod i ddod i ddod Ieolwyrdig yw'r ddod i ddod yn drosu. Yew hwnnw, rydw i wedi broeddau'n gweld, os ydydd i am y Rwy'n credu bod y byddai'n gyfaradau ymlaen, yna ble cyntaf ar adrodau gyda hwnnw i'r cyflaen, byddai'n cyfeu'r hunain ar syniadol, a maen nhw'n ddiwedd y ddweud o'n gyflaen i'r ddweud o hyd yn cymhag gweithio, ac'u byddai'n bwysig o hynny wedi gwneud o gael eu ddim yn cyflaenau mewn cyflaen i ddweud. Rwy'n dechrau fe ddim o'r cyflawn o wybodau. Rydyn ni'n gyrfa swyddfa sydd gyrfa, na siwd gyntafol, cyflawn fy modd, gyda chyflwyniadau, oeddech chi'n gwheiddiwch a'i gilydd. Rydyn ni wedi ar gyfer am wneud mosfadau newydd, efallai y cerddau yn yr hyn ardal gydag yma, a allan eu sylwg, mae'n ymddangos eich cyflawn o'r cyflawn i'r lle hwnnw sydd. Rydyn ni wedi ei feddwl ar gyfer am y rhwng yn y cyflwyddol, ac mae'n gyrfa'r cyfleu Many of them are based on hustles who are watching governance issues, watching transparency issues, on the right, etc. Some of them are very good, but do an aimless to do as a significant support of the NGOs and that would not be the case in other countries where you have to be personally affected by something, directly affected by something, in order to bring a complaint. Yn spectu'r gwelun o'r hyffordi eich byddai'r ysgol iawn, a dweud i gael 12% sy'n gweld yn lleolol ar gyfalu'r cymdeithas .. .. rydym yn viola pelunau. Rydyn nhw yw'r clywbeth i'r cyffinch yw Gweithliau Bryrygiau Bryrygiau Amla. Ieitha gyd yn gyfindebeth? Fy gen i nid yw yw'r parwyr sydd y gallu gwlad i amser. Mae'r hanes gan gynhyrch mewn byddai'r llwysod yn y gyda'r maeth, ac mae'r llwysod yn byw mwy i'w pwysig. Mae gennym. Mae'r look wedi cael ei ddweud y bydd oedd. Mae'n siŵr oherwydd mae'r newid nhw wedi ddweud i'r waziannod cyfael y cydwyd. a'r myfnwysgfaith ydw i gael'n rhywbeth a'u cyfle cerddorol. Dwi'n wneud i ddau'r adael o Gwyneth Ymbr i DVD-ymy o ddweudio'n Llineidol i Gwyneth Mhontoryn, ac mae'r cyfyrdd o'r du achos ddull ffodol. Mae'r effaith ymddangos Eurau Llyfrgellur oedd yn unrhyw meddwl ac mae'r barhau meddwl yma'n unrhyw meddwl. Rwy'n fyddwch i'n meddwl. Mae'r gefnogaeth ymddangos ymlaen i'r cyffredinol felly mae'n ddayl o'r dweud, mae'n ei wneud ddim yn ddim yn mynd i'r defnyddio, a'r ddechrau i'r ddod i mi o'r hwn. Felly, o draw, mae'r ddithatos yn ei hyn ac mae'r ddod i'r inghul iawn ei wneud i y ddod i'r Ffaint. Fe y ddod i atoed, mae'n ffaint azure ësgwyddius o golygu ddatanol ac mae ddod i ddod i'n rwyng suggestions pwysig a'r dechrau o'r hynod, a bod y ddod i ddod i ddod i ddod i ddod i ddod i g Scof. Twun yw ymdrygu'r cyfnodd ac yw'r ad gan yw'r edrych yn blaen i. Ond rydyn ni'n uwch i ddechrau'r cyäd, yn unrhyw'n rysyn. Ychydig yw yma y pethau yn ystod o'r cyffredin. mae'n hynny i'w gwybod i'n ffagoriaeth y ddechrau'r cynddoedd, yn gyfrifiad yw y White House i yw. Y cyfiwn cynnwch pa y gallwn, mae'n cyfifiriaid, mae'r cyfifiriaid o'r cyfan, ac mae'r cyfifiriaid eraill soldiers. mae'r EU yn ysgolwyr yn bwysig o'i rhan o gyfnodol yn ysgolwyr. Rhydwch sy'n dweud o gyfnodol o'r gweithio, cymryd, IET, Cevindus, Pharmaceuticals, Fynatio Services, ac mae'r broslwyr yn cael ei gweithio ffordd o'r gweithio a fyddai'r Lobbys. Roeddwn i'n gweithio'r Lobbys, Mae ei gallwn ar y cyflawn bwysigio'r cynliadau yma i gyflawni'r gyflawni arall yn y gyfle gyda'r gwaith. A would that revolve doors, when people who've worked very actively at a higher level in the Commission on a particular file have moved across the world to work with a co-operation and have a greater interest in what was in those particular files. The issue for me is how not what the individuals do because they have the opportunity to, if they still wish to but it's what the Commission does and what the institutions do of making sure that the topics of interest are at our level, and taking interest, if that's possible. So, other examples in the visual complaints, lots of, say, small companies, who would be very dependent, perhaps, on a contract from the commissioner and other institution that run into trouble in relation to late payments or non-payments or a dispute over certain matters in connection with that. They can come to us, we can look at the entire file, and then we can make a recommendation. 90% of the recommendations now would be accepted, which is a reasonably good operating average. Another language policy for EU websites and public consultations, that tends to be a very big issue. Recently, as you know, when this has become the language, it's overtaken with French in terms of the normal language of the administration. And then, very often, agencies and institutions just think they just need to translate their particular records and documents into the English, French and German, or maybe one other language, so it's a constant factor to have them see that actually. They are not being very inclusive of important documents, whether it's public consultations or tenders for contract or whatever are not available in all of the languages. And then you hear that it's a constant interpreter, a constant translation and so on, but you know, we hardly believe that at all. How the EU money is spent, that would be in relation to, for example, for EU funds, how the commission checks that the money is being spent appropriately, and that it is, for example, human rights proofed when it is being used within a member state. We get about 20,000 complaints every year, a lot of them we send right back to the member states. We try and help everybody who comes with us, so a lot of the complaints that I was Irish on and I would get complaints from, I don't know if you know them as well, but we always try and help everybody who comes to us. We direct them to where their complaint can be best dealt with. So we open roughly around 300 investigations once we see that the complaint is within our remit and so on. Most of them would be against the European Commission, not that it's any better at work than any other institution. In fact, there's very high standards of administration in many of the areas, but it's just the big beast on the general seat would expect that to happen. EU agencies, EXO, the European Personnel Selection Office, obviously they're the gatekeeper when it comes to accessing employment in the EU, so many of you who might have children who have applied for positions probably would have gone through EXO, so we would get complaints very often from candidates who have failed, particular exam who failed to get a job, and we would just simply look at the process and to make recommendations for the group. The European External Action Service, sometimes we get complaints in relation to things that have happened in delegations, for example. Transparency complaints at the European Parliament, we don't deal with the political piece, we just deal with the administration and so on. Oh, that would be a lot of transparency issues around. So you can see there are 300 in the regional work, given that there are 500 million people in the EU, so when I came in and indeed during my election campaign I had to think about whether I'm going to bring this office into the next stage in terms of its development, its visibility and its usefulness to the institutions and to the citizens. I was very familiar with the office because as I've never studied office women, I've been part of the network, so I knew the things I did, I knew the things that I thought I didn't do so well. And I suppose everybody who takes up an office brings their own particular sensibility to it. My immediate predecessor, Llywodraeth Llywodraeth, he was a political science professor. So when he came into office, it was just when we'd had the new countries, all the accession states, and he had specialised in Eastern and Central Europeans, so his focus was very much on that, a more of the external piece, if you like, and helping you all in some of his offices and all of that. Because of my background as a journalist and so on, I was more interested, I suppose, in the internal piece, but also in looking for cases that were current, that were current relevance, and that had a significant public interest piece. And that my idea was that I would either use my power of initiative, which means that I don't actually have to have a complaint to open an inquiry, but also the complaints that we did get to try and attract complaints. So once you mind them, I mean, that you could achieve something quite significant. So that's the route I decided to follow. So my criteria is that they are in the public interest. And but also that they're capable of a good outcome. I mean, you know, I could do something incredibly work, and everybody would say that's a great issue to get involved in, but if I have zero chance of getting it across the line, then it's not worth it. I don't mean that I go for a low hanging proof, but you know, you have to have, in a small office with very limited resources, you have to really optimise those resources and make sure that you have a good chance of getting a good outcome. So co-operation of the European Network of Alms, and what I decided to do instead of endlessly going around to each other's conferences, I set up what I call parallel investigations with the network. So I would do the European piece, the piece that I wanted in the agency, and they would do their piece within their own member states. So one of the very first ones I did, related to the EU border agency context, so I looked at how it was dealing with the returns operations. These were the operations that it administers in conjunction with member state authorities, when the member states are seeking to return people who have failed the asylum test and who have returned to their country, perhaps Nigeria, or other countries like that. So I did my piece in relation to how context deals were about to make sure that those flights are alive, with the appropriate human rights standards, and then about 15 to 17 of the member state colleagues did their piece, so together we were getting an operator traction. So this was one of the big talks when I came in, was the transatlantic trade investment partnership, and at the time I came in, certainly in 2014, there was a lot of parliamentary, EU parliamentary and obviously member state partners as well, a lot of civil society agitation around the lack of transparency of these negotiations. So I decided the first big initiative investigation was into the transparency of this particular process. So apart from just, you know, questioning the commission and the relevant commissioner and DG in relation to what they were doing, what was visible and what wasn't visible, we also did a public consultation. But I asked people to define their terms. I didn't want that they say they're not transparent enough. Okay, well, what does that mean? What is the transparent? What do you think should be more transparent? If possible, harms emerge, if everything is too transparent on top of that, everyone to help them. So that was it, but I suppose I was helped by the guy in the picture on the right, he's one of the US negotiators that you may have mentioned before, Rani, if you can imagine it. So I was actually enabled in this because the new commission that came in, had transparency. It's a big piece of their work and they wanted to be judged by their transparency standards. So that was very nice for me because I could almost say to the lady, I'm delighted with what I'm doing and what I'm recommending because I absolutely think it's your agenda. So a lot of the recommendations that I made that might not have gone across the line in a different commission or a few years ago, are getting across the line. And it's commissioner Maelstrom who is the trade commissioner and her old pieces is a rather transparency of background as an MVP and she was involved in the transparency regulation 1049 and so on. So that was quite a successful investigation that wasn't just my doing and the result of, I suppose, united efforts are different and it's coming together. A lot of the documents in relation to TTIP are now, a lot of documents in relation to TTIP are now online. So the difficulty, the tricky one was around the U.S. because the EU, like a union of these negotiations, has actually given a veto to the U.S. and said, if you don't want these documents released or they won't release them. But I've made a point to the commissioner and to the commission that if it is an EU document then it is amenable to the transparency regulation to 1049 and it has to be examined in that light and yes, of course you can consult with the U.S. and there may be many other reasons that you may accept by the U.S. doesn't want these documents to be released but if they are released then you have to release them. So, transparency of the ECB. Yes, this was kind of in between a complaint on the ECB and some of you may have followed the story last year when I remember the executive board of the ECB, the French guy I think, he was at a private dinner in the University of London, I think, maybe in London, I'm not sure. But it was a particular school within this college that had been sponsored by HFM and Co-operation since private dinner, Chathamhouse Rules and he gave a speech and he slipped a particular piece of information which would not be formally released by the ECB until the following morning apparently the two speeches were supposed to be released at the same time when he was speaking about it and so there's a tiny little market in relation to this. So it was a bit of an idea right about this so I wrote to Maria Draghi and I suggested to him that I should have this was a good administration to give me the importance of the ECB that there should be no perception that certain people are being given privileged access and that whatever it was at it should be available to all. So as a result of that they did change their processes and they've also also changed their rules of engagement in that they now are observing a period, a period of silence before some of their monthly meetings and monthly announcements and that's what a lot of the comparable of them institutions do. So a small intervention like that was able to yield a result. Yes, that's it. I mean this is speaking of engagement publication of calendars of governing board members of essential client areas in the week when you have to monitor your policy meetings. So again it's all around transparency and that and I think also I think what enabled you know me to to get certain things across the line and that is that as we all know it seems to be much of a very obscure institution a few years ago home citizens would be aware of it and certainly people who were and welcome to the Troika across their borders would be very aware of it so the public consciousness of these institutions these financial institutions are much much stronger than it was a few years ago and I've said to BCB and the ERB is one of the they have a duty to respond to it but it also makes good business sense because they are going to be over the years increasingly hit with transparency requests so they have to get their act together or else they don't spend their life explaining to press conferences why something has been lacked out or why they are making available and so on so you know it's a new era and new expectations and behind I noticed that myself as information commissioner here during the boom times you know hardly an apple line request crossed the department of the Taoiseach's desk or very few the Department of Finance because everything is going fine and nobody was was rooting around too much and then once the the collapse happens there's a huge 200, 300% increase and that's so you know equally easy all these have to be aware of that transparency around the stage of the time yeah this is one that I haven't got across the line yet in that the commission has started a recommendation down but I don't think the play is completely over yet so some of you will have been aware of the big tobacco directive that went through I think in 2013 or 2014 I think finally went through and it was called the most heavily lobbied dossier in the line of the EU because the tobacco industry just went full set and it's quite extraordinary awful about down there this is a complaint that came to me from one of the more active NGOs in terms of transparency it's called CEO or Corporate or Observatory and they alleged that the commission had not disclosed certain meetings that they'd had the tobacco industry and if that was the case it would have not been confined with the with the tobacco there with the UN tobacco convention which basically tries to restrict the space in which the tobacco companies can operate of government or administrative levy so these are the complaints to us we looked at the fires and we discovered that it wasn't about the that the meetings have been given as such but it was that you had to go looking to see whether they had happened that was the case so in other words you had to make a transparency a request you had to make a network request so there were not being the details of these meetings were not being released proactively so I took the view that this was my administration because it breached if not absolutely the legal letter of the law in relation to the UN framework convention on tobacco but it certainly breached the spirit of it because even within the convention the idea is that you are proactive about this you're not passive proactive pathways of which you can you can do this so I made recommendations to the so these are the obligations that commission should proactively publish all the meetings of tobacco lobbyists and of leaders and that the lawyers representing the tobacco industry are also lobbyists because my colleagues who looked at the files discovered that the commission officials were noting down certain meetings because they did not recognise that the lawyers were lobbyists and in fact they can act as we know of the ways they can act if there is a piece of litigation entirely correct if that should be kept private but if you look if you just if you deny the moment Google you know lobbying firms in Brussels and then look at the law firms that come up and then look to see who their cast of characters are very often they are people who work in the legal services of the council and the commission and they are seen as as big catches and there's absolutely nothing wrong with that but it's important that the commission sees them in that role and not just in their purely purely legal role so the commission decided not to follow the recommendations I spoke to vice president him a few times in relation to this and he took the view that that he took the view of what he took the view that oh yes the one commissioner the one DG that does proactively put out his meetings is DG Health and he says well DG Health and that is not going to dictate the transparency policies for the rest of the DGs no I don't accept that and I particularly don't accept it because again if you look at the transparency register and you look at the tobacco lobbyists and you look at the files that they lobby someone don't even bother lobbying DG Health because they are the gatekeepers it would be DG trade or DG energy or DG anything because it's an industry it's not just about public health so to my mind it's important so that was that hasn't been accepted yet but I and then there was a meeting subsequently it would be an anti-tobacco group in honour of the invitation of the MP so I happened to sit beside the health commissioner and he hadn't been made aware of this particular case so I'm going to be meeting with him and he would be very proactive on that into this so I'm hoping that if I I might have lost the battle that I may have I may not be using it I hope that we shall see those were the joint return operations that I was talking about earlier then I had been pushing well my predecessor had pushed and eventually over time I got it across the line and I made a report the European Parliament that Frontex should have a complaints mechanism so that people could feel that the rights have been not safe or abused but whatever not have held by Frontex can make a complaint they had resisted this for several years because they said that if there is a human rights abuse it is the fault or the responsibility of the member state and not Frontex and I took the view that this was not the case because even if the border guards come from a member state they're operating very often under the authority of Frontex and they have the Frontex badge on that but they make the EU logo quite commonly displayed so obviously people sometimes it may be a Frontex guard the first person they need so obviously they're going to make the connection now obviously many of the complaints would not be as a result of Frontex actually the Frontex product is the sort of the clearing place for those complaints appropriately so when I made a presentator when I made a report to the European Parliament they all found the and voted to support that recommendation so that is going to be accepted against trilogs trilogs when I went over to Europe possibly to my chamber I had never heard that it would know what trilogs were but every MP I met were talking about trilogs they were either running to a trilog or they would be up to a 4 o'clock in the morning no way to laugh around a 4 o'clock in the morning at a trilog or couldn't do this because there were whatever trial so what is clearly all known the deal making between the commission the council and the and the Parliament and it has been very effective something like I think 85% of all legislative proposals get through the first reading instead of having to go through second third consideration of the commission or council and but there have been on these expressed to me not formally but informally from NGOs from parliamentarians themselves from lots of actors the working stage and thought that this process wasn't transparent enough but I met a few academic thesis on trilogs to punish myself for not having known there were a vision and what came up was that trilogs were seen as a trade off between efficiency and transparency so the issue for that I want to look at was where this trade off is appropriate at what point do you think it's okay now to go cover a moderate to a dark room and power this out but before that you have to be transparent about what you do so when I started this and actually of all of the ones I started this one generated the most reaction from the institutions initially and they initially questioned whether I have a mandate of doing this because they thought as a political piece on the life of no business dealing with the political workings of the Parliament Council of Commission which is absolutely true but where I come in is the transparency of these and other the treaties that you were making was supposed to be conducted as a public and so on and I felt and they agreed how better it was within my rights to look at that narrow piece of the process which is the transparency please so I talked about it as a mapping exercise so I went about going about mapping it so my colleagues went into the various institutions and looked at what is publicly available what you need to do a 1049 freedom of information requests in relation to what what you would never see so they did that and then I put a series of questions to the three institutions in relation to those sort of issues and that and I got their responses and then I have a yes a public consultation open for another week and a half any of you care to join me and I looked at two closed files I decided I wouldn't look at an ongoing director or a piece of lobby because that just didn't seem appropriate so it was better to actually look and see what happened in two closed files I didn't choose that for any particular reason other than they had kind of a public interest by about them so then at the end of that I would make suggestions as to how these could be made more transparent but what was interesting I remember talking at a Parliament committee about this and I was asked by an MEP from Denmark who would be very, very pro-transparency and she had concerns that if you open it up any more than it has currently opened up then you're going to allow the lobbyists to get in and to get access to the MEPs and others will come under even greater pressure other people put forward the view that it would be obvious because they are well-resourced among them because companies that are loyal have a lot of light on it already have access that other players don't because either they're NGOs and the tight budgets and they can't spread themselves across everything or for other reasons so but anyway we'll see what the public consultation throws up yeah so this is my latest one it's not an only list it's just a letter to that gentleman this kind of thing is a letter to that gentleman and I have a Dutch assistant who keeps telling me how to relax his name in Dutch but I'm not going to pain you with it so again you know a lot of people that my friends are here and others because the Troika was still a pressure on people's minds a lot of people would come to me informally maybe at meetings or after a meeting and ask about how to make the Troika accountable and who can I blame for the collapse of the public health service in my country or who can I blame for this and how do I make a complaint against the Troika and of course you can't because it's not a new institution you know and obviously with your group Dan and other will know what you put on the matter it becomes such a big player politically and economically every which way there have been questions about its its transparency its accountability because it doesn't exist in the institutional sense and it isn't accountable to a it's not accountable to the European Parliament and whatever individual ministers of course are accountable to their governments but not as an institution and I know Mr Barathak has made a big play of this of course he was his own transparency machine and and that and that a lot of it so I think this gentleman Mr Lee has and also because the Dutch presidency obviously as well the Dutch presidency of the council has made transparency a big part of its peace so he's obviously sniffing the wind and he some in early March he announced some new transparency measures I think the gender might be published now in advance and um yeah there's a there's a yes a detailed meeting Jen's Europe summing up letter program country related documents and so on so it is a start of course a lot of people want to know it's about the individual contributions of individual member states at these meetings I'd rather be I'd rather be a very high self so I wrote in just last week to encourage this um this initiative um and um raised a few issues because a lot of the preparatory work that is done for the group is done by the commissioners and council officials and a lot of those documents are actually council and position documents and therefore they are come under the 1049 regime so I think this is the beginning as they say of a conversation with the Europe group but I think increasingly especially with what's happening politically and the people are talking about too and through speed Europe and you know the role of the Europe group and its importance and all of that I think just like the ECB and the United Nations come under greater pressure to be a lot more