 Chapter 8 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Chapter 8. A Resort to Diplomacy And now the Charleston statesmen concocted a plan to take away from us all hope of succor, so that we might be induced to surrender. To this end they determined to fill up the entrance of the harbour by depositing stone there. Whether they really intended to do this, or made a pretence of doing it, I never knew, but they certainly did obtain some old hulks from Savannah and sunk them in the channel. Either these hulks were deposited in the wrong places, or else the tide drifted them into deep water, for it is certain they never formed any impediment to the navigation afterward. Perhaps it was the mere coup d'état to intimidate us and to prevent reinforcements from attempting to come to us. At all events it was a preliminary to a grand effort to negotiate us out of Fort Sumter. For this purpose two representative men came over from the city on the 11th in the Little Steamer Antelope under a white flag. The party consisted of the late United States District Judge A. G. McGrath, now Secretary of State for South Carolina, and General D. F. Jameson, their new Secretary of War. The judge who was the champion orator of the state made a long and eloquent speech, the purport of which was that South Carolina was determined to have Fort Sumter at all hazards, that they would pull it down with their fingernails if they could not get it any other way, that the other Southern states were becoming excited on the subject, that President Buchanan was in his dotage that the government in Washington was breaking up, that all was confusion, despair and disorder there, and that it was full time for us to look out for our own safety, for if we refused to give up the fort nothing could prevent the Southern troops from exterminating us. He ended this tragical statement by saying, May God Almighty enable you to come to a just decision. Anderson seemed deeply affected at the prospect of hostilities. He asked them why they did not first attempt diplomacy instead of war. He said if they would send a commissioner to lay their claims before the authorities at Washington he would send another to request the condition of the fort, and the government would then form its own judgment and come to some decision. Judge McGrath replied that he would report the proposition to Governor Pickins for his action. He and his companion then took a solemn leave of us and returned to Charleston. Upon reporting the facts to the governor, he was at once decided to accept Anderson's proposition. They gained an immense advantage in so doing, for the agreement tied the hands of the United States for an indefinite period of time and prevented the arrival of any war vessels until South Carolina was fully prepared to receive them. The delay gave the state time to complete and man its batteries, and to obtain an unlimited number of guns and quantities of shot and shell from the cannon foundry at Richmond, Virginia, known as the Trigar Iron Works. Thus, while air supplies would be running out, theirs would be coming in. Every delay would weaken us and strengthen them. I was strongly opposed to this fatal measure, which ultimately cost us the loss of Fort Sumter. But as it had simply emanated from Anderson himself, by virtue of his powers as commanding officer, and had not been submitted to a council of war, there was no opportunity for protest. He was at this time at the height of his popularity, and everything he did was sure to be sustained at Washington. In this embassy, Colonel Isaac W. Hain, an eminent lawyer of Charleston, was chosen as the commissioner from South Carolina and Lieutenant Norman J. Hall was sent as a representative for Fort Sumter. After this event, everything went on for a while as usual. By the 15th of January, we had secured the main gates against an assault by building a wall of stone and mortar behind them, leaving merely what is called a manhole for the entrance of one person at a time. Even this was covered by a 24-pounder howitzer loaded with canister. By the 11th, the money appropriated by the South Carolina legislature for war purposes amounted to $1,450,000 and was soon increased to $1,800,000. There was not a dollar in the treasury and nothing but the bank of the state to draw upon. On the same day, the financial condition of the United States was much improved by the appointment of John A. Dix as Secretary of the Treasury. This gave great confidence to the moneyed men in New York who immediately rallied to the support of the government. To all appearance, about 600 Negroes were now at work night and day, imperfect in the defences of Fort Maltry. The enemy continued their hostile preparations with the utmost energy and zeal in spite of the tacit truce which was supposed to exist and which prevented the president from sending men of war to aid or to reinforce us. I think Anderson might well have remonstrated against the landing of additional heavy guns and mortars on Sullivan's Island and the erection of new batteries to be used against us. He should at once have reported this increased activity to Washington in order that the agreement might be terminated or at least limited to a certain number of days. On the 17th, Judge Holt was nominated as Secretary of War and was soon after confirmed by the Senate. We were very glad to have an energetic and patriotic man at the head of this department. On the 18th, Lieutenant Mead left us for his home in Richmond, Virginia in consequence of a dispatch which stated that his mother was at the point of death. I never knew whether this telegram was founded on fact or was a strategic move to force poor Mead into the ranks of the Confederacy by detaching him temporarily from us and taking him where tremendous political and social influences could be brought to bear upon him. He had previously been overwhelmed with letters on the subject. He was already much troubled in mind and some months after the bombardment of Fort Sumter the pressure of family ties induced him very reluctantly, as I heard, to join the disunionists. It was stated that he was never a happy man afterward and that before a year had passed death put an end to his sorrow and regret. He was the son of R. K. Mead, our minister to Brazil. The troops opposite to us were now regularly receiving supplies and reinforcements and thrilling daily, while all the necessaries of life were constantly diminishing with us. We were already out of sugar, soap and candles. On the 19th, Lieutenant Talbot returned from his visit to Washington, where it will be remembered he had been sent to explain the Star of the West Affair and asked for specific instructions which would relieve Anderson from the responsibility and throw it upon the administration. The orders he brought back were to the effect that they had the utmost confidence in Major Anderson and that they left everything to his judgment. This was throwing the responsibility all back upon him. It was very complimentary, but far from satisfactory. Talbot stated that he had had great difficulty in making a safe transit through Charleston, for while the leaders seemed to be more pacific than ever, the populace had become more violent. It was even thought necessary to send an officer with him to secure his personal safety. He brought me the pleasant information that the mob were howling for my head as that of the only Republican or as they called it, Black Republican in the fort. Many unfavorable comments having been made, even in the southern states, more particularly in Kentucky in relation to Governor Picken's treatment of us, he relaxed his severity and on the 21st sent us over some fresh beef and vegetables as if we would consent to be fed by the charity of South Carolina. Anderson showed a good deal of proper spirit on this occasion. He declined to receive the provisions, but notified the governor that if we were not interfered with we would purchase our own supplies in Charleston market. The governor consented to this, but nothing came of it. There seemed to be a combination among the market men not to sell us any food. Indeed this action of the governor made him very unpopular with the Rhett faction. Rhett rushed over to inform him that the people demanded that Fort Sumter should be taken without any further procrastination or delay. The governor made a very shrewd reply. He said certainly Mr Rhett, I have no objection, I will furnish you with some men and you can storm the work yourself. Rhett drew back and replied, but sir, I am not a military man. Nor I either, said the governor, and therefore I take the advice of those that are. After this there was no further talk of an immediate assault. The action of the governor in this case almost gained him the reputation of a wit among the officers of his command. Lieutenant Hall being absent on diplomatic duty, and Dr Crawford being temporarily and Lieutenant Talbot permanently on the sick list, the rest of us were utterly worn out with the labour that developed upon us. Guard duty was especially severe as increased vigilance became necessary in consequence of the certain threatening preparations made by the enemy. The leaders in Charleston soon saw that the joint mission of Hall and Hain could not possibly result in anything decisive, but as every day added to their strength and resources they did not choose to recall their commissioner. They left him to continue his arguments in relation to the right of eminent domain while they prepared for war. In the hope that someday they might take us by surprise, they had the guard boats which still patrolled the harbour painted black, and all the lights and fires carefully screened from view. They probably intended to choose a dark night to drop down noiselessly with the tide and take advantage of a sleepy sentinel or some other favourable circumstance to land a party on the rocks at the base of the wall and seize the main entrance or make their way in through one of the embrasures. On the 24th, New York City speaking through its mayor, Fernando Wood, seemed to offer the right hand of fellowship to the secessionists. Certain arms which had been purchased by Georgia to be used against the general government were detained in New York and ex-Senator Toombs telegraphed Wood for an explanation. The latter characterised the detention as an outrage for which he was not responsible and for which he would inflict summary punishment if he had the power. Lieutenant Mead returned faithfully on the 25th and brought no news of importance. On the 26th Anderson applied for the code of naval signals so that if a fleet at any time should cross the bar he might communicate with it at a distance. Up to the 30th we had not been able to procure anything to eat from the city, but through the influence of Mr Gordon who seemed to have a special mission to smooth over the difficulties a new arrangement was made by which our provisions were ostensibly purchased for Fort Johnson and were forwarded to us from there. The nearest land to us was called Cummings Point. It was nearly opposite the gorge which was the weakest side of Fort Sumter, the wall there being thinner than in any other part. The enemy now began to build the most formidable of all batteries on the point referred to. It was constructed of strong timber plated with railroad iron and partially covered with sand. When finished it was regarded as almost impregnable. Steamers from the city passed within a stone's throw of us daily loaded with the materials used in its construction without opposition and without remonstrance. As it seemed settled that we were to wait until Hain was through with his law points and as our food in the meantime was rapidly giving out Anderson on the 21st directed me to make arrangements with the authorities of Charleston to enable us to send off the soldiers' families to Fort Hamilton. This was done and the women and children were shipped off to Charleston on the 30th and transferred to the steamer Marion which left for New York on the 3rd of February. As they passed the fort outward bound the men gave them repeated cheers as a farewell and displayed much feeling for they thought it very probable they might not meet for a long period, if ever. On the arrival of these families at Fort Hamilton, New York they found themselves in a straightened circumstances because owing to our isolation the men had not been paid off for a long time and therefore had no money to give their wives. Plymouth Church however interested itself on their behalf and so made them comparatively comfortable. Had our government been really disposed at this period to act with ordinary energy it might have opened a communication with us and cleared the Morris Island Channel without much difficulty. There were only about 300 Charleston militia guarding the batteries on that island and it would have been easy for a small force of mariners and soldiers to land there in the night, take the batteries in reverse and drive the troops out or to capture them. This once accomplished reinforcements and supplies could have been sent to us any amount. Buchanan's administration however was drawing to a close and his only desire seemed to be to get through his term of office without a collision leaving the difficulties and perplexities of his position as a legacy to his successor. On the 30th I received an insulting letter from Charleston informing me that if I were ever caught in the city an arrangement had been made to tar and feather me as an abolitionist. February now arrived. The fourth of the month was made memorable by the meeting of the Peace Congress at Washington and by a convention to represent the southern states at Montgomery, Alabama. On the sixth the new Secretary of War Judge Holt wrote to South Carolina that the president did not intend to inaugurate any aggressive measures and if the state government attacked Fort Sumter they would incur a fearful responsibility. On the eighth some photographic artists were allowed to come over and take our portraits in a group. I think it proved a profitable speculation for the sale was quite large. One of the party proved afterward to be a lieutenant of a Charleston company. It seems he came as a spy and no doubt thought he had done a very clever thing but in as much as Mr Gordon and the other secessionists including several military and naval officers were permitted to roam through the fort at will there was very little use in taking precautions against spies. Indeed on one occasion another Major Anderson and namesake of our commander came down to Charleston with a freight train loaded with shot shell and heavy guns and mortars for South Carolina to be used in the batteries against us. He was the owner of the celebrated Treadigar iron works of Richmond Virginia already referred to and had been enriched by the patronage of the United States. I thought it decidedly cooling him under the circumstances to come over to call on Air Major Anderson. He made no attempt at concealment but stated without reserve the object of his trip to the south. To my surprise instead of being summarily expelled he met with the most cordial reception was invited to stay to dinner and when he left he was dismissed with a goodbye God bless you you haven't such a thing as a late newspaper about you have you. On the 9th of February the enemy's batteries were completed manned and ready for action. On the same day the confederate government was duly organised by the election of Jefferson Davis of Mississippi as president and Alexander H Stevens of Georgia as vice president. The cabinet consisted of Robert Tombs of Georgia, Secretary of State L Pope Walker of Alabama, Secretary of War and Charles G Member of South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury. Afterward Judah P Benjamin of Louisiana was appointed Attorney General Stephen M Mallory of Florida, Secretary of the Navy and John H Reagan of Texas Postmaster General. Peter Gustav T Beauregard of Louisiana was made Brigadier General to command the Provisional Army. By this time we had finished most of our preparations and were busily engaged in constructing a mine at the extremity of the wharf for the benefit of any hostile party that might land there. Lieutenant Hall returned on the 10th. He had had a very pleasant time in Washington and had been petted a good deal by the loyal people of the north, but his mission proved of no real benefit to the United States and we had missed him a great deal for we had been very short-handed. He brought nothing definite from the administration, all the latter desired was to have a peaceable deathbed, leaving its burdens for Mr Lincoln's shoulders. As Hall passed through Charleston one of the young men there told him there was quite a revulsion of feeling with regard to attacking Fort Sumter. Hall inquired the reason. The reply was that a schooner which had just come in had been in a great danger from one of our infernal machines which had exploded and whitened the water for three hundred yards around. It seems that Seymour, who is very ingenious, had fastened a cannon cartridge in the center of a barrel of paving stones, so arranged that when the barrel was rolled off the parapet the powder would explode about five feet from the base of the wall. I was trying the experiment one day as the schooner passed and the explosion did look very destructive as the paving stones dashed up the water for a distance of fifty feet from the fort. On the fourteenth we had two more minds ready for any storming party that might desire to land. About this time Captain Edward McCready of Charleston, who had formally been very intimate with the officers of the garrison, wrote a letter urging them to throw off their allegiance to the United States and enter into the Confederate service. No one took the trouble to answer it. End of Chapter 8. Recording by FNH. Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 9 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday. Chapter 9. The Crisis at Hand We saw advertisements now in the northern papers showing that dramas founded on our occupation of Fort Sumter and confinement there were being acted both in Boston and New York. It was quite amusing to see our names in the playbills and to find that persons were acting our parts and spouting mock heroics on the stage. On the 15th several southern senators at Washington wrote to Governor Pickens recommending that we be allowed fresh provisions, fuel, another necessaries at the same time expressing their sympathy with South Carolina. After this the governor became more polite and considerate and allowed our officers to send to purchase oil and groceries in Charleston. Rett's paper, the Mercury of course, bitterly opposed this concession. We now learn that the whole question of Fort Sumter had been turned over to the new Southern Confederacy for solution. At this period grievous complaints were made by the merchants of the city of the utter stagnation of trade. All the business had fled to Savannah. Foreign vessels would not attempt to enter a harbour where civil war was raging especially as it was reported that obstructions had been sunk in the channel. The Charleston people said they now fully understood and appreciated the kindness of the people of Savannah in furnishing them with old hulks to destroy the harbour of Charleston. When the organisation of the new government was complete, the original secessionists of the Palmetto State were exceedingly angry to find themselves ignored. The President, Vice President and all the prominent members of the cabinet with the single exception of the Secretary of the Treasury were from other states. Henceforward, instead of pretentious leadership, the position of South Carolina was to be that of humble obedience to the new regime. Nor was this their only grievance. Free trade was not proclaimed and no ordinance was passed to reopen the African slave trade in as much as it would destroy the domestic slave trade and the profits of slave breeding in Virginia. It was soon seen that the associated states differed widely on a great many vital points. One of these related to Indian incursions into Texas. The border states owing to the withdrawal of the United States forces desired large appropriations in money for the purpose of organising troops to guard the settlements from Indian incursions. The people of South Carolina whose burdens were already very great and who were advertising in vain for a loan were very unwilling to be taxed for the benefit of Texas and Arkansas. In their anger at these untoward events the proposition was freely discussed whether it would not be the best course to secede from the Confederacy altogether and place themselves under a British protectorate. The only difficulty in the way seemed to be the unwillingness of Great Britain to act as stepfather to such a spoiled child as South Carolina. Virginia had not yet seceded. She still professed neutrality, but allowed a brisk trade in cannon and ammunition to be carried on with the South knowing they were to be used against the general government. Anderson now expressed himself as openly opposed to the coercion. He was in favour of surrendering all the forts to the states in which they were located. This course would simply be an acknowledgement that the sovereignty did not vest in the United States and would have led to nothing but disorder and disunion. He said if his native state Kentucky seceded he would throw up his commission and go to Europe. The fact is as I have stated he was a strong pro-slavery man and felt bitterly towards the North for not carrying out the fugitive slave law. He was contented that slavery was right in principle and expressly sanctioned by the Bible. One day while we were conversing on the subject I called his attention to the fact that slavery in ancient times was not founded on colour and if white slavery was right I saw no reason why one might not make a slave of him and read texts of scripture to him to keep him quiet. He was unable to answer this argument. On the first of March he informed the general government that he had no doubt we would soon be attacked. The communication however led to no comment and no immediate action. From certain circumstances I saw that South Carolina not only intended to build ironclad batteries but was thinking of ironclad ships to sink our wooden navy and at some future time capture our northern harbours. I was so much impressed with the importance of this subject that I felt it my duty to call attention to it in letters to Mr Curtis of Missouri and other members of Congress. But no one at the North seemed to give the matter a second thought or imagine there was any danger to be apprehended in the future. It was not so with our enemies. They were fully alive to the aggressive power it would give them and they commenced to experiment by building an ironclad floating battery which was to be placed deep enough to resist the heaviest metal. When finished it was to be anchored off the gorge of Fort Sumter so that it could beat down our main gates and make wide breaches in the walls for an assaulting party to enter. This battery was completed on the 3rd of March but the state militia had a great prejudice against it and could not be induced to man it. They christened it the slaughter pen and felt certain it would go to the bottom the moment we opened fire upon it. Out of deference to public opinion it was tied up to the wharf in Moultrieville and took part from that position in the final bombardment to Fort Sumter. The eventful 4th of March had now arrived and with it a new president representing the patriotism and vigor of the great North West. We looked for an immediate change of policy but it was some weeks before any definite action was taken with regard to us. This is not to be wondered at when we considered that a large proportion of the employees of the previous administration were disloyal and treacherous while the new appointments could not be made hastily on account of the tremendous pressure for office and the difficulty of canvassing the claims of so many rival and influential candidates. If Mr Lincoln wrote a private dispatch it was sure to be betrayed to the enemy. The defection in the civil service in the army and navy was so great that if he gave an order he was always in doubt whether it would be faithfully carried out. General Cooper who was an adjutant general of the army and the mouthpiece of the secretary of war and of the commander in chief was himself a rebel at heart and soon resigned to join the Confederacy. Enough however was already known of the policy of the administration to cause great uneasiness in Charleston. The feeling there was very gloomy at the prospect of real war for almost everyone had persuaded himself that the new president would not attempt coercion but would simply submit to the dismemberment of the country and make the best terms he could. They now knew they would be obliged to face the storm they had raised and they already foresaw great sufferings and sacrifices in the future. On the fifth Anderson wrote to Washington that he needed no reinforcement. The fact is he did not want it because its arrival would be sure to bring on collision and that was the one thing he wished to avoid. Mr Lincoln soon appointed Simon Cameron as the new secretary of war. On the seventh an accidental shot fired from the battery opposite struck near our wharf. The enemy sent a boat over at once to make an explanation. Our men were dissatisfied that the affair ended in nothing. They were becoming thoroughly angry and disgusted at their long confinement and at the supervision South Carolina exercised over them. One and all desired to fight it out as soon as possible. After consultation with Major Anderson it was deemed impossible at Washington to sucker us without sending a force of at least 20,000 men to storm the batteries of Morris Island. There was a time when these works could have easily been captured but now with the North full of spies and any attempt to take them by force would have called out all the available strength of South Carolina assisted by volunteers from other states. On the 10th it was everywhere published that the administration intended to withdraw us but no admission of this kind could be obtained from Mr Lincoln. Learning that we had nothing but pork and hard biscuit to eat Mr Haight, a wealthy gentleman of New York, sent us several boxes of delicacies. The governor under the impression we were soon to be withdrawn allowed them to come over and they were fully appreciated. The great tobacconist, John Anderson of New York, also sent a large supply of the best quality of tobacco having learned that the men felt the loss of their smoking more than anything else. By this time the South Carolina Treasury was in a state of collapse. A loan for $675,000 was freely advertised but no one desired to invest. The city trade however began to be quite brisk again from the immense influx of sympathizing strangers that poured into the city to see the preparations for war. Goods too began to come in from all quarters and there was a gleam of prosperity. On the 20th G.W. Lay, one of General Scott's aides who had resigned on the second of the month came down to offer his services to Governor Pickings. He must have had in his possession much valuable military and diplomatic information to which his late confidential position had given him access. On the 21st another messenger, Captain G.V. Fox, United States Navy, came over to see us. Captain Haasstein, who was an ex-officer of our Navy and an old friend of Fox's, was sent with him to be within earshot and see that he did no harm to the Confederacy. Fox had an excellent plan of his own in reference to us and came to reconnoiter and ascertain whether it was practicable to carry it out. For the President had now fully determined not to withdraw us or surrender Fort Sumter without an effort to hold and reinforce it. Indeed there came up an indignant roar from the great Northwest and many parts of the North that could not be disregarded with impunity. To have done so would almost have created a revolution. I was struck by one modest question which Haasstein put to me on this occasion. He asked if I thought Anderson would object to his anchoring the iron-plated floating battery within a hundred yards of our main gates. Upon my expressing my surprise at such an audacious proposal he replied Anderson has allowed these batteries to be built around him and has prevented so many things to be done that I don't see why he should not go a step farther and allow this. On the 22nd we learned that Beauregard had assumed command of the forces opposite to us. As he had just left our Army where he had been highly trusted and honoured it is said he displayed a good deal of feeling at finding himself opposed to the flag under which he had served so long. He expressed much sympathy for his old friend Anderson who, he stated, was merely fulfilling his duty as a soldier in fighting for his own government and asserted that he would not attack us even if we withdrew all our sentinels but would force us to surrender by cutting off our supplies. On the 23rd we had but two days regular fuel left but we had contrived to secure and utilize a number of floating logs as they passed the fort and these increased the amount on hand to some extent. Anderson now had no doubt that we would be withdrawn and the papers all gave out the same idea. Under these circumstances as we were out of fuel and had a large number of surplus gun carriages on hand which we could not possibly use and which would inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy when we left I suggested that it would be good policy to use them for firewood especially as many of them were decayed and worthless. He would not however consent to this. Perhaps he thought the fuel at six hundred dollars accord was rather dear. The result was that they were finally all turned over to the Confederacy with the other public property on hand. On the 25th Colonel Ward C. Lammon the former law partner of Mr Lincoln came over to visit us under charge of Colonel Douye of Charleston. He was given out that he was sent as an agent of the general government to see Governor Pickens in relation to post office matters but in reality he came to confer with Anderson and ascertain the amount of provisions on hand. He took with him the important information that our food would be out by the middle of April. On the 28th Beauregard sent a message of some kind to Anderson I do not know its purport. The latter stated to us that he expected decisive orders from Washington on the 29th but none came. The first of April arrived and as the heavy work of Mountain Guns etc was completed a commander thought it would be a good idea to send off the hired laborers and he entrusted Captain Foster to ask permission of the rebel authorities to allow them to land. The request was granted and all left with the exception of a few who desired to remain with us and share our fortunes. Among them was Mr William O. Lyman the principal overseer of the Masons, a brave and reliable man. On the 3rd of April another affair occurred similar to that of the Star of the West. The schooner R. H. Shannon of Boston under Captain Mounts en route for Savannah with a cargo of ice sailed into the harbour of Charleston on account of a fog. As the Captain did not read the papers he did not know that anything unusual was going on. A battery on Morris Island fired a shot across the bow of his vessel to bring her too. Very much astonished at this proceeding he ran up the stars and stripes to show that he was all right. This was regarded as a direct defiance and a heavy cannonade was at once opened on the vessel. Very much puzzled to account for this hostility he lowered his flag and the firing ceased. A boat's crew now put off from the shore to ascertain his character and purpose in entering the harbour. While this was going on we were formed at our guns in readiness to fire but were not allowed to do so although there was every probability that the vessel would be sunk before our eyes. It is true we could not have reached a particular battery that was doing the mischief, but the other works of the enemy were all under our guns and not expecting immediate action we were in a measure unprepared. Anderson however contended himself with sending Seymour and Snyder over in a boat with a white flag to ask for an explanation with the usual result. Lieutenant Tolbert and Lieutenant Snyder were then sent over to have an interview with the Governor in relation to this matter. This being far from satisfactory, Lieutenant Snyder returned to Fort Sumter and Lieutenant Tolbert kept on his way to Washington with dispatches. Although this affair attracted very little attention or comment at the north, I was convinced from the Major's depression of spirits that it acted a great deal upon his mind. He evidently feared it might be considered as a betrayal of his trust and he was very sensitive to everything that affected his honour. I have already stated the reasons for his inaction. In amplifying his instructions not to provoke a collision, into instructions not to fight at all, I have no doubt he thought he was rendering a real service to his country. He knew the first shot fired by us would light the flames of a civil war that would convulse the world and try to put off the evil day as long as possible. Yet a better analysis of the situation might have taught him that the contest had already commenced and could no longer be avoided. The leaders of the south at this period would hardly have been satisfied with the most abject submission of the anti-slavery party to all their behests. In fact, every concession made to their wishes seemed to them to be dictated by the weakness of the government and its fears of internal dissension and civil war in all the great cities of the north. They needed blood and the prestige of a victory to rouse the enthusiasm of their followers and cement the rising confederacy. They wanted a new and powerful slave empire extending to the isthmus of Panama, and for this a direct issue must be made with the free states. In vain did a member of congress who afterward became a distinguished union general offering Richmond to raise an army of 20,000 men in the north to fight the abolitionists if the south were consent to remain in the union. Even this was not deemed sufficient or satisfactory. Slavery had so long dominated everything with a rod of iron that its votaries deemed it born to universal dominion. All the pathways to political power or the avenues of promotion in the army and navy lay in that direction. General Scott was accustomed to say that with Virginia officers and Yankee troops he could conquer the world, and this implied that slaveholders in his opinion were the only men fitted to command. Washington was too full of spies for the rebel leaders to remain in ignorance of Lincoln's intention to reinforce us. On the 6th of April Beauregard restricted our marketing to two days in the week. On the 7th it was wholly cut off, and we noticed gangs of negroes hard at work strengthening the defences on Morris Island. Everything betoken that the conflict would soon take place. Anderson was greatly troubled at the failure of all of his plans to keep the place. The rebels knew, and perhaps he knew, that on the 6th and 7th of April a number of naval vessels had left New York and Norfolk under sealed orders. Their destination would hardly be doubted. Lieutenant Talbot reached Washington on the 6th, but was immediately sent back with a message from the President to Governor Pickens, notifying the latter that the government intended to provision Fort Sumter at all hazards. This formal notice was given by the President, probably because he considered himself bound to do so before putting an end to the semi-Pacific code that had governed Anderson's intercourse with the forces around him ever since the departure of Hall and Hane for Washington. Talbot delivered his message on the 8th. Beauregard immediately telegraphed the information to the rebel Secretary of War at Montgomery, Alabama and received orders on the 10th to open fire at once upon Fort Sumter. I think it was the 9th that the official letter came, notifying Anderson that a naval expedition had been sent to our relief and the team must cooperate with it to the best of his ability. He communicated this information to us on the 10th, but desired it should be kept secret. The preparations we were obliged to make told the men plainly enough, however, that the fighting was about to commence. The news acted like magic upon them. They had previously been drooping and dejected, but now they sprung to their work with the greatest declarity, laughing, singing, whistling and full of glee. They were overjoyed to learn that their long imprisonment in the Fort would soon be at an end. They had felt themselves humiliated by the open supervision which South Carolina exercised over us and our tame submission to it. It was very galling to them to see the revenue cutter which had been stolen from the United States anchored within a stone's cast of our walls to watch our movements and overhaul everything coming to or going from the Fort, including our mail boat. On the 10th, Beauregard announced his personal staff to consist of Colonel's Wigful, Chestnut, Means McGowan, Manning and Boylestone. On the same day, a house directly opposite to us in Moultrieville, at the nearest point, was suddenly removed, disclosing a formidable masked battery which effectively inflated two rows of our upper tier of guns in Barbette and took a third tier in reverse. It was a sad surprise to us, for we had our heaviest metal there. I set to work immediately to construct sandbag traverses, but it was difficult to make much progress as we had no bags and were obliged to tear up sheets for the purpose and have the pieces sewn together. This labour, however, was entirely thrown away for Anderson ordered us to abandon all the guns on the parapet. This, of course, was much less dangerous for the men, but it deprived us of the most powerful and effective part of our armament. About 3pm of the same day, a boat came over with Colonel James Chestnut, ex-United States Senator, and Captain Stephen D. Lee, both aides of Beauregard. They bore a demand for the surrender of the fort. Anderson politely declined to accede to this request, but stated in conversation that he would soon be starved out. This gratuitous information ought never to have been given to the enemy in view of the fact that a naval expedition was on its way to us. It was at once supposed that Anderson desired to surrender without fighting, and about 11pm another boat came over to us containing Colonel Chestnut, Colonel Pryor and Captain Lee to inquire upon what day he would be willing to evacuate the work in case he was not attacked. The answer was, on the 15th at noon, provided he did not receive fresh instructions or was not relieved before that time. As we had pork enough on hand to last for two weeks longer, there was no necessity for fixing so early a day. It left too little margin for the naval operations as in all probability the vessels in the case of any accident or detention would arrive too late to be of service. This proved to be the case. The enemy's batteries on Sullivan's Island were so placed as to fire directly into the officer's quarters at Fort Sumter, and as our rooms would necessarily become untenable, we vacated them and chose points that were more secure. I moved my bed to a magazine, which was directly opposite to Cummings Point and which was nearly empty. As I was sensible that the next three days would call for great physical exertion and constant wakefulness, I endeavoured to get all the sleep I could on the night of the 11th. About 4am on the 12th, I was awakened by someone groping about my room in the dark and calling out my name. It proved to be Anderson, who came to announce to me that he had just received a dispatch from Beauregard dated 3.20am to the effect that he should open fire upon us in an hour. Finding it was determined not to return fire until after breakfast, I remained in bed. As we had no lights, we could in fact do nothing before that time, except to wander around in the darkness and fire without an accurate view of the enemy's works. End of Chapter 9. Recording by FNH. Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 10 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday. Chapter 10. The Bombardment. As soon as the outline of our fort could be distinguished, the enemy carried out their programme. It had been arranged as a special compliment to the venerable Edmund Ruffin, who might almost be called the father of secession, that he should fire the first shot against us from the Stevens Battery on Cummings Point, and I think in all these histories it is stated that he did so. But it is attested by Dr Crawford and others who were on the parapet at the time that the first shot really came from the mortar battery at Fort Johnson. Almost immediately afterward, a ball from Cummings Point lodged in the magazine wall, and by the sound seemed to bury itself in the masonry about a foot from my head, in very unpleasant proximity to my right ear. This is the one that probably came with Mr Ruffin's compliments. In a moment the firing burst forth in one continuous roar, and large patches of both exterior and interior masonry began to crumble and fall in all directions. The place where I was had been used for the manufacture of cartridges, and there was still a good deal of powder there, some packed, some loose. A shell soon struck near the ventilator, and a puff of dense smoke entered the room, giving me a strong impression that there would be an immediate explosion. Fortunately no sparks had penetrated inside. 19 batteries were now hammering at us, and the balls and shells from the 10-inch Colombiads accompanied by shells from the 13-inch mortars which constantly bombarded us made us feel as if the war had commenced in earnest. When it was broad daylight, I went down to breakfast. I found the officers already assembled at one of the long tables in the mess hall. Our party were calm, and even somewhat merry. We had retained one coloured man to wait on us. He was a spruce-looking milletto from Charleston, very active and efficient on ordinary occasions, but now was completely demoralised by the thunder of the guns and crashing of the shot around us. He leaned back against the wall almost white with fear, his eyes closed, and his whole expression one of perfect despair. Our mill was not very sumptuous. He consisted of pork and water, but Dr. Crawford triumphantly brought forth a little farnia, which he had found in a corner of the hospital. When this frugal repulse was over, my company was told off in three details for firing purposes to be relieved afterward by Seymour's company. As I was the ranking officer, I took the first detachment and marched them to the casemates which looked out upon the powerful ironclad battery on Cummings Point. In aiming the first gun fired against the rebellion, I had no feeling of self-reproach, for I fully believed that the contest was inevitable and was not of our seeking. The United States was called upon not only to defend its sovereignty, but its right to exist as a nation. The only alternative was to submit to a powerful oligarchy who were determined to make freedom forever substitute to slavery. To me it was simply a contest politically speaking as to whether virtue or vice should rule. My first shot bounded off from the sloping roof of the battery opposite without producing any apparent effect. It seemed useless to attempt to silence the guns there, for our metal was not heavy enough to batter the work down, and every ball glanced harmlessly off, except one, which appeared to enter an abrasion and twist the iron shutter so as to stop the firing of that particular gun. I observed that a group of the enemy had ventured out from their entrenchments to watch the effect of their fire, but I sent them flying back to their shelter by the aid of a 42-pounder ball which appeared to strike right among them. Assistant Sergeant Crawford, having no sick in hospital, volunteered to take command of one of the detachments. He and Lieutenant Davis were detailed at the same time with me, and I soon heard their guns on the opposite side of the fort echoing my own. They attacked Fort Maltry with great vigor. Our firing now became regular and was answered from the rebel guns which encircled us on four sides of the Pentagon upon which the fort was built. The other side faced the open sea, showers of balls from 10-inch Colombiads and 42-pounders, and shells from 13-inch mortars poured into the fort in one incessant stream, causing great flakes of masonry to fall in all directions. When the immense mortar shells, after sailing high in the air, came down in a vertical direction and buried themselves in the parade ground, their explosion shook the fort like an earthquake. Our own guns were very defective, as they had no breech sights. In place of these, Seymour and myself were obliged to devise notched sticks which answered for the purpose, but were necessarily very imperfect. Our fort had been built with reference to the penetration of shot when the old system of smoothbore guns prevailed. The balls from a new Blakely gun on Cummings Point, however, had forced enough to go entirely through the wall which sheltered us, and some of the fragments of brick which were knocked out wounded several of my detachment. None were seriously hurt except Sergeant Thomas Cunnan of my company. His contusions were as severe, but did not keep him out of the fight. After three hours firing, my men became exhausted, and Captain Seymour came with a fresh detachment to relieve us. He has a great deal of humour in his composition, and said jokelessly, double day, what in the world is the matter here, and what is all this uproar about? I replied, there's a trifling difference of opinion between us and our neighbour's opposite, and we are trying to settle it. Very well, he said, do you wish me to take a hand? I said, yes, I would like you to have a go in. All right, he said, what is your elevation and range? I replied, five degrees and twelve hundred yards. Well, he said, here goes, and he went to work with a will. Part of the fleet was visible outside the bar about half past 10 a.m. It exchanged salutes with us, but did not attempt to enter the harbour or take part in the battle. In fact, it would have been considerably difficult in finding the channel, as the marks and boys had all been taken up. It was composed originally of the frigates Pony under Commodore Rowan, and the Pocahontas under Captain Gillies, the Power Hutton under Captain Mercer, the steam transport Baltic under Captain Fletcher, and I believe the steam tugs Yankee, Uncle Ben, and another which was not permitted to leave New York. The soldiers on board consisted of 250 recruits from Governor's Island under command of First Lieutenant's E. M. K. Hudson of the Fourth and Robert O. Tyler of the Third Artillery and Second Lieutenant A. I. Thomas of the First Infantry. This expedition was designed by Captain Fox in consultation with G. W. Blunt, William H. Asperinwall, Russell Sturges, and others. After the event, much obliquy was thrown upon the navy, because it did not come in and engage the numerous batteries and forts and open for itself away to Charleston, but this course would probably have resulted in the sinking of every vessel. As far back as December, I had written to New York that it was very difficult for a gun on shore to hit a small boat dancing on the waves in the daytime, and at night it is almost impossible. I suggested, therefore, that we might be reinforced and provisioned by means of a number of small boats supplied from several navy vessels as a base of operations. The same idea had occurred to Captain Fox, and on the present occasion he had brought 30 launches to be used for this purpose. They were to be manned by 300 sailors, and in case they were assailed, the fleet was to protect them as far as possible by its guns. Unfortunately, the different vessels did not reach the rendezvous together. The Pawnee and Pocahontas arrived on the 12th, but lost a great deal of time in waiting for the Po Hunter, which contained the launches and the other arrangements without which a boat expedition could not be organised. The Palhattan never appeared, having been unexpectedly detached by order of the President at the solicitation of Sekadir Seward and without consultation with the Navy Department. I think the Baltic was detained by running upon Rattlesnake Shoal. The steam-tug Uncle Ben was driven into Wilmington by a storm, and the Yankee did not make its appearance until the 15th. The expedition was thus an utter failure. Nevertheless, a passing schooner was purchased and loaded up with provisions and soldiers, and an attempt would have been made to run in on the night of the 13th, but by that time it was too late. The fort had surrendered. Having explained this matter, we will now resume our narrative of the operations. For the next three hours a vigorous fire was kept up on both sides. A great many shots were aimed at our flagstaff, but nearly all of them passed above the fort and struck in the water beyond. I think we succeeded in silencing several of the guns in Fault Maltry, and one or more of the Stevens Battery. When Seymour's three hours were up, I relieved him and continued firing. As our balls bounded off the sloping iron rails like peas upon a trencher, utterly failing to make any impression, and as the shot from Blakely Gun came clear through our walls Anderson directed that the men should cease firing at that particular place. I regretted very much that the upper tier of guns had been abandoned, as they were all loaded and pointed, and were of a very heavy caliber. A wild Irish soldier, however, named John Komoddy, slipped up on the parapet, and without orders fired the pieces there one after another on his own account. One of the ten-inch balls so aimed made quite an impression upon the Cummings Point Battery, and if the fire could have been kept up it might possibly have knocked the ironwork to pieces. After my detachment had abandoned the casemate opposite the Blakely Gun, to my great astonishment the battery I had left recommenced firing, I could not imagine who could have taken our places. It seems that a group of the Baltimore workmen had been watching our motions, and had thus learned the duties of a canineer. In spite of their previous determination not to take part in the fight, they could not resist the fun of trying their hand at one of the guns. It was already accurately pointed, and the ball struck the mark in the centre. The men attributed it to their own skill, and when I entered they were fairly in convulsions of laughter. One of them in answer to my question gasped out, I hit it square in the middle. After this first attempt each of them was desirous of trying his skill at aiming. The result was that we soon had them organised into a firing party. Finding one of my chests had been left in the officer's quarters, and that it would probably be knocked to pieces by shells, I asked the mulatto, who still sat back against the wall apparently asleep, to bear a hand and help me bring it out. He opened his eyes, shook his head dolefully and said, D Major, he say I must not expose myself. If I mistake not, Roswell R Ripley, formerly a brevet major in our army, fired the second or third shot to bring down the flag under which he had served for so many years. Ripley was born in Ohio, appointed from New York and educated at the military academy. He had therefore, even on the sudden theory of state rights, no necessary affiliation with the south. In fact they always despised a man who joined them to fight against his own state. In one instance, Jeff Davis himself had to use all his influence to induce the southern troops to obey one of these northern generals. Ripley had previously been engaged as an agent for Sharp's Arms Company in Europe, and having been unsuccessful there, came to Charleston with the hope of repairing his shattered fortunes by selling guns to South Carolina. Through the influence of Colonel Hugo of our ordnance department, who was in the city at the time, Ripley failed in this, and being entirely out of employment accepted a commission from the Confederacy to fight against his old comrades. Being a man of talent and a skillful artilleryist, he did us a great deal of harm. Like all northern converts, he thought it necessary to be overzealous in his new position to do away with the suspicions excited by his birth and education. I was told at the time that for this purpose he took pains to denounce me as an abolitionist and to recommend that I be hanged by the populace as soon as caught. The firing continued all day, without any special incident of importance, and without our making much impression on the enemy's works. They had a great advantage over us, as their fire was concentrated on the fort, which was in the centre of the circle, while ours was diffused over the circumference. Their missiles were exceedingly destructive to the upper exposed portion of the work, but no essential injury was done to the lower casemates which sheltered us. Some of these shells, however, set the officers' quarters on fire three times, but the flames were promptly extinguished once or twice through the exertions of Peter Hart, whose activity and gallantry were very conspicuous. The night was an anxious one for us, for we thought it probable that the launches filled with armed men from the fleet might take advantage of the darkness to come in with provisions and supplies. Then too it was possible that the enemy might attempt a night attack. We were on the alert, therefore, with men stationed to all the embrasures, but nothing unusual occurred. The batteries fired upon us at stated intervals all night long. We did not return fire, having no ammunition to waste. On the morning of the thirteenth, we took our breakfast, or rather our pork and water, at the usual hour, and marched the men to the guns when the meal was over. From four to six-thirty a.m., the enemy's fire was very spirited. From seven to eight a.m., a rainstorm came on, and there was a lull in the cannon aiding. About eight a.m., the officers' quarters were ignited by one of Ripley's incendiary shells, or by shot heated in the furnaces at Fault Moultrie. The fire was put out, but at ten a.m., a mortar shell passed through the roof and lodged in the flooring of the second story where it burst and started the flames afresh. This too was extinguished, but the hot shots soon followed each other so rapidly that it was impossible for us to contend with them any longer. It became evident that the entire block being built with wooden partitions, floors and roofing must be consumed and that the magazine containing 300 barrels of powder would be endangered, for even after closing the metallic door, sparks might penetrate through the ventilator. The floor was covered with loose powder where a detail of men had been at work manufacturing cartridge bags out of old shirts, wooden blankets, etc. While the officers exerted themselves with axes to tear down and cut away all the woodwork in the vicinity, the soldiers were rolling barrels of powder out to more sheltered spots and were covering them with wet blankets. The labour was accelerated by the shells which were bursting around us, for Ripley had redoubled his activity at the first signs of a conflagration. We only succeeded in getting out some 96 barrels of powder, and then we were obliged to close the massive copper door and await the result. A shot soon passed through the intervening shield, struck the door, and bent the lock in such a way that it could not be opened. We were thus cut off from our supply of ammunition, but still had some piled up in the vicinity of the guns. Anderson officially reported only four barrels and three cartridges as on hand when we left. By 11 am the conflagration was terrible and disastrous. One fifth of the fort was on fire, and the wind drove the smoke in dense masses into the angle where we had all taken refuge. It seemed impossible to escape suffocation. Some lay down close to the ground with handkerchiefs over their mouths, and others posted themselves near the embrasures, where the smoke was somewhat lessened by the draught of air. Everyone suffered severely. I crawled out from one of these openings and sat on the outer edge, but Ripley made it lively for me there, with his case shot, which spattered all around. Had not a slight change of wind taken place, the result might have been fatal to most of us. Our firing having ceased, the enemy was being very jubilant. I thought it would be as well to show them that we were not all dead yet and ordered the gunners to fire a few rounds more. I heard afterward that the enemy loudly cheered Anderson for his persistency under such adverse circumstances. The scene at this time was really terrific. The roaring and crackling of the flames, the dense masses of whirling smoke, the bursting of the enemy's shells, and our own, which were exploding in the burning rooms, the crashing of the shot and the sound of the masonry falling in every direction, made the fort a pandemonium. When at last nothing was left of the building but the blackened walls and the smouldering embers, it became painfully evident that an immense amount of damage had been done. There was a tower at each angle of the fort. One of these containing some quantities of shells upon which we had relied was almost completely shattered by successive explosions. The massive wooden gates studded with iron nails were burned and the wall built behind them was now a mere heap of debris, so that the main entrance was wide open for an assaulting party. The sally ports were in a similar condition and the numerous windows on the gorge side which had been planked up had now all become open entrances. About 12.48pm the end of the flagstaff was shot down and the flag fell. It had been previously hanging by one halyard, the other having been cut by a piece of shell. The exaltation of the enemy however was short-lived. Peter Hart found a spar in the fort which answered very well as a temporary flagstaff. He nailed the flag to this and raised it triumphantly by nailing and tying the pole firmly to a pile of gun carriages on the parapet. This was gallantly done without undue haste under Seymour's supervision although the enemy concentrated all their fire upon the spot to prevent Hart from carrying out his intention. From the beginning the rebel gunners had been very ambitious to shoot the flag down and had wasted an immense number of shots in the attempt. While the battle was going on a correspondent of the New York Tribune who was in Charleston wrote that the populace were calling for my head. Fortunately I was not there to gratify them. My relations with the gentleman of Charleston had always been friendly. The enmity of the mob was simply political and was founded on the belief that I was the only black republican as they termed it in the fort. End of Chapter 9 Recording by FNH Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 11 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Maltry in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by FNH Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Maltry in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Chapter 11 The Evacuation There was a large first-class wooden hotel near the shore on Sullivan's Island called the Maltry House. It was only kept open during the summer and was a favourite resort for planters and others to enjoy the fresh sea breeze and the beautiful drive up the beach at low tide. Since the rebel occupation of Fort Maltry this hotel had been used as a depot and barracks for the troops in the vicinity. Just before the attack was made upon us the Palmetto flag which had waved over the building was taken down, but I noticed with the spyglass that there was still quite a number of people, apparently troops, remaining in the house. I saw no reason why the mere lowering of the flag should prevent us from firing them. I therefore aimed two 42-pounder balls at the upper story. The crashing of the shot which went through the whole length of the building among the clapboards and interior partitions must have been something fearful to those who were within. They came rushing out in furious haste and tumbled over each other until they reached the bottom of the front steps in one writhing tumultuous mass. When we left Fort Sumter a South Carolina officer who seemed to feel aggrieved in relation to this matter asked me why we fired at that building. Not caring to enter into a discussion at that time, I evaded it by telling him the true reason was that the landlord had given me a wretched room there one night, and this being the only opportunity that had occurred to even get even with him. I was unable to resist it. He laughed heartily and said, I understand it all now. You were perfectly right, sir, and I justify the act. About 2 p.m. Senator Wickfall in company with W. Gordon Young of Charleston unexpectedly made his appearance at one of the embrasures having crossed over from Morris Island in a small boat rowed by Negroes. He had seen the flag come down and supposed that we had surrendered in consequence of the burning of the quarters. This visit was sanctioned by the commander of Morris Island, Brigadier General James W. Simmons. An artillery man serving his gun was very much astonished to see a man's face at the entrance and asked him what he was doing there. Wickfall replied that he wished to see Major Anderson. The man, however, refused to allow him to enter until he had surrendered himself as a prisoner and given up his sword. This done, another artillery man was sent to bring an officer. Lieutenant Davis came almost immediately, but it took some time to find Anderson, who was out examining the condition of the main gates. I was not present during this scene, or at the interview that ensued, as I was engaged in trying to save some shells in the upper story from the effects of the fire. Wickfall, in Beauregard's name, offered Anderson his own terms, which were the evacuation of the fort with permission to salute our flag and to march out with the honors of war, with our arms and private baggage, leaving all other war material behind. As soon as this matter was arranged, Wickfall returned to Cummings Point. In the meantime, Beauregard, having noticed the white flag, sent a boat containing Colonel James Chestnut and Captain Lee, Colonel Roger A. Pryor and Colonel William Portia Miles to ascertain the meaning of the signal. A second boat soon followed containing Major D. K. Jones, who was Beauregard's adjutant general, ex-Governor J. L. Manning and Colonel Charles Alston. Miles and Pryor were exceedingly astonished when they heard that Wickfall had been carrying on negotiations in Beauregard's name and stated that to their certain knowledge, he had no communication with Beauregard. They spoke of the matter with great delicacy, for Wickfall was a parlourous man and quick to settle disputed points with the pistol. Anderson replied with spirit that under the circumstances he would run up his flag again and resume the firing. They begged him, however, not to take action until they had opportunity to lay the whole subject before General Beauregard, and Anderson agreed to wait a reasonable time for that purpose. The boats then returned to the city. In due time another boat arrived containing Colonel's Chestnut and Chisholm and Captain Stephen D. Lay, all aides of Beauregard. They came to notify Major Anderson that the latter was willing to treat with him on the basis proposed. Colonel Charles Alston soon came over with Major Jones, who was Chief of Staff to Beauregard, an adjutant general of the Provisional Army, to settle the details of the evacuation. There was some difficulty about permitting us to salute our flag, but that too was finally conceded. In case we held out for another day, the rebels had made arrangements to storm the fort that night. During all these operations our officers and men behaved with great gallantry. Hall, Snyder and Meade had never been under fire before, but they proved themselves to be true sons of their alma mater at West Point. The first contest of the war was over, and had ended as a substantial victory for the secessionists. They had commenced this campaign naked and defenceless, but the general government had allowed them time to levy an army against us, and we had permitted ourselves to be surrounded with a ring of fire from which there was no escape. Nor had we implied to the fullest extent all our available means of defence. No attempt had ever been made to make use of the upper tier of guns which contained our heaviest metal, and which from its height overlooked the enemy works and was therefore the most efficient part of our armament. Although the fire of our columbiads under ordinary circumstances could not quite reach the city, we had arranged one of them to point upward at the maximum angle. As the carriage would not admit of this, the gun was taken off and made to rest on a bed of masonry. Seymour and myself thought by loading it with eccentric shells we could increase the range of the guns so that the balls would reach the part of Charleston which was nearest to us, but we were not allowed to use the gun at all. It seemed to me there was a manifest desire to do as little damage as possible. About eighteen hundred shot had been fired into Fort Sumter, and the upper story was pretty well knocked to pieces. To walk around the parapet we had constantly to climb over heaps of debris. With all this expenditure of ammunition we had but one man dangerously wounded. This was John Schwerer, foreman of the Baltimore Bricklayers. He was struck by a piece of shell while standing near the open parade ground. So long as our men fought in the lower casemates, which were shell-proof, the vertical fire could not reach them, and by drilling them to step one side of the embrasure whenever they saw the flash of a gun opposite, they escaped the danger of being struck by any ball which might enter the opening, so that on the whole they ran very little risk. Had they used the guns on the parapet, the number of casualties would have been greatly increased, but our missiles would have been much more effective. When William Portia Miles had been about to enter the boat to return to Charleston, he told our commander that none of the secessionist soldiers were injured by our fire. Anderson raised his hands and ejaculated. Thank God for that! As the object of our fighting was to do as much damage as possible, I could see no propriety in thanking heaven for the small amount of injury we had inflicted. I have since had reason to suspect from several circumstances that the contest was not as bloodless as it was represented to be at the time. The coxswain of the boat that brought Miles over heard him make the remark that no one was hurt on the rebel side. The man stared at him for a moment in undisguised amazement, and then stepped aside behind an angle of the work where he could indulge in a hearty fit of laughter. The whole action was that of one who thought his chief had been indulging in romance. Of course, Miles believed the assertion, or he would not have made it. The fact is, Fort Maltry was all shivered and knocked to pieces, and as I heard so much in reference to the narrow escapes of officers and soldiers there, I concluded that, if no one was hurt, a miracle must have taken place. The rebel who carried dispatches between Fort Maltry and Mount Pleasant in a small boat was in a position to know, and he told Peter Hart some years after the war that a schooner to his certain knowledge came from Charleston during the battle, and took off a number of killed from Fort Maltry, who were taken to Pottersfield on Cooper River, and buried there on Saturday at 4.30 am. I had previously seen the same story published as coming from Charleston. A similar statement was made on his arrival in New York by the mate of the schooner D.B. Pitts, and it purported to be founded on his own observation. When we left Fort Sumter for New York, a man of my company named Fielding was seriously injured by an explosion and left behind in the hospital at Charleston. He was frequently visited there by an old comrade named Galloway, who was one of our discharged soldiers. Galloway laughed at the idea that no one had been injured and told Fielding that he himself had served in Fort Maltry during the bombardment, and had seen with his own eyes a number of killed and wounded there. If Galloway's story is true, Ripley may have concealed his losses, as he did not wish to have us appear more successful than he had been. I believe there are a great many Irish labourers enlisted in Fort Maltry, and their loss would hardly have excited a remark in Aristocratic Charleston. It is said, too, that a list of killed and wounded was posted up on a bulletin board in the city and afterward torn down for fear that it might discourage the troops. On the other hand, the assertion of men holding high official position on the other side that no one was killed or injured would seem to leave little room for doubt. When Beauregard received notice that Anderson was willing to ratify the terms agreed upon, he sent over another boat containing Colonel Mills, Colonel Pryor, ex-Governor Manning, Major Jones, and Captain Hastane to arrange the details of the evacuation. Almost a fatal accident occurred to Roger A. Pryor shortly after his arrival in the fort. He was sitting in the hospital, at a table with a black bottle and a tumbler near his right hand. The place was quite dark, having been built up all around with boxes of sand to render it shell-proof. Being thirsty and not noticing what he did, he mechanically picked up the bottle, poured some of the liquid into the glass, and drank it down. It proved to be Ia died of potassium, which is quite a poisonous compound. When I saw him he was very pale and leaning on the shoulder of Dr. Crawford, who was taking him out on the grass to apply the stomach pump. He was soon out of danger. Some of us questioned the doctor's right to interpose in a case of this kind. It was argued that if any rebel leader chose to come over to Fort Sumter and poison himself, the medical department had no business to interfere with such a laudable intention. The doctor, however, claimed that with some show of reason that he himself was held responsible to the United States for the medicine in the hospital, and therefore he could not permit Pryor to carry any of it away. All of the preliminaries having been duly adjusted, it was decided that the evacuation should take place the next morning. Our arrangements were few and simple, but the rebels made the extensive preparations for the event in order to give it the greatest eclair and claim from it as much prestige as possible. The population of the surrounding country poured into charged and invased multitudes to witness the humiliation of the United States flag. We slept soundly that night for the first time, after all the fatigue and excitement of the two preceding days. The next morning, Sunday the 14th, we were up early packing our baggage in readiness to go on board the transport. The time having arrived, I made preparations by order of Major Anderson to fire a national salute to the flag. It was a dangerous thing to attempt, as sparks of fire were floating around everywhere, and there was no safe place to deposit the ammunition. In that portion of the line commanded by Lieutenant Hall, a pile of cartridges lay under the muzzle of one of the guns. Some fire had probably lodged inside the piece, which the sponging did not extinguish. For in loading it, it went off prematurely and blew off the right arm of the gunner, Daniel Hugh, who was an excellent soldier. His death was almost instantaneous. He was the first man who lost his life on our side in the war for the Union. The damage did not end here, for some of the fire from the muzzle dropped onto the pile of cartridges below and exploded them all. Several men in the vicinity were blown into the air and seriously injured. Their names were George Fielding, John Irwin, George Pinchard, and Edwin Gullway, and I think James Hayes. The first name to be very badly hurt was left behind to be cared for by the Rebels. He was sent over to Charleston, where he was well treated, finally cured, and forwarded to us without being exchanged. The salute being over, the Confederate troops marched in to occupy the fort. The Palmetto Guard, Captain Cuthbert's company, detailed by Colonel de Cessieux and Captain Horquist's company B of the regulars, detailed by Colonel Ripley, constituted the new garrison under Ripley. Anderson directed me to form the men on the parade ground, assume command, and march them on board the transport. I told him I should prefer to leave the fort with the flag flying and the drums beating Yankee Doodle, and he authorized me to do so. As soon as our tattered flag came down and the silk and banner made by the ladies of Charleston was run up, tremendous shouts of applause was heard from the vast multitude of spectators, and all the vessels and steamers with one accord made for the fort. Captain Brighurst came running to tell me that many of the approaching crowd were shouting my name and making threatening demonstrations. The disorder, however, was immediately quelled by the appearance of Harstein, an ex-officer of our navy who threw out sentinels in all directions and prevented the mob from landing. The bay was alive with floating craft of every description, filled with people from all parts of the south in their holiday attire. As I marched out at the head of our little band of regulars it must have presented a strange contrast to the numerous forces that had assailed us, some sixty men against six thousand. As we went on board the Isabelle, with the drums beating the national air, all eyes were fixed upon us amidst the deepest silence. It was an hour of triumph for the originators of secession in South Carolina, and no doubt it seemed to them the culmination of all their hopes. But could they have seen into the future, with the eye of prophecy, their joy might have been turned into mourning. Who among them could have conceived that the Charleston they deemed so invincible, which they boasted would never be polluted by the footsteps of a Yankee invader until every son of the soil had shed the last drop of his blood in her defence? Who could have imagined that this proud metropolis, after much privation and long suffering from fire and bombardment, would finally surrender without bloodshed to a Negro regiment under a Massachusetts flag? The two most abhorred elements of the strife to the proud people of South Carolina. Who could have imagined that the race they had so despised was destined to govern them in the future, in the dense ignorance which the South itself had created by prohibiting the education of the blacks? My story is nearly done. We soon reached the Baltic, and were received with great sympathy and feeling by the army and Navy officers present. Among the latter was Captain Fox, who afterward became the Assistant Secretary of the Navy. It is worthy of remark that after we had left the harbour, Bishop Lynch of Charleston threw the Catholic influence in favour of the secessionists by celebrating the Southern victory by a granty doom. We arrived in New York on the 19th, and were received with unbounded enthusiasm. All the passing steamers saluted us with their steam whistles and bells, and cheer after cheer went up from the ferryboats and vessels in the harbour. We did not attempt to land, but came to anchor in the stream between Governor's Island and the Battery. Several distinguished citizens at once came on board, and Major Anderson was immediately carried off to dine with Mr Lloyd Aspinwell. As somebody had to remain with the troops and attend to their wants, I accompanied them to Fort Hamilton, where we soon found ourselves in comfortable quarters. Nearly all of the officers obtained a furlough immediately, but I remained in command of the fort during the temporary absence of Major Anderson, who was soon permanently detached from us. Our captivity had deeply touched the hearts of the people, and every day the number of visitors almost amounted to an ovation. The principal city papers, the Tribune, Times, Herald and Evening Post, gave us a hearty welcome. For a long time the enthusiasm in New York remained undiminished. It was impossible for us to venture into the main streets without being ridden on the shoulders of men and torn to pieces by handshaking. Shortly after our arrival, Henry Ward Beecher came down to the fort to meet us and made a ringing speech full of fire and patriotism. It seemed as if everyone of note called to express his devotion to the cause of the Union and his sympathy with us, who had been its humble representatives amidst the perils of the first conflict of the war. As I stated, of the officers who were engaged in the operations herein narrated, but four now survive. George W. Snyder was the first to leave us. He was present in the Battle of Ball Run, attained the brevet of Captain, and died in Washington District of Columbia on the 17th of November 1861. Theodore Tolbert became Assistant and Adjutant General with the rank of Major, and died on the 22nd of April 1862, also in Washington. Richard K. Mead was induced by the pressure of social and family ties to resign his commission in our army. He became a rebel officer and died at Petersburg, Virginia, in July 1862. Norman J. Hall became Colonel of the 7th Michigan Volunteers and received three brevets in the regular army, the last being for gallant and distinguished services at Gettysburg. He died on the 26th of May 1867 at Brooklyn, New York. John L. Gardner received the brevet of Brigadier General and was retired at the Commencement of the War. He died at Wilmington, Delaware on the 19th of February 1869. Robert Anderson was made a Brigadier General and afterward a Brevet Major General for his services at Fort Sumter. He served about six months as Commander of the Department of Kentucky and of the Cumberland, and was then obliged to leave the field in consequence of ill health. He was retired from active service on the 27th of October 1863 and died at Nice in France on the 26th of October 1871. Lastly, John G. Foster, after a brilliant career as a Commander of the Department and Army Corps, died at Nashua, New Hampshire, September 2nd, 1874. Each of us who survived the war, each of us who survived became Major General during the rebellion and each now holds the same grade by Brevet in the regular Army. Mr. Edward Moell, the citizen who remained with us, did excellent service in the war. At present he is a Brevet Lieutenant Colonel in the Army. This statement of events was completed at New York, April 14, 1875, on the 14th anniversary of the evacuation of Fort Sumter. End of Chapter 11 Recording by FNH Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Part 12 Appendix of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Appendix List of officers and enlisted men present at the bombardment of Fort Sumter April 12th and 13th, 1861 Commissioned Officers Major Robert Anderson, 1st United States Artillery Captain Abner Doubleday, 1st United States Artillery Captain Truman Seymour, 1st United States Artillery 1st Lieutenant Jefferson C. Davies, 1st United States Artillery 2nd Lieutenant Norman J. Hall, 1st United States Artillery Captain J. G. Foster, United States Engineers Lieutenant G. W. Snyder, United States Engineers Lieutenant R. K. Meade, United States Engineers Assistant Surgeon S. W. Crawford, United States Army Enlisted Men Ordnance Sergeant James Kearney, United States Army Quartermaster Sergeant William H. Hammer, 1st United States Artillery Regimental Band, 1st Artillery Sergeant James E. Gullway Corporal Andrew Smith Private Andrew Murphy Private Fedeci Honorati Private Peter Rice Private Henry Schmidt Private John Urquhart Private Andrew Wickstrom Company E. 1st Artillery 1st Sergeant Eugene Schreiberner Sergeant Thomas Kiernan Sergeant William A. Hahn Sergeant James Chester Corporal Owen McGuire Corporal Francis J. Oaks Corporal Charles Brinkhurst Corporal Henry Ellerbrook Musician Charles Hall Private Philip Anderman Private John Emil Noack Private Cornelius Baker Private Thomas Carroll Private Patrick Clancy Private John Davies Private James Digham Private George Fielding Private Edward Gullway Private James Gibbons Private James Hayes Private Daniel Hugh Private John Irwin Private James Macdonald Private Samuel Miller Private John Newport Private George Pinchard Private Frank Rivers Private Louis Schroeder Private Carl A. Selman Private John Thompson Private Charles H. Tozer Private William Witzman Company H. 1st Artillery 1st Sergeant John Renahan Sergeant James Mahanan Sergeant John Komodi Sergeant John Otto Corporal Christopher Costallan Musician Robert Foster Artificer Henry Strand Private Edward Brady Private Barney Kane Private John Dewan Private Dennis Johnson Private John Coey Private John Klein Private John Lannigan Private Frederick Lytner Private John McGill Private John Laroche Private Frederick Meyer Private James Moore Private William Morta Private Patrick Nealon Private John Nixon Private Michael O'Donald Private Robert Rowe Private William Walker Private Joseph Wall Private Edmund Walsh Private Henry R. Walter Private Herman Will Private Thomas Wysznowski Private Casper Waterpole List of mechanics and employees present in Fort Sumter during the bombardment April 12th and 13th, 1861 Employees of the Engineer Department George Coons Mason John Schwerer Mason John Buckley Smith John Lindsay Carpenter John Saxton Rigger James Tweedle Smith Wimmer Lyman Overseer Laborers Michael Byrne John Burns John Branley Peter Kane Patrick Conner Michael Cummins William Dorsey Edward Davis Patrick Donahoe Peter Donnelly William Aegon Andrew Felton Michael Goff James Howlett Patrick Heaney Andrew Lindsay Dennis McGrath John McCarty James Mahannon Michael Meachins Thomas Murphy Thomas Myers William Powers Edward Quinn Patrick Quinn Martin Rafferty John Riley Michael Ryan Jera Maya Ryan James Ryan James Sheer Cooks Samuel Brays Patrick Walsh The following is taken from a South Carolina official document but it seems somewhat defective in detail List of Confederate batteries constructed with a view to the reduction of Fort Sumter On Morris Island Brigadier General James W. Simons commanding Colonel Wilmot G. D. Sorcerer Commanding Artillery Battalion Lieutenant J. R. McBeth Captain J. Jones and Lieutenant F. L. Childs acting as aides to Colonel D. Sorcerer Stevens Battery fired 1200 shots 3 8-inch Columbiats garrisoned by the Palmetto Guard Captain George B. Cuthbert Commanding Lieutenant G. L. Buist The ammunition was served out by Mr. Phillips and Mr. Campbell One gun was disabled on Friday The Cummings Point Battery 2 42-pounders 3 10-inch mortars 1 blakely gun garrisoned by a detachment of the Palmetto Guard and by cadets from the Citadel Academy in Charleston Captain J. P. Thomas of the Citadel Academy commanding blakely gun Lieutenant C. R. Holmes of the Citadel Academy commanding mortars Lieutenant W. W. Armstrong of the Citadel Academy at the mortars 2nd Lieutenant Thomas Sumter of the Palmetto Guard in charge of the 42-pounders Channel Battery did not fire Captain Calhoun Commanding 1st Lieutenant A. M. Wagner Lieutenant C. Graves 2nd Lieutenant M. C. Preston On James Island Major N. G. Evans A. A. G. Commanding Battery of 24-pounders Captain George S. James Commanding Mortar Battery 1st Lieutenant W. H. Gibbs of the Artillery Lieutenant H. S. Farley Lieutenant J. E. Mifferson Washington Lieutenant T. B. Hain Dr. Libby Upper Battery Fired 2,425 shots 2 10-inch mortars Lower Battery 2 10-inch mortars Captain S. C. Thayer of the S. C. Navy Commanding On Sullivan's Island Brigadier General John Dunavant Commanding Lieutenant Colonel Roswells Ripley Commanding the Artillery Captain J. B. Burns of General Dunavant Staff Surgeons P. J. Robinson R. F. Mitchell and Arthur Lynch Assistant Surgeons D. W. Taylor Dr. F. F. Miles Dr. F. L. Parker The iron-clad floating battery at the Cove fired 1,900 shots 2 42-pounders 2 32-pounders Garrison by Company D of the Artillery Captain James Hamilton 1st Lieutenant J. A. Yates 2nd Lieutenant F. H. Halston The Dalgrin Battery Near the Floating Battery 1 9-inch Dalgrin Gun Garrison by Company D of the Artillery Captain S. R. Hamilton Mr. John Wells The Enfolade Battery Fired 1,825 shots Garrison by Company K of the Artillery Captain James H. Halgenquist Company B of the Artillery Commanding 1st Lieutenant J. Valentine B. S. Burnett Mortar Battery 1 between Fort Moultrie and the Cove Captain James H. Halgenquist Company B of the Artillery Commanding Lieutenant O. Blanding Lieutenant Fleming Fort Moultrie Fired 1,825 shots 3 8-inch Columbiads 2 32-pounders 4 24-pounders Garrison by the Artillery Battalion under Lieutenant Colonel Ripley Captain W. R. Calhoun Company A of the Artillery Executive Officer Sumpter Battery Facing South-South-West Lieutenant Alfred Rett Company B Artillery Commanding 2nd Lieutenant John Mitchell Mr. F. D. Blake Volunteer Engineer Oblique Battery On the West 2 24-pounders Lieutenant C. W. Parker Company D of the Artillery Mortar Battery Number 2 East of Fort Moultrie 2 10-inch Mortars Captain William Butler of the Infantry Lieutenant J. A. Hugh-Gernon E. Murray Mr. Blocker Mr. Billings and Mr. Rice Assisted This battery was joined to the Maffitt Channel Battery A Trap Air Battery Fired 1,300 shots 3 10-inch Mortars Garrisoned by Marion Artillery J. Gadsden King Commanding Lieutenant W. D. H. Kirkwood J. P. Strauchchecker A. M. Huger E. L. Parker The Marion Artillery was afterward relieved by the Sumpter Guard under Captain John Russell At Mount Pleasant Battery Fired 2,925 shots 2 10-inch Mortars Captain Robert Martin of the Infantry Commanding Lieutenant G. N. Reynolds Company B of the Artillery Lieutenant D. S. Calhoun of the Infantry End of Appendix End of Reminiscences of Fort Sumpter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Recording by FNH Visit www.bookranger.co.uk