 Good afternoon, everyone. I'm delighted to welcome all of you to Carnegie. And I'm especially delighted to have the opportunity to introduce this afternoon's speaker, Ambassador Rich Burma, who's doing a superb job of representing U.S. interests in India. As many of you know already, Rich's professional accomplishments are as impressive as they are varied. We served together in the State Department under Hillary Clinton when Rich was Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs. He's also served in U.S. Air Force and in senior positions on Capitol Hill, the National Democratic Institute, and the private sector. As impressive as Rich's professional accomplishments are even more impressive in a town of Washington, D.C., that these days is noted oftentimes for its nastiness and conflict, is the universal respect in which Rich has helped for his skill and his decency and his integrity. Rich is off to an exceptional start. In the three months he's been in India, I think he had barely unpacked his bags. When he had visits in a quick succession from Secretary Kerry and then President Obama, the President's second visit during his term in office to India, which is another first in U.S.-India relations. And those visits and the high-level attention in both capitals to our partnership is a reflection of the significance of U.S.-Indian partnership and of the unusually deep bipartisan roots for that partnership in both our capitals. So I look forward very much to Rich's thoughts today on the U.S.-Indian partnership and most importantly on how best to realize the promise of that partnership. And after Rich's opening remarks, my wonderful new colleague at Carnegie, Ashley, tell us on your new one, not Ashley. We'll lead that question and answer session. And so ladies and gentlemen, it truly is an honor for me to introduce my friend and a wonderful investor, Rich from... Bill, Secretary Burns, thank you very much and really grateful for the invitation to be with all of you. Ashley, thank you very much. We all depend on your insights and advice and Bill to be here with really one of the principal architects of the U.S.-India relationship and one of the great Foreign Service Officers of the State Department. So it's a great honor to be with you and Ashley and Millen and the whole South Asia team at Carnegie. It's really terrific to be here. We rely on your insights and advice and counsel more than you would know. I'm also impressed with how many people come out on Friday at 2 o'clock. Makes me think you all need to be gamefully employed. But it is great to be here and I will speak for a little while and then I look forward to your questions. But I do really believe that we are witnessing a transformative time in U.S.-India relations and when I travel around India and I've had the pleasure of making nine trips in the first nine weeks around the country, my tenth trip to Mysore is coming up next week on a plane back to India tonight. You can feel the excitement. You can feel the renewed enthusiasm from government officials to civil society leaders to ordinary citizens. I think people are genuinely excited about the resurgence in U.S.-India relations. So I just thought I would just take a minute to just explain how did we actually get to this place. And I would say it was really through the old-fashioned work of diplomatic statecraft, the tireless effort of leaders on both sides and a renewed sense of optimism and changed attitudes frankly in both D.C. and Delhi. I would say that it's especially rare for the leaders, the heads of state to come together twice in a five-month period and agree on an expansive and ambitious set of initiatives and programs and activities. But that's exactly what happened and that's why we have such a strong wind at our backs. The September visit of Prime Minister Modi, and I think it's important to go back six or seven months to that September visit, because that did help us break, begin to break the deadlock in a few key areas. For example, the Civil Nuclear Contact Group was launched and took on the long-standing differences that we've had on the tracking of nuclear materials and on liability. The Trade Policy Forum moved forward, tackling hard issues like intellectual property and trade and services, and a deadlock at the WTO on trade facilitation was resolved. The Defense Policy Group and under Secretary Kendall's team from the Pentagon met repeatedly with their Indian counterparts to move forward with six different initiatives under the Defense Technology and Trade Initiatives and agreed to another 10-year defense framework agreement. And on DTTI in particular, there were some real doubts as to whether we could actually go forward on co-production and co-development. And even a year ago, if you would have said we're going to announce six projects, people would have said that's not possible. In health, science, climate, education, and so many other areas, we signed new agreements and forged new partnerships. In fact, since the Prime Minister's visit last September, some 30 different agreements and dialogues have been launched or reinvigorated. And then came the visit of the President in January. And yes, it was symbolically important and rich in pageantry. And for any of you who have ever been to a Republic Day, it's just a magnificent event. And to have our President there as the Chief Guest and to be there honored in that way and to show our commitment to India in that way was really so powerful in so many respects. But not only was it rich in symbolism, it delivered on the merits and the substance as well. There are in fact 70 different lines of effort coming out of the January visit, spanning all the areas of cooperation from smart cities to cybersecurity to nuclear security to vaccine research from the depths of the ocean to the farthest reaches of the stars to Mars and beyond. But the January visit also set in motion a reframing of our bilateral relationship. In a word, our relationship was elevated. If we were natural partners, and that's what we like to talk about, if we were natural partners prior to January, we now aim to become India's best partner. If we had a strategic partnership before the visit, we now have what I would call a strategic plus partnership. It is bigger, it is more ambitious, and it reflects the true convergence of interests between our nations. Not only for today, but for the years and decades ahead. And this reinvigorated relationship is built on a simple premise. If India and the United States are the closest of friends and partners, not only will our two countries benefit, but the world will be a safer and more prosperous place. That's the strategic bet that we've made on each other. It's the bet for the future, and it's got huge potential gains for our people and their aspirations. Now, there were two important documents that came out of the January visit that helped reaffirm and spell out this change in status. The first was the Delhi Declaration of Friendship, and the second was the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia Pacific and India Ocean Region. Let me just say a few words about each of them. The Friendship Declaration, while reaffirming our long-standing ties, also made clear that business as usual was not sufficient. The Declaration called for regular summits for the establishment of hotlines between the heads of state and national security advisors, and it built on our already strong business and commercial ties by adding a commercial component to our existing strategic dialogue. So we're excited for Secretary Pritzker and Secretary Kerry to co-lead the inaugural Strategic and Commercial Dialogue, which is a first for both of our nations. The Joint Strategic Vision document, on the other hand, sets forth a framework for cooperation beyond South Asia. It reaffirms our two nations' support for the rule of law, for the peaceful resolution of disputes for maritime cooperation, and for regional economic integration. Now, we have to work hard in the coming months to spell out the actual modes of our work together and to show demonstrable progress as this Joint Vision goes from ideas and principles to actual implementation. But again, the underlying concept is quite straightforward. When the two largest democracies come together, security can be bolstered, democratic principles upheld, the rule of law enforced, and disputes settled peacefully. So Strategic Plus is about an enhanced partnership, a new way of operating and thinking, a commitment to see the larger objectives for global peace and prosperity, even as we may periodically get bogged down in our day-to-day disputes. It's a way of describing and visualizing a relationship that is on the ascent. It does not mean that we will be free from disputes or disagreements. Quite the contrary. But it does mean that when we have such conflicts or see situations differently, perhaps based on our historical experiences or our own nation's self-interest, that we remain committed to our larger goals and strategic interests. So last week in New Delhi, I outlined three elements of our Strategic Plus relationship. Regional cooperation, including the importance of closely coordinating on Afghanistan, space cooperation, and our defense relationship. And today I just want to spell out briefly three other areas that are also fundamental, economics and trade, climate and clean energy, and people-to-people ties. First on economics, I think all of you know the economic relationship is a cornerstone of our partnership. As many of you know, India needs to create one million new jobs each month for those entering the workforce, and it must simultaneously grow its economy at a rate that continues to propel people from the base of the economic pyramid into the middle classes. India can't get there alone, but neither can the U.S. power the global recovery on its own. The fact is, we need each other. Bolstering our economic trade relationship is good for business, good for our collective growth needs for job creation, and ultimately we'll pull our two countries closer together. Greater economic security is also a source of national security. That's why we are committed to increasing our two-way trade levels from 100 billion to 500 billion. Look, we know that obstacles still exist. The business climate is often too uncertain. Intellectual property concerns are real, and many sectors remain closed, but many of the trend lines are actually moving in a positive direction. Let me just mention a few. The Indian Parliament recently passed an increase in foreign direct investment in insurance during its current session, and there are several other legislative reforms in the works. In December, the government of India released its first-ever draft of a national intellectual property rights policy. They allowed all stakeholders, including the U.S. government and American industry, to provide input on the policy. For the first time in more than four years, we convened the Trade Policy Forum, where the U.S. Trade Representative met with his counterpart while leading a delegation to New Delhi. And on the eve of the President's visit to New Delhi, we signed a bilateral joint declaration of intent for information and communications technology cooperation, which will help enhance the trade in goods and services investments in the IT sector. This sector, if trade and investment are not limited, has the potential to become a $400 billion market. And what's promising about each of these initiatives is that there was follow-up after the President's visit. And we're also working hard to assess the prospects of moving forward on a bilateral investment treaty. As many of you know, a high-standard bit would further enhance investor confidence. We also intend to be better aligned with where India is headed. So we know we can be critical partners in supporting India's Make in India initiative, digital India, clean India, smart cities, and so much more. Our companies and our innovators want to be part of India's growth story. So as the Indian government does the hard work of implementing economic reforms and removing barriers to trade and investment, it will allow U.S. companies to play a more active role. And increasingly, and this is a good news story, India's companies are helping to power America's growth and job creation. And you can be sure that we will continue to sell the attractiveness of investing in the U.S. as was done this past week at the SelectUSA Summit, where nearly 80 Indian companies were represented. So, second, let me turn to climate and clean energy, which is another important priority for us. And the Prime Minister and the President agreed to support India in meeting its renewable energy goals by enhancing clean energy and climate cooperation. Now, all of you, I think, are aware of India's environmental challenges, its climate challenges. And as Secretary Kerry likes to say, the solution to climate change is energy policy and clean energy. And we are doing a lot in this sector. And I think it's really one of the most exciting and important pathways that we have together for the future. And India has set these aggressive targets on solar and wind and on nuclear. Since the President's visit, we launched the Bilateral India Clean Energy Finance Forum. And this forum mobilizes private sector stakeholders in financing in an effort to expand clean economic development and global climate change. Over 40 industry leaders from India and international financial investment and renewable sectors, as well as government policy experts met in February, and we're expecting an initial set of policy recommendations by May of this year. We're also working on clean air together as well. And the President and Prime Minister agreed to partner on the U.S. EPA Air Now International Program, which this is a program that disseminates air quality data to enable the public to reduce exposure to harmful levels of air pollution. This is a critically important program that will help improve health, lower health care costs, and draw an outside investment. And I'm optimistic that we can help India achieve its goals in improving its air quality. Third, and finally, let me just say a word about people-to-people ties. People have asked me, can you have a strategic partnership, a strategic plus partnership that focuses on the people-to-people, on the micro level, on what's happening on the day-to-day? My answer is we can and we must focus on the people-to-people. And the fact is the rich fabric of connections between our two countries is extensive, it's well known, and frankly the people have outpaced the governments in many respects. There are now over 3 million Indian Americans who have contributed to every facet of American life. There are over 100,000 Indian students studying here and more on the way. And in India too, Americans are playing an essential role in medicine and science and technology and in helping to power India's growth and improving the lives of ordinary Indian citizens. I saw this firsthand when I was recently in Calcutta where a few courageous American innovators started a business for women who had been victims of sexual trafficking. Using the fabric from saris that had been discarded, the women convert the material into purses and handbags and accessories that are now being sold in department stores in Europe and the United States. These women now have a future brighter than they ever would have before. I also saw firsthand how just a few U.S. dollars could go a long way in having an impact and in this case providing an education and a new start for young people. It was in Hyderabad where I was honored to inaugurate a program for young students, many of whom were the former victims of child trafficking or otherwise abandoned on the streets. Now they were receiving English language training and participating in after school enrichment activities with funding from the U.S. government in a program called the English Access Microscrollorship Program. So these are small, often untold stories about how our partnership can make a huge difference for so many. And this is a critical line of work for us and it represents the future and it's very much part of our strategic plus framework. So what are the challenges as we move ahead? You know my friend the foreign secretary Jai Shankar gave a speech in New Delhi last week and in that speech he wisely counseled that we need to be cautious about overstating progress and raising expectations and I agree with that sentiment. And it's natural that two dynamic countries like India and the United States will not always have the same approach and as Ashley wrote a few weeks back we need to understand that the partnership can often be about unity and differences and we need to be prepared for these differences and be prepared to adjust our approach if necessary to keep moving forward. So we're going to be patient and flexible and we're going to exercise our mutual understanding to get where we want to go. But let me just give you one example of how I think this can work and that's our contact group on civil nuclear cooperation which is an excellent example. The contact groups work did not stop with the president's visit. Consultations and formal meetings have taken place including in New Delhi just last week and another meeting is in the works and I'm pleased to announce that we signed the administrative arrangements and expect the Indian side to sign at any time. The Indians also had a very useful seminar with industry on an insurance pool for suppliers and committed to join the convention on supplementary compensation. These are real results and due to the hard work and focus on both sides. Now in order to be successful we also have to recognize and support where India is going. In a speech to India's ambassadors and high commissioners representing it overseas Prime Minister Modi asked how India could change from being a balancing power to a leading power. And the foreign secretary also discussed this goal in his speech last week. He rightly said that as India becomes a leading power there are a lot of downstream possibilities if we get the U.S.-India relationship right. So as India's strategic plus partner let me make very clear we support India's aspiration to be a leading power. We also welcome India's constructive leadership on global challenges. We support greater Indian participation in multilateral institutions including its candidacy for permanent membership on a reformed U.N. Security Council and its eventual membership in all four multilateral export control regimes. We support its robust engagement with ASEAN and leadership role in the Indian Ocean Rim Association. We've seen that India can be a valuable partner in multilateral institutions. We can now work towards civil nuclear cooperation today for example because India implemented IAEA safeguards for their civil nuclear program including the additional protocol. India also demonstrated its leadership by upholding and supporting the July 2014 U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea delimitation of the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal. Now these are actions of a constructive and responsible global partner that represents a rules-based system. But we won't always agree. We were disappointed for example by India's support this week for the attempt to strip benefits from U.N. staff in same-sex relationships. We will continue to support the rights of LGBT individuals in India, in international institutions and around the world. So in closing I think it's fair to say we've got a big agenda and big goals for this partnership. We're focused on finding creative realistic ways to move them all forward. We've even started a joint implementation working group with our partners at the Ministry of External Affairs to ensure we're consistently moving forward in all the areas since the President's visit. Now as I've noted our leaders recognize that a robust U.S.-India partnership can be a force for greater peace, prosperity, security in the world. And I think all of us in this room recognize it and most people in India do as well. But from my time in Delhi I can also tell you that I've seen that there is a broader strategic and economic debate going on about whether India should focus globally or whether it should focus inward and limit its foreign policy to the region. There's also a debate going on about speech and rights and openness. And to be fair these are the debates that are a hallmark of a democratic society and we have similar ones here. So as we move forward we will need to manage our expectations. We have to be cognizant of the speed and the pace and the scope of our initiatives. We have to prioritize and when we disagree we will do so with respect in a spirit of partnership and an appreciation for the immense value and promise of our relationship. And if we continue to move forward on such terms there will be few limits to how far we can advance and how much we can achieve in the years and the decades to come. Thank you very much. Let me start the proceedings for the balance of the program by echoing what Deputy Secretary Burns said at the beginning to thank Ambassador Burma again for coming to Carnegie. As you know he is in Washington for the Heads of Mission meeting which has just concluded and he's literally out of the door getting ready to go back to Delhi. So it was extremely generous of him to come and spend time with us. My role this afternoon is really to be a traffic cop just to keep the proceedings under control and I want to give an opportunity to the largest number of people present today to ask the ambassador questions. So I would request you when you raise your hands and are called upon to be as brief as you can in the questions that you ask so that Ambassador Burma can answer the largest number of questions we have this afternoon. So I will simply call on people as I recognize them. Mr. Ambassador, very nice to see you back in Washington. My name is Sanjeev Joshipura and I run SJ Consulting which is the U.S. India Consulting firm focused on business and public policy issues. The recent Indian budget I think it's fair to say received mixed reviews. The general consensus of opinion was that there were some good initiatives in the budget but overall it missed the chance to really address what some might call big bang reforms or the need for big bang reforms. Arun Jaitley the Indian finance minister recently gave an interview to the Wall Street Journal where he said that in a big democracy like India you can't expect big bang reforms to happen overnight. It's going to take time and it's going to be a deliberate process. My question for you sir is what is the U.S. view on specifically the pace, not the direction but the pace of Indian economic reforms. Thank you. I think what we don't do enough is to step back and look at how far we've come in a relatively short period of time. I think if you just go back 10 years and look at the two-way trade numbers they were somewhere between 10 and 20 billion dollars. And if you look at where they are today they are over 100 billion dollars and climbing. If you look at defense sales even five years ago they were virtually zero and today they're over 10 billion dollars. If you look at the sectors that were closed even five years ago set aside the recent advance on insurance but there's been progress on defense. There's been progress in other areas. So look India is a democracy and India is going to move at the pace that its people think is appropriate. We will continue to engage and make our best case for business certainty, for tax fairness, for legal certainty, for anti, for fighting corruption, for transparency in decision making. And we find a very receptive group of partners frankly when we have those discussions. And I appreciate that it's not always the easiest place to do business but it is also a place of potential enormous promise and enormous potential opportunities for our businesses and as I've said the American market is also a great potential place for Indian businesses. So look I think I actually think this is a good news story. I'm fairly optimistic about where things are headed. When I travel around the country and see the competition going on between states to attract American investment I'm encouraged by that. We know we have a lot more work to do as I mentioned in the remarks whether it's on intellectual property or tax or legal issues but we're going to keep working on that. Ambassador Verma thanks for spending time here before you head off on a plane to get back to New Delhi. Just a quick one for you said that you spoke last week about regional cooperation with India particularly with Afghanistan. Can you talk for us a little bit about your sense of where India is headed next and thinking about its regional role? I mean it's hard for me to give you an answer that would enlighten you given your expertise in the region. Elizabeth I'll try. I think you've seen under this Prime Minister India take a very aggressive and forward leaning posture in the region. And that's in towards the east and but that's also with regard to Afghanistan. Afghanistan is a critical economic and security importance to India. There's no question about it. And the one thing that we can do is continue to consult with India closely on what our plans are on what the security situation is. And also continue to encourage India to do what it's doing which is invest in Afghanistan in its institutions and infrastructure to continue to do the training and the skills based work that it's doing which is so critical. So you know I think this is a big this is a big and important country in relation to India. We're coordinating as closely as we can and we will continue to do so in the in the months ahead. Thank you very much. With India Globe in Asia today. We just had a made history at the State Department the day. Mr. Ambassador you made history and Indian Americans are very proud of your first Indian American to be the US Ambassador to India. And now we have a new government in India and new Ambassador US Ambassador in India. First of all within two months Mr. Ambassador you are back here. I'm sure you must be here for consultation with the Secretary of State or President in the White House which I've been I've been covering both of them. And what message Mr. Ambassador you have for the Indian American community which they have been contributing in the India-US relations. But what is the future and what message you think you can give them to move forward the two countries. And look I I would just say that you know my story is built on the hard work of a lot of other people particularly my parents. But my story is also not a unique story in that it's a very American story and it's an immigrant story. And that is the great promise that this country still holds. The odds that I would be going back as the US Ambassador when my parents showed up here in the 1960s with a few bucks and no friends no family is really the odds are so small. But again it's it's what this country is all about. The Indian American population you know I don't have to tell you I think you just their their contributions whether it's in health or science or politics are are fairly dramatic and important. And they played a huge role in the civil nuclear agreement. I was proud to go to Calcutta with my friend Swadash Chatterjee and help launch his book that talked about the role of the Indian American community in that regard. And they will continue to be important in elevating the partnership. I also say one thing that I don't think we say enough about which is that the Indian American community and I would say the South Asian American community more broadly needs to be a voice for those people that don't have a voice. We presume that all Indian Americans and all South Asians have elevated to a level of you know professionalism and doctor lawyer and engineer. I think frankly my parents still wish I would go to medical school and become a doctor. But the fact is not everyone has made it. Not everyone is making it and not everyone always gets a fair shot. And I think I'd encourage the community to stand up for those people whenever they can. Yeah, I asked Ashley said it's a it is a consultation Palooza. We are here nonstop talking about India. We're here for the chief emissions conference. People are very excited about the as I described at the ascent in US India relations. There are more people coming to New Delhi than I think we've witnessed in a long time. When I came to Washington there are more people that want to see me not because of me but because they want to make sure we understand their particular priority as it relates to the partnership. So that's a good thing. Thank you. Thank you. I represent the National Student Clearinghouse for a non-profit working in education in the United States. I wonder if you could give me a couple of thoughts about the ecosystem, the education ecosystem in India and the top two or three things that you see in the near term to help really elevate the education process and the training and skilling process and collaboration between the US and India. So it's such an important question. You know it's as with the United States education and skills development is the way out from the base of the economic period pyramid to the middle and beyond for for millions of people. The demand for education in India is also quite high but not all at the higher education level. There's a lot of demand for ordinary skills for technical vocational skills. It's interesting when I travel around to some of the big US companies and see some of their very large manufacturing plants. They talk about the challenge to find folks that know robotics or folks that know advanced manufacturing or folks that know material science. This is an area of great potential partnership for the US and India at all levels from higher education to technical to skills development. And someone said something to me very important the other day which is not just skills training to train, not for skills that don't relate to a job. It should be a job at the other end and it should be connected to where the where the needs are and I think we're matched up well. I think you know one of the things we're going to try to do is make sure we tear down help India tear down remaining bureaucratic obstacles that may exist in having our community colleges or our colleges come in partner. I think that would be that would be very important. Thank you very much Mr. Ambassador. Could you please take just a minute to explain what is the importance of the convention on supplementary compensation to the whole scenario between India and the US on the nuclear cooperation? Sure. That's good. A treaty question. How much time do you have? So look you know as we've said one of the hangups for many years on civil nuclear cooperation was liability. People thought we were demanding something extraordinary for the United States. We were not. We were trying to ensure that India's practice on liability was consistent with international norms and conventions. Most notably the convention that you just mentioned, which in a in a simple sentence channels liability for nuclear accidents to the operator, not the supplier, channeling of liability. That's why the convention is so important. So when we were carrying our concerns forward, they were on behalf of this international practice that for years and years had had this channeling concept. And that's why we were so pleased that India presented its case that its law is consistent with the convention and that they intend to ratify the convention. So that's why the convention was so central and remains so central to civil nuclear cooperation going forward. Other thing I would say about civil nuclear cooperation is that we get so mired in liability and tracking, we lose sight of why we're doing this. This is about trying to provide electricity in a non-carbon intensive way to 300 million people that currently do not have access to electricity or not connected to the grid. So we can't lose sight of what this is all about to begin with. Aziz. Ambassador, it was wonderful spending considerable time with you yesterday, but I'm never exhausted of all my questions. Oh, no. Would you surrender the mic, please? Yeah. You spoke about climate change, you spoke about air pollution, air quality, etc. And it's a huge, huge issue for the U.S. And Secretary Kerry has spoken about it in all of his statements and speeches. On a personal level, with what's going on in Delhi and the air pollution, are you getting out jogging in the morning? Are Pinky and the kids going walking in the morning? Or is it always a case of getting the Halloween masks out? Yes, we're getting out and about enjoying life in Delhi immensely. But on a serious note, this is a serious issue. And it is a serious health issue. And it impacts people, not just in New Delhi, but people across the globe. And we come at this in a spirit of partnership because we have lived through this. We still live through it in many of our cities, but particularly our California example of what they were able to do to continue to work on getting cleaner air in California. Is an example that I think is very important. So we want to provide data, we want to provide consultation, we don't want to lecture. I think the consciousness about this issue in India is starting to get quite high. And so we can help contribute to solving this air quality issue in a spirit of partnership with the Indians. And I think it would be a big achievement. Mr. Mitchell, right here. Thanks very much, Mr. Ambassador. I'm Garrett Mitchell, and I write the Mitchell report. And I'm reminded listening to the question that was asked of you before of how enormously important the Immigration Act of 1965 was. And how important it is that somehow we figure this out going ahead. But you're a wonderful example of what can happen when we do things right. I'm interested in the observations that you made about discussions that are going on in India itself about its role in the world. In particular, when you framed it, India, trying to decide whether it can move from a balancing power to a leading power. I wonder if you could share some additional thoughts about what that means to India itself in terms of its foreign policy and particular Prime Minister Modi's leadership on the world stage. It's a really good question. And look, I think I was just trying to state somewhat factually the debate that we see within the society. A regional power, a global power. Active in international institutions and shaping the design of them or merely a participant. And I think that's a debate that I think is not resolved. My sense is in the Foreign Secretary, I'll just note what the Foreign Secretary said. They would very much like to be a more kind of active player on the world stage. They don't think that the institutions that have been shaped since World War II have been particularly what's the right word. They haven't had the seat at the table that they've wanted. There was a conference in New Delhi two weeks ago where they brought seven ambassadors together from China, from Great Britain, Australia, myself. And the theme was the global high table and India's role at the global high table. And the consensus of the seven or eight ambassadors was that India should have a role at the global high table. But that the global high table also comes with global responsibilities. And I would argue that the post-World War II system has actually been quite beneficial. Now they may disagree with that, but this is what created an open trading system, a rules-based order, resolution of disputes peacefully, the liberal system that we depend on. And I think we need to be cognizant of when India feels like it's not having a seat at that table, which is why we have supported in a reformed UN Security Council India seat at the UN. That's why we've supported their role in East Asia and international institutions. And with that, we will continue to have a dialogue about representing global, broader international interests and not just the interests of the non-aligned or the interests of G77, but if India wants that seat, we would argue that it should take that seat and have and advocate for and defend global interests that continue to uphold that liberal democratic system that keeps the peace in so many places. Absolutely. At the end of the room, please, Seema Sirohi. Ambassador Varma, I'm Seema Sirohi. I write for the Economic Times and a think tank in Mumbai Gateway House. I was wondering if I could take you back to the speech by Foreign Secretary Jay Shankar, where he made a very interesting point about the American trumpet in the region. And he said it would be helpful if the American trumpet were more certain in Asia. How do you read that comment? I think you'd have to ask him about what he meant. Let me just say, and I think all of you know this, that the American role in Asia has been essential and hugely consequential, and it is a role that has involved the enormous, you know, the enormous kind of blood and treasure of America and the amount of sacrifice that Americans have put in to the Pacific into Asia to ensure that Asia remains free. I think the American trumpet has been certain and has been strong. We have been a Pacific power. We will continue to be a Pacific power. We have, in fact, has upheld and defended the democratic system, the rules-based order globally, but particularly in Asia. And so I frankly am very proud of the U.S. role in Asia and the historic role that we've played for decades and decades and the essential role that we will continue to play. Gentleman here, please. I'm Kumar from Amnesty International. My question is, recently India banned a documentary called India's Dot. Basically, that was about sexual violence against Indian women, especially it was centered around the young woman who was killed two years ago in Delhi. Have you raised any meaningful objection to that because this is purely a freedom of expression issue? If not, is there any hesitancy why you don't want to raise? Thank you. Sure. No, I think this is a good question. I noted in my remarks that there is a debate that democracies have about speech. Look, the issues that we engage with them on are the full panoply of issues from the strategic to the human, including on girls and women's safety, on gender-based violence. And we'll continue to raise those issues. Those are critically important part of our agenda. And I think we have a very, you know, in Indian civil society, very strong and vibrant and receptive kind of partners to uphold those issues. And I think the Prime Minister has himself said some very important and progressive things on women's and girls as well. On the issue of whether a particular film gets banned or not, this is an issue for the people of India to resolve. And just like in the United States when we have these same issues come up about what's hate speech, what's regulated speech, what's free speech, this is, again, a hallmark of a democratic society. And I or any other ambassador couldn't possibly kind of tell them how to resolve it. But, you know, we know how we would resolve it here. And we'll continue to engage on the importance, as I said, of women's issues, on the importance of openness, importance of transparency. David. David said formally with the Defense Department. First of all, thank you very much, Ambassador Verma, for taking on the burden because I know it's a burden and a sacrifice as well. And we are very well served by your doing that. I'm just back from China, actually courtesy of Carnegie, where I had a chance to engage with Chinese strategic thinkers. And I'll have to say they see the US-India relationship very differently than you describe it. They see it much more in the terms, and they actually cite him, one of your predecessors, Ambassador Robert Blackwell, as something that is aimed at containing and confronting China as its key geopolitical strategic driver behind all the other trappings of democracy, et cetera. I don't believe this. I'd contested it. But that's their view. So what would you say to those Chinese who see the US-India relationship as a threat to China? Sure. Thanks, David, for the question. Look, I've said this many times, and others have said it from the American government as well, which is, you know, are the US-India relationship stands on its own, not directed at any third country. And that a close US-India relationship is not only good for the two of us, but two countries, but good for the region. Now, the India-China relationship, the US-China relationship have interestingly some similar aspects, built around cooperation and competition, built around a lot of economic interdependence, but also built around some security and human rights concerns. And in the US case, when we have those concerns, we raise them. And I'm pleased to note that when the Indians have those concerns, they raise them with the Chinese as well. And so there is a robust dialogue taking place on those issues. But look, our partnership with India, I think, really does stand on its own. If you look at the range of our areas of cooperation from health and science and space and oceans and climate, the amount of positive spillover effects for people across the world is really so significant. Nesam, just wait for the microphone. Good afternoon, Mr. Ambassador Nesam Rubin from the American Jewish Committee, Assistant Director for Asia. I wanted to ask you, in order to deepen the goodwill and understanding for India on Capitol Hill, how can we bring more staffers to India? There are Indian American Community Foundations, FICI, CII, Indian Industry, the MEA, State Department. I think that will be a big... You have worked on Capitol Hill a lot. And I think the gain that we would have from a deeper understanding of India and its issues and the challenges to taking more staffers to India would be a big boon to all of us. Thank you. That's a good point. I see some congressional staffers here. I won't call them out. I see some who have been to India recently. Look, without getting into what's allowed under the rules or not allowed, I would support the general premise of more visits, more engagement, especially at the parliamentary and congressional staff level. I think it's enormously helpful. We just had the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee from the House of Representatives come with a bipartisan delegation. There were several members of Congress, including Leader Pelosi, that came with the President on the trip. And you look at the role that our Congress played with the Civil Nuclear Agreement, on defense issues, on export control reform. We need to be a partner with our legislative branch in shaping and developing this agenda for the future. It can't just be about the executive branch going out and doing its thing. I think the more support we have, the better. The great thing about U.S.-India relationship is that it really truly is bipartisan and bipartisan support. And when there are concerns, there are bipartisan concerns. We get those too. But no, I take your point and we'll be looking for those opportunities in the future. I'm going to take one last question of the gentleman there who raises that. Tom Timberg, consultant. I wondered if you could speak to the prospects and obstacles to two-way flows of educational services, not only from the United States-India, which you addressed, but from India to the United States, and really an item of curiosity. What's happening in Mysore, which is an unusual, not a place for ambassadors to go? That is a really good question. What's that? So let's see. On the education exchanges and investment coming into the United States, India is now second only to China in the number of Indian students studying in the United States. The demand is quite high. We think that's a good thing. We're, frankly, looking for more opportunities. The Fulbright Narrow Exchange Program is one of the most robust exchange programs that we have in all of the planet. We're going to be looking for more opportunities to get Indian students, Indian faculty, Indian scholars into the United States. I think it's a great development. And look, Mysore is part of the continuing kind of visit around India. We're going to make a visit to Infosys that has a big headquarters there. I'm going to see my brother-in-law's very elderly mother who is in her 90s, which is a good reason to go as well and wish her well, and go to the university there and talk to young folks. We'll be doing a lot more of those trips in the future, so that's the kind of thing we really like to do. Ambassador, with the greatest of regret, I have to let you go, among other things, because I know you have to pick a flight, but I want to just say a couple of things. First, it is truly a tribute to you that we've got the kind of audience we've had today. And I think it's a recognition of the enormous amount of work you've put into bringing the relationship to where it is. I also want to say one other thing, because everyone knows that the last few months have been a series of successes. We hope you can sustain the momentum all the way until the end of the... No pressure, right? No pressure at all, no pressure at all. But I wanted to tell the audience something that what Ambassador Verma has done beyond, of course, the great successes of the visits, is that he's continued to keep his hand on the tail with respect to implementation. Everything that came out of the President's visit is something that the Ambassador reviews regularly with Foreign Secretary Jay Shankar, because I think he's had the conviction that it's easy to generate the headlines when you have a state visit. It takes a lot more work to ensure that what comes out of those visits is actually implemented on the ground. So I hope as you go through that process, you continue to retain your optimism. Let me say one thing about that, though, which is the one thing I'm so encouraged and really honored to be a part of is that we do have such a tremendous team of people working on these issues. Not only in India but here in Washington across the interagency at the National Security Council. In India, in Delhi and in the consulates, we are blessed to have almost every part of our government, from defense to commerce to, you name it, they're there. And it's a reflection of, I think, people's interest in wanting this relationship to really succeed. So again, I get to stand on the shoulders of a lot of great people who are trying to make this work. Well, thank you so very much and I want to tell you that you have an open podium here anytime you choose to come back and we look forward to seeing you soon with hopefully another iteration of good news on where the relationship has gone. So thank you all very much for coming. Thank you so much. Good to see you too. How are you doing?