 Thank you. Good evening, everyone. And good evening to everyone who is watching us or who will be watching us. And welcome to the National Archives. Thank you very much. David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States, and for reminding us of all of the rich resources that are here at the National Archives. Those of you with sharp eyes saw many photographs in the film from the National Archives. So those of you who have done research here know that. And please, those of you who have not already done research, please come. I just want to give thanks to our partners from the Boeing Company who are here. Please raise your hands. Thank you very much for helping sponsor this evening. And the National Archives Foundation. We are often the partners with the National Archives on events like this. And you really can join. Go to archivesfoundation.org. We welcome you and you will get first dibs on seats when we have events like this. So please join the Archives Foundation, archivesfoundation.org. So my good friend, Henry Lewis Gates, skip. It is always good to be on the stage with you. It's my honor and my pleasure. So you need no introduction. David, in fact, gave you a great introduction. I think what I want to do, this film set things up so beautifully. What I'd like to talk about first, actually, you know what I'd like to ask you first before we talk about this? Lonnie Bunch. Lonnie Bunch. Give it up for Lonnie Bunch. I remember the first time I went to the Smithsonian, 1960, the summer, with patrol boys, patrol boys from Piedmont Elementary School, Piedmont, West Virginia, which is up the Potomac near Cumberland. That's where my family is from for 200 years. It never occurred to me. Excuse me. Can you imagine in the summer of 1960, did it occur to anybody that a black woman or a black man would be running the Smithsonian? Totally impossible. So it's a historic day, ladies and gentlemen. You got to give it up for Lonnie. And it's an example of the unfinished revolution because Lonnie Bunch is with those of you who go, you know, Google him if you don't already know his background. But Lonnie really sort of started his career and grew up in the Smithsonian. It's the first time. Oh, he started, oh, that's right, at the National Archives, which is different from the Smithsonian. Thank you, David. But started at the National Archives and then migrated to the Smithsonian. But who grew up in his career at the Smithsonian and who is secretary? I mean, that is a real tribute to both him and to the Smithsonian. And he has a book coming out about, it's called A Fool's Arendt, about how he created, how he raised the funds, how he dreamed of and then raised the funds for the African American Museum of History and Culture on the Mall, which is another miracle. And he is my generation and Skip's generation. And this sort of gets back to you and your journey of telling the story and how important it is. You really started looking at Reconstruction and the new Negro, old Negro, when you were in college. But part of doing the Reconstruction series, the book and the PBS series, came from finding your roots, came from one of your conversations with Chris Rock. So talk a little bit about that. Actually, it came from two. I mentioned in the introduction when I did Chris Rock's Family Tree. Back at the beginning, I only did black people. Remember, it was called African American Lives. And I got a letter from a Jewish lady. She said, Dear Dr. Gates, I've always admired your stances on affirmative action and cultural diversity, multiculturalism. But after watching two seasons of African American Lives, I've decided you're a big fat racist. Because you don't do Jewish people. She said, Why don't you do white people? Like me. Eastern European Jewish descent. So I called our account representative, Ingrid Saunders-Jones, whom you know, at Coca-Cola because they were one of our sponsors. And I said, Ingrid, I'm calling you for advice. I'm holding a letter from this Jewish lady that says that you need to, that I'm a racist. She goes, What? Yeah, because we don't do white people. I said, Can we do white people? So I thought the call dropped because there was no response. I was on my cell phone. She's an African American. Excuse me. And I realized later that she'd gotten up, she'd been in a meeting with Coke executives, walked all the way down the corridor where no one could hear her. And I kept shouting, Ingrid, Ingrid, can you hear me? And when I was about to hang up, just as I was about to hang up, she goes, Skip, Skip, she was whispering. I'm here, I can hear you. I had to go down so nobody could hear this conversation. I go, Ingrid, what's the answer? And she said, I only have one thing to say. I said, What? She said, There are a lot more white people drinking Coke than black people. That's a true story. But back in the days when it was all black, I interviewed Chris Rock. And I showed him a news headline that his great-great-grandfather had been elected to the South Carolina legislature, to the House of Representatives in 1872 under reconstruction. He had no idea and he burst into tears. At first I thought he was teasing because it was Chris Rock. But he burst into tears and he said this would have changed, knowledge of this would have changed my whole life. And I said, Why? And he said, I went to my mother when I was about 12 and said I wanted to be a politician. And she said, Young black boys can't grow up to be politicians. You have to think of another occupation. And unbeknownst to him, it was in his bloodline. It was on his family tree. And a similar thing happened with Congressman John Lewis, my hero. I showed John his great-great grandfather's voter registration card from the first freedom summer, 1867. And he, but you know, he stared at it. And his head just fell on the table on the book of life. Boom! Just like that. And he wept like a baby. And then we figured out no one in his family had voted between his great-great-grand father, who voted in 1868, and John Lewis. Because, and this is the big takeaway from the series in the book. Black power manifested itself in such a surprising way so quickly through the ballot. 13th, 14th, 15th Amendment are the reconstruction amendments, right? 13th abolish slavery. We all know that now because of Ava's film. That's ratified December 6, 1865. The 14th ratified in 1868, equal protection clause, and it makes African-American citizens. It establishes birthright citizenship. And then the 15th is ratified in 1870, that gives Black men the right to vote. But Black men in the former Confederacy in 10 of the 11 Confederate states got the right to vote because of the Reconstruction Acts in 1867. And guess what? Now you have to imagine this. 3.9 million African-Americans are slaves before the Civil War. So 99% of them would be illiterate, right? Half of them men, half of them women. As soon as they are freed, and as soon as they're given the right to register to vote, 80.5% of all Black men in the former Confederacy registered to vote. 80.5% in the summer of 1867. And in 1868, they cast their votes for Ulysses S. Grant. Now Grant won the Electoral College overwhelmingly, but he only won the popular vote by 300,000 votes. 500,000 Black men cast their votes for Ulysses S. Grant. And this scared, you could clap on that because it is amazing. And this scared the bejesus out of the former Confederates, but also white people in the North. Because remember these two facts. South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana were majority Black states. Can't imagine that now, but they were then. Florida, Alabama and Georgia were almost majority Black states. So there effectively was the potential for a Black Republic, a Black dominated electorate with a lot sitting on all that cotton wealth if the land had been redistributed. And people in the North, we always blame people in the South. They should be blamed. But people in the North were complicitous. By the Great Depression of 1873, now called the Panic of 1873. The North really had decided that reconstruction was over. It took a few more years, as you know, for the Hays-Tilden Compromise, which was 1877. And that made Rutherford B. Hayes, President of the United States, by agreeing that he was going to withdraw the federal troops protecting the Black man's right to vote in the South. And then reconstruction was over. It took a while, as Eric Foner says, to completely dismantle it. After all, you can't just throw out constitutional amendments. You had the 1314 to 15. So they had to circumvent them. And how they did that was through state constitutional conventions, starting in 1890 with the Mississippi Plan. And these set up barriers to voting that were so onerous that nobody could get around them. And they were set up specifically, as Varderman said in 1890, to disenfranchise the Negro, though he didn't say Negro. He used the N word. And by 1906, Black men were effectively disenfranchised throughout the South. We'll give you one statistic to show you how dramatic it was. The Louisiana State Constitution Convention was 1898. The day before, effectively, that constitution was ratified, 130,000 Black men could vote in the state of Louisiana. By 1904, that number had been reduced exactly to 1,324. That's how effective it was. 20 Black men were elected to the House, two to the United States Senate, and the last one was kicked out in 1901, George Henry White. And there wouldn't be another Black man in Congress until Oscar de Priest in Chicago in 1929. It was about Black power. And Black power was about the ballot. If 80% of us had voted in the last election, Donald Trump would still be selling real estate in New York. That's why that's one of the reasons I made this film, to show the power, particularly disenfranchised people who have so discouraged about voting. We had, we had power. Black power was the vote. And we could have it again. But we have to, it's our mission to get everybody registered to vote. Every American should have the right to vote. And we have to fight for that principle, and then make sure they register and make sure they vote. And if we do that, we can throw these bums out who are stepping all over the Constitution of the United States. One of the things you mentioned is that reconstruction was for such a short period of time. And then the lost cause, this sort of insidious drumbeat of reimagining and reframing what actually happened. Most people probably in this audience, if you had anything in your history books in high school on the Civil War or on reconstruction, it was a couple of paragraphs. And it really did not tell you all the things that you learned in watching this. And then if you watched the entire series, I learned about reconstruction from my grandfather, who was born in 1892, and whose grandfather had been elected to the state legislature in Arkansas during reconstruction. And he taught me something that was very different from what I learned in my history books, that it was a period of time of Black Power, that I have a medal from one of the Republican conventions, where my great-grandfather went to was a delegate at the convention. But that's not what was taught in my history books. In my history books, it was, because at the Harvard Ed School Library, I have a copy of the history book from Indiana in the mid 20th century that said slaves, not enslaved people, slaves were contented. And they were better off in slavery than free. And that is the lesson that the Dunning, I think the Dunning School you mentioned. That's the lesson that most Americans learned. And it's still being taught in Texas, where people are said to have been laborers, not enslaved. And I think the insidious thing for me is that many people who are making policy, many people who are elected officials, learn to those lessons. So let's talk about what is- I learned those lessons in Piedmont High School. All of our Black history, I mean, I grew up in a paper mill town, an Irish-Italian paper mill town, three and a half hours from here. And the only Black history we had was we called it, the few Black, we called it Negro Day. You know, we did the whole sweet day from Africa to the present in like an hour, right? And it starts with your ancestors. And the teacher would point to the three Black kids would be sitting in the front, my two cousins and I. And embarrassed because everybody's looking at you. Look, give me a book. Be like this. When you would start talking, I'd get the book and start going on. Because that was embarrassing. You know, your ancestors were savages swinging around in trees like Tarzan in the jungle. The best thing that happened to them was slavery, which was basically- Because you were contented. You were contented. We exposed you to Christianity, commerce, civilization, right? The three C's. And then Abraham Lincoln, you three boys, Mr. Baker, my civic teacher, I swear to God, said you three boys would have been sitting here, but had been Abraham Lincoln, you'd be still picking cotton. Serving white people and stuff. That was embarrassing, man. Right. And then we- And then nobody taught you about rebellion. No. Oh, no, no, no. Frederick Douglass, her not mentioned the people in my family who moved from North Carolina in the 1830s to get away to go to Indiana. None of that rebellion was taught. No, none. And if anything was mentioned about reconstruction, it was exactly the same as the classic scene in Birth of a Nation. How many people here have seen Birth of a Nation? There are two climaxes. One is, of course, when the innocent white girl is fully gust the rapist. And she leaps her death rather than be, you know, raped by this guy. And that was a horrible thing, right? We'll come back to that in a minute. The other scene is in the South Carolina legislature. And it's Jim Claiborne says, and it was absolutely right, in 1868, South Carolina elected a majority black House of Representatives. Imagine that. Black Secretary of State, black treasure, black speaker of the House. So this scene in Birth of a Nation, which is 1915, shown at the White House, Woodrow Wilson's White House, shows these black men eating chicken wings, drinking whiskey, shoes off, feet up. And all of a sudden they all jump up. Remember it's a silent film. They all jump up and cheer in and you go, what? And it goes, miscegenation passes the law of the land, that these men now had the right to win, to marry white women. I mean, that's so cold. So nasty. They, the first statewide public schools, as you heard in the film, up through the black reconstruction government. There were public schools before, but not statewide. And that's very, very important. And they did all kinds of other things as well. They demonstrated enormous amounts of competence. But the narrative starting in the 1890s was that black men had been venal, dishonest, incompetent. Mildred Lewis Rutherford was the historian general of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. And I made my graduate course in the Inc. Department of Harvard this semester. The first thing we wrote, I made them watch over two sessions every minute of Birth of a Nation. People think Birth of a Nation about slavery. It's about reconstruction. It was about the evils of reconstruction. And Mildred Lewis Rutherford publishes a book which I made the kids read called The Measuring Rod. And it was 20 principles that a librarian or teacher should follow before deciding whether to buy a textbook or adopt it in class. The Civil War was not fought about slavery. Jefferson Davis was not a bad man. Abraham Lincoln, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. There were 20 principles like this. And they were the reverse of what the historical truth had been. If any textbook said that the Civil War was fought to end slavery, you could not use it. It was a war between two competing and equal ways of life. If it produces Jefferson Davis, don't use it. I mean, just nakedly, they were geniuses at winning the propaganda war. Brian Stevens had said the North won the Civil War, but the South won the narrative war. And it's true. And with the help of the Columbia History Department under Dunning and everybody else in America, and in this book, I have one chapter on art and advertising, one chapter on science, one chapter on social science, one chapter on the plantation literature that went. All these discourses were being created in the rollback to reconstruction, which were writing fantasies about slavery and fantasies about reconstruction. How good slavery was, how bad reconstruction was. And then that led, the UDC led to the creation of the monuments at the beat precisely when Jim Crow becomes the law of the land and black men become disenfranchised. And Woodrow Wilson is one of the biggest culprits who celebrated the 50th anniversary of Gettysburg, right? They wouldn't let any black men participate. And they re-enacted a famous battle at Gettysburg in 1913. And when the Confederate veterans and the Union veterans met in the middle of the battlefield, they threw down their weapons, hugged each other and wept. How could we have killed each other, brothers, to free these black people? So the history was totally rewritten, a new narrative was recreated. And we can still see, because this misinformation has trickled down through the decades, we can still see the impact of reconstruction and that narrative on racism today. I'm just going to, I want to read something to you. Let me say one thing about that before you do. It's very important. It's something I did not realize till we made this film, and I wrote this book. I had always seen anti-black racism as a continuum from 1619, when the first, actually, you know, as we established in many rivers across, first Africans came to Spanish America, which is the Carolinas and Florida. In a hundred years before they came to Jamestown, but they first came to British North America in 1619. I'd always seen that as a blanket of continuity, but it's not. White race, white supremacy morphed after the Civil War during reconstruction because of the manifestation of black power through the ballot. The genie had been let loose from the lamp. It's one thing if you have 90% of 4.4 million people in slavery. It's another thing if they're free and half of them, men, can vote and actually occupy positions of power in state governments and in the United States government. So a whole new monstrous beast emerged, and that was white supremacy. White supremacy, as we know it, was born during reconstruction and its rollback. Think about, and I said I would come back to gust the rapist, both Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington pointed out that nobody was talking about black men as raping white women even during the Civil War. All those white men were away fighting the North. All those slaves, except for ones impressed into duty, supporting the Confederacy, were still back on the plantation. There are no reports of all the slaves going in the big house of raping white women. Both Washington and Douglass, as I said, mentioned that. It was a conceit, it's a trope, created to demonize black people. Those 3900 lynchings between 1889 and basically 1940. So many of them were justified in the name of rape, of vigilante protection of white women against black male fantasies of rape and actual, actually of raping. But it's an invention, it was an invention so they could further justify the demonization of black men. Harvard, where you, from which you graduated, where I happily have taught for 29 years, was the center of eugenics, center of racist science. I mean, my God, Louis Agassi was the worst. And they, this was all part of a complex discourse that expressed itself visually in all of those Sambo images that you saw. Everywhere white family looked, a middle-class white family, and saw an image of a black person. It was of a deracinated, venal, ugly, stupid, animal-like black person. It was like hypnotizing the society subliminally, so that when you actually looked at a black person, what you saw was not Riley, but Sambo. And they did that effectively. And the backlash, and the backlash that continues, I want to get to voter suppression and the backlash that seems to be so much a part of our national narrative. But I just wanted to read something to you. I was looking at a blog, a man named James Mulholland has a blog called note to my white self.wordpress.com. He's a 58-year-old white man with an 11-year-old black daughter, and he's been writing for a couple of years on the things I didn't know, primarily among them is reconstruction. Oh, wow. And so we're right. So it's a really interesting blog on his journey to try to understand. He said, but my biggest surprise has not been what white people don't know, but what white people don't want to know. I didn't know how important this militant and willful ignorance is to sustaining white supremacy. It is nearly impossible to maintain an ideology of white superiority if one truly examines the inhumanity and brutality of white behavior toward people of color for the last 400 years. I didn't know how absurd arguments for white supremacy truly are. That's interesting. I had heard of him before on that blog. But that's that's what you're saying here that these all of these images, you know, all of this imagery, the stereotypes, all of those things are still feeding into the national imagination. Dylan Roof. I did the last interview with Clementa Pinckney, the minister of Mother Emanuel Church from many rivers to cross. And when he was killed, I was on a flight from JFK to LAX going to interview somebody for finding a roots. And my producer emailed me and said, Clementa has been murdered. I went, what? So I thought it just had to be just a deranged person, right? But then when I followed it all the way, you know, on the internet, excuse me. And he was a white supremacist. I mean, he said I am killing these people because they steal our women, they take our jobs, et cetera, et cetera. You all know this now. But I didn't know that I could not imagine that white supremacy would have motivated someone to go into a church, pray with people, ate people for an hour and then systematically murder them. So between the motivation of Chris Rock not knowing and John Lewis not knowing and then seeing Dylan Roof and he did not, he picked Mother Emanuel because it was ground zero for black political activity in Charleston. Charleston itself was ground zero. When Richard T. Greener, the first black man, I never understood this, so I did this series. Richard T. Greener was the first black man to graduate from Harvard, 1870. What did he do? He had the world at his feet. Where did he move? New York, stay in Boston, go to Philadelphia. He went to Charleston. Charleston was where black, the future of black leadership and black economic opportunity lay. Robert Brown Elliott was an Englishman born free in Liverpool. Part of the British Navy goes to Boston in 1867. Here's about all this activity in Charleston and goes down and works for Richard Harvey Cain who had been relocated by the AME church in 1865 to revitalize Mother Emanuel church which had been shut down, burned down in 1822 because of the Denmark VEASY slave rebellion. Google it if you don't know who Denmark VEASY is. Yeah. And so the whole world was at the feet of these black people. That is why Dillon Roof picked that church. So I knew that their white supremacists had an awareness of this history and I wanted to tell the story because think about it. What is if you were reducing reconstruction to a sentence, 12 years, sorry, my allergies are just kicking my butt this break. 12 years of black freedom followed by an alt-right rollback. Let me see. What's that remind you of this happening? When Donald Trump was elected, I was in the studies of everybody else. But when he said, I am systematically going to dismantle my predecessors programs, which I can't remember in American history anytime anyone said that explicitly. And then not the birth of white supremacy, but the freedom with which white supremacists express themselves, the proliferation of white supremacist ideology and images on the Internet. And plus the, let me take a sip before I say this because I want to say it carefully. I'm often asked, do you think Donald Trump's a racist? And I say, I've never met Donald Trump. Only God knows what's in another person's heart. So I pass on that one. You know, I believe that's between God and Donald Trump. But I do know that Donald Trump is a genius at manipulating the trumps of whites, the tropes of whites of privacy, that he is, he produces a rhetoric and a discourse that plays to people's worst fears and is compounding the manifestations of white supremacy. And that is a horrible, horrible, and I think dishonest thing. So I wanted to make this film, which is about an historical period, but it's an allegory for eight years of Barack Obama, followed by Donald Trump. So we only have seven more minutes. And so that means we can take one question from one side and one question from the other. So while the two people are coming up, I just want to ask you to talk a little bit about voter suppression, which is just such a euphemistic word, but the dismantling of the rights of people during the 19th century and the dismantling now. It is a part of the mirror, the mirror image effect between the rollback to reconstruction and what's happening now. Voter suppression was done nakedly, blatantly, through the state, the redemptionist constitutional conventions between 1890 and 1906, then now it's done much more subtly with... Databases. Yeah, database, gerrymandering, voter IDs, you know, do you have to have a license, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah. Every way, I mean, they're geniuses at figuring out how to keep black people and people of color and people who would most likely would vote left of center from voting. And that's just about the most un-American thing that you can possibly think of. It really should be a holiday. Okay, so we're going to just, we'll take your question and then it will take your question and your question and then we can answer them quickly. So ask your question. It should be a holiday and every American should have the right to vote. We all should fight for that person. Okay, so let me get your question and then I'm going to get this one and then we'll do them quickly and then it will be over. Thank you very much and thank you for your enlightening remarks. My question has to do with those leaders who fought for freedom in the Caribbean and Africa during the colonial, late colonial period. And many of them studied abroad in the United States and Europe. Like Kwame and Krumas studied at Lincoln. Exactly. And how familiar were they with reconstruction and do you think that it inspired them by way of an example of black people being able to defeat racism and take control of the country? Let me just get the question over here because we're going to have like five minutes. Let me get yours quickly. Hi, I'm Tony Bishop, I'm a Congressional Black Caucus fellow. I just wanted to say thank you for coming and presenting. Also, also, so like we talked about how how it's a genius initiative and the propaganda campaign has just had been pretty, pretty perfect up until now and especially like you say with Donald Trump, but even before then. And if how easy it is to fear monger and things like that. Do you have any, especially for a younger generation, a solution as to how we should combat this, how to sort of develop in our own genius? I got combating that. Great. Okay. First one. Yes, because the person who pushed back against the interpretation of the denigration of black achievement during reconstruction was W.E.B. Du Bois. In 1935, he published his masterpiece, this historical masterpiece, called Black Reconstruction. And all of these guys would have read that at a black school. I read it in Yale. This book is very much in the series, very much a result, as I say, of survey of Afro-American history that I took 1969, 1970, my sophomore year at Yale, taught by William McFeely. And we had to read Black Reconstruction and then we read Rayford Logan, Rayford Logan, Harvard PhD in history, like Carter Woodson, the father of black history, like W.E.B. Du Bois, like Charles Wesley, who taught at Howard. Du Bois's book goes from 1860 to 1877. Logan's book is called The Betrayal of the Negro, 1877 in 1915. So my whole understanding of reconstruction goes from the end of the Civil War until 1915. And 1915 is birth of a nation and that's when we end the series. So yes, I think that people would have studied Du Bois because Du Bois was a god to all black intellectuals, right? So sooner or later they would have studied black reconstruction. And it was important, particularly at black schools, to reclaim black achievement during reconstruction over the counter narrative that we had had power and then blown it. Book of T. Washington, and everyone remembers Book of T. Washington's land and compromise speech. They remember the metaphor, the five fingers. We could be as separate socially as the five fingers on the hand, but economically united like the fist. But if you read the second paragraph, it's much worse. The second paragraph says it's natural that we aspired to political office for which we were not qualified and that we pursued the vote which we did not deserve. That's terrible. Frederick Douglass died in February of 1895. Washington makes his speech in September of 1895. And basically when you read that paragraph, you can feel him shoveling dirt and throwing it on Frederick Douglass's face because Frederick Douglass, to the end, in his last speech called Lessons of the Hour, is about the power of the ballot. And he said, you know, they got us in the corner. We're down, but agitate. Agitate. Agitate. That's it, man. And that's the answer to that brother. It is about the vote. And I think that what we have to do is concentrate on registering everybody and getting them to vote. As simple as that sounds, that is enormously complicated and would have revolutionary implications if we could, if we could do that. It had revolutionary implications in 1867 and 1868, and it could have it again. But that's what we need to do. That's fine. So I'm so I'm sorry to cut other questions off, but Skip has to get to the airport. So any final words in a reading list, any aside from agitate, agitate, agitate. Well, it's Harvard's commencement Wednesday and Thursday. That's why I got to get back. So I didn't want you to think that I was abandoning you. I came early and I signed every book. So if you buy a book, I'm not pushing the book, but it's signed. Yes, buy the book. Listen, I'm a student of reconstruction. I mean, I have it so underlined and like little notes all through it. It's really excellent. I would say read David Blight's biography of Frederick Douglas. I happened to have bought the documentary film rights. And he was on this stage. Not too long ago. Oh, yeah. And Eric Foner. Eric Foner was the chief consultant. And when I decided to the series, and when I decided to do it, the first person I called was Eric Foner. I mean, he is Mr. Reconstruction. And without him, you ain't got no film on reconstruction. So Eric and I did this together really and read his history of reconstruction. And it is quite enlightening. But we are reliving we are reliving the rollback. Why do I say that? Affirmative action. It's going to be a miracle if it survives the Supreme Court. A woman's right to choose. Look at what's happening in Alabama and Missouri is discussing things that the takeaway from of the rollback to reconstruction is that rights that we think are inviolable rights we think have been guaranteed by the Constitution by the law of the land can be snatched away just like that. And it was affirmative action. Got the white women in this room, in this room, and the people of color in this room, in this room. Reconstruction is about who gets to be an American? Who gets to be an American? We see that playing out with the metaphor of the wall. And the rollback, the xenophobia that's greeting immigration, Islamophobia, homophobia, the outburst of antisemitism. There's a lead article in the Times on Sunday was about that. All of these are part of that unfinished revolution that Kimberly Crenshaw is mentioned. These are all reconstruction issues, which continue to plague us because we haven't dealt with them. And the time to reckon with them is now when we are fighting back in the next general election, we were caught napping to have a black man in the White House for two terms, hypnotizes. You know, we thought it was like a new, and guess what? White supremacist, it's like a zombie movie. You look up and you go, I thought your ass was dead. What do we have to do to kill this horrible thing in American history, white supremacy? But we can do it. But we can do it. If we stand up and fight for justice and the principle upon which this great country was founded. That's my message. That's what I believe. Thank you.