 Now, if you look at Desperate Housewives or whatever, reality TV, it's the same stuff over and over again in what we're facing is trauma. Black community and white community. And what I would say is black folks are experiencing a post-traumatic slave disorder, stress disorder. And I would say that white folks are dealing with a post-oppressor stress disorder. And that's one that we don't talk about hardly at all. What is the trauma of white people for living in a nation that many times we're going to rap to raise is that shit crazy. I'll pick up a little lesson. Actually, Jimmy, thank you for being here. I want to pick up on the trauma piece. I'm a psychologist, and that's something that's black psychologists at their different organizations that talk a lot about trauma. We now know from scientific data there's been studies that have looked at, if you look at the experiences of people who are of the ethnic Jewish background, we know that there are now studies that they're saying that trauma has an effect over generations. We know that, I think, as an artifact, I think in terms of anecdotally that trauma is a fact very real and can pass down through generations. But we now have scientific data. So I want to pick up on that, because the emotional trauma of being a person who identifies as black, who has that experience, is very real. I want to add into there the other layers, of course, of gender and class and intersectionality, because those are very real. When we're talking about, I can't just answer the question about race, because I can present as an African-American woman. And that's always, I'm not black here and no one here. And that's very real. So my experience and other women of color's experience, it's not just through race, it's through that gender. So the last play that we saw was so big, you know, we were over here clapping and, you know, clapping out loud, clapping within, because I think every woman of color, every black woman I know, has similar experiences. And they don't make the news. And there's something that we have to deal with. So when we're talking about trauma, when we're talking about the experiences of women of color, we have to understand that they are rooted, in fact, of us being viewed as property. We can thank the 1705 slave codes of my home state of Virginia, right, for defining rightness, for saying that, in fact, if you are not a Christian, if you're not from an area where Christian was practiced, you were seen as someone who could be enslaved. We know that, in fact, it was a law and it was perpetuated throughout this country in the foundation of slavery. And if we understand, if you look at the civil rights movement, what people don't talk about, is that a lot of times they were black men standing up for the rape of black women and who were being lynched for it. So when we talk about the history of race and that intersection of gender and class and all the other isms that we can think of, we have to understand that it's rooted in trauma and we have things in black psychology which we call emotional emancipation circles, where people need to take time and heal and understand and name it and call it and work together and create change that way. But we have to recognize that we're all dealing with this trauma and it's not just one group or another. One person's trauma isn't more than another's, but that they're all unique in different ways and the only way we're going to heal as a country is to recognize that trauma, but also recognize who perpetuates the perpetrators of the actual trauma and to hold that accountable. So everywhere in the developing world you've got populations that are labeled as black and populations that are labeled as not black. Black people are not black. Everywhere. Doesn't matter what type of economy it has, doesn't matter how the state is doing. Everywhere. But here's the thing. If you focus on that in the United States at every point in time, you've got black people at the bottom. Every social indicator you can imagine. But if you track it over time, there's barriers. There's times when black, for example, black life chances increase, sometimes when black average incomes increase or black education levels increase, times when it drops off. If you look at it cross-section, that is you stop tracking it across time, you look at it across space, Baltimore, to Gross Point, to St. Louis, to El Segundo, you see that there are some places where black people do better and some places where black people do worse. Now, if we understand white supremacy as being something that exists the same way in all spaces and across all times, what we lose is the ability to understand what produces that variance. We lose the ability to talk about that. So as we can talk about how race is kind of a technology that renders some populations human and some populations less than human, a technology that makes a common sense that some humans get stuff and some humans don't. We have to maintain that sense. We have to wrestle with that variance because for me as a political scientist, what I tend to think about is the role of political institutions, of law, and of a range of political actors in actually increasing and decreasing variance. In as much as what the folks at center stage are trying to do is to prod us not to think, not just to think, but to a certain extent act, we have to keep that in mind because what we're talking about when we're talking about institutional change is not just about dealing with people's psyche, not just about, for example, making police see us. We're talking about changing institutions. So I'll just leave you with a Ferguson example and then I'll pass the mic back. Ferguson is in a place where 21% of their municipal revenue comes from policing its citizens. 21%, it's the second highest revenue generator of yet in Ferguson, it's policing. Now if you've got a dynamic where the police basically are policing black folk to make money for the city, then it doesn't quite matter whether they like black people or not, whether they've been trained as a sensitivity training or not. None of that stuff matters. What matters is they need to get that loop. So I'm gonna be consistently going back to variants, to politics and the institutions because while I like these plays and what's happening here is really powerful, there's a way to use art that gets at some aspects of race and how it functions, but really ignores that institution stuff. Well, all of us here have picked up on this. I mean, if you understand, I think we want to go as a bit more loud about the death of racism or what it does every institution, every one of us, so we accept that and then we have to figure out how to deal with it institutionally and where we go. So we're the 21st century, the 21st century, and this century began with the treatment and then Barack Obama happened and then videos sort of happened across the country, the police brutalizing black people across America and it pushed the envelope further and reaction came back in waves and bells from the last few quarters of the party's signature present. So there is, see if you can be my argument, and then and us, scary way to think about it, but then and us, we're the 21st century. Where do we go? How does it change? What do we do here? Segregation ended, but integrating into what? So what do we change? How do we get, we have some false man, some ideas, could be the audience members too. And how? Who wants to go out of this first? Where do we go? What is it again, sir? My name's Brad, how was your last night? I'm much more balanced next to the night than the last night. I can see the audience change from that. But as far as the rest of your questions specifically, I just have to point to my son and say, that's why it's here. That's why I came in last night. And I made sure, even though he was tired, he was also at the camp, we had to come here and see this tonight period. So that's what has to happen. And he, one thing I want to say is he has changed some of the more white-breeding friends of his through his rhetoric of stepping into the bay, dropping him off, even like that. So that's not to happen. It was everybody who was white and this much used to do what he does, which is not let any of that stuff go by. Ever. Not once, not for a second. Can't let it go by. Can't. How do we change this much? Other other other that we've helped? So I think white people need to own their privilege. I think men need to own their privilege. I think able-bodied people need to own their privilege. I think people who are sexual need to own their privilege. We need to own our privilege. I think it is problematic to ask somebody who's been raped to figure out how to change the world. I think it's problematic to ask people who've been traumatized to figure out that should change the world. is about institutions, as someone in the work that I do with, it's with communities. But it's institutions that play a role. And institutions are made of people. And it's that thinking, changing our thinking. But it's just making it into something that we can all come together and agree upon a new system, a new way, and a new approach to doing things. But I think fundamentally what I will go back to is that we all need to own our privilege and do something about it. And not to sit back and say, oh, someone else will say that, or someone else will correct them. But to do something about it, I think that's our first step. So there's this African symbol, and a deeper symbol, called the Sankofa verb. There's a name for it. In the common language, it means the word Sankofa is not taboo to go back and fetch what it is that you forgot. And I think that there are some lessons and some questions that need to be asked of the past. We talk about the use of the rights, but what happened? What were the failures of the first movement? So the integration is, and I talk to my elders all the time, I'm a cracker, I'm 32 years old. So I do not know the heels of that community. But my mother does. She's in her late sister's. And when I talk to them, they talk about a black community that was of diverse socioeconomic, where you are a working class person or a poor person, or someone with social services, you have a house next to a doctor or next to a teacher. And that community was very different than the one that I grew up in, when we were taught how to gas bullets at the age of five years old because of gang wars. After integration, so we fight, and we fight, and we fight for a place at the table, and we get an aggression. So then, busing happens, and that starts to move with different people from neighborhoods, right now they're going to different schools, and then folks redlining ends, and the black affluent folks need to leave the neighborhood. And my question, as someone who's 32 years old is, why did you leave the neighborhood? What was it that we were missing as a moral imperative that we needed to stay a collective, that there was power in our unity and in our community? And what I would say is that we weren't asking the right questions. We were wanting the American dream, but we should have asked, is the American dream actually something to want? Is it individualism? Is it materialism? Is that something, or maybe what we want is the South African idea of whom we're to. I am because we are. Maybe if we adopted that as a people, we wouldn't have succumbed to the American dream, which I would say for black folks seems to be a nightmare. And I would say for white folks too. So that's one question that I'm asking myself as we move forward, that we need to be fighting, this is something, or they minister, from the book of Nehemiah, the walls of the city of Jerusalem were broken into pieces. And he, Nehemiah, commanded everyone to build and fight. We must build institutions. I was really upset when something happened at Missouri with the school and I was also excited because I was so happy to see student movement. But I'll tell you something, I really, being someone who went to Tuskegee University, I was like, I wish they just went to a black college because our black colleges are dying. So we'll fight to sit at tables and not build our own table. And a lot of the other racial, ethnic, cultural groups in America build their own tables and they end up way better than us. Carter G. Woodson said something I thought that was very, very powerful about a hundred years ago. He said that black people are taught in education systems, learn about British authors and Latin and Hebrew and all this other stuff. And people from foreigners, it's plain jeeps, they come to America and while we're studying Europeans, they're studying us. And they know exactly what to sell to us in our communities, they know exactly what to do. We saw that in the play with Mr. Chen, right? There's a lot of tension between, I don't know if they said he was the most Cambodian, right, but we know in our community, in my community, I don't know what's going on. They're Korean, right? There's a ton of tension. But one of the issues is, is not that the Koreans are building our community, but is that we have swallowed this black inferiority complex where we don't even want to build in our communities, we don't want to spend money in black businesses, we don't, and so to me, for black folks, we need to ask some serious questions about ourselves because this has been going on for 500, 600 years. I don't know if racial injustice, structure there, systemically or in institutions of America will ever change. I don't know, but I do know that we can rise when Kwame asked me to do this. I've met Kwame once who just lived in the same space with me. So I get an email from him and my Gmail is like 96% full. I didn't even know who to do that. So I get an email and I just click it and I'm thinking it's like a, I'm thinking Kwame is, I'm thinking somebody from seven states asking for loot and I'm broke, right? But for some reason I look at this and it says, hey, last, it's like a form, hey, left, and I'm right. Then I realize it really was to me, right? It really was to me. I'm like, hey, my name is not really good. So once I, I got here, I said, okay, I'm gonna do this. I had to decide what role that I wanted to do, right? So I'm a teacher, that's what I did. So this is the role I'm gonna play. I'm going to be the loving critic, right? I'm gonna be a loving critic and I'm gonna tell you what the loving critic looks like. And if I'm not being sufficiently loving, I want you all to tell me, for real, right? So we need white brothers and sisters to raise kids that are anti-racists because racism is indivisible. So we need to be free. But here's the challenge, thinking about that institutional dynamic again, right? It's not that difficult to imagine a circumstance in which whites raise anti-racist kids who are for real, for real anti-racists why they still live in red-blind neighborhoods where they tend to, not always, but they tend to get more stuff, right? So that's maybe necessary, but it's not sufficient, right? So what you're doing is wonderful, but what we have to do is think beyond the individual, which gets back to the privilege concept, right? So, yeah, I think it would be absolutely wonderful if men took more advantage, took more responsibility for the privileges they have. But cities like Detroit, tens of thousands of white kids that have gone untested because the cities don't have line items to test them. Maybe important, but it's not sufficient, right? That's that individualized component, right? That we have to kind of really dig down and talk about what politics is. Finally, black people love black people. Black people's problem is not inferior to complex. Black people's problem is the lack of material, right? And that struggle, what we have to do consistently in black communities is acknowledge a couple of things. One is that as taxpayers, I lived in Missouri, right? Those black kids who go to Missouri pay taxes to go to Missouri. Missouri is theirs, right? Those kids, I'm teaching Hopkins. One of the things I have to tell kids all the time, black Latino kids, it's like, I like this university, it's yours. You pay your money, right? So there's a challenge in articulating this concept and it takes us towards a problematic, kind of conservative politics if we're focusing on black spaces as if those spaces aren't structured up and down by political institutions and economic decisions that affect all of us but hurt us disproportionately. Do you know what I mean? And I want to take off the theme that just came up here and get your ideas. Mike Ball treated it as a reforming institution that reinforced the fact that segregation seems critical. How? Which in some ways is like a follow up versus a purpose of what, I want to give you the other thing for a moment. What do you do, how do you begin to change it? I got back when I was in Cuba, one of the great Cuban scholar said to me, African Cuban man said, in Cuba we can give an institutional racism a very deep way, over the last six years, a long way to go. But individually, racism is a little over the planet. In Cuba, even though it's mostly black nation, almost everybody in Cuba has a black blood. So it's a complex question. So how do you be around the end of the United States? How do you be around the end? Where do we start? What happens? Open your pockets, run your life, ask a question. Hi. So I just moved to Baltimore about a month ago from Louisiana and trying to learn more about the city which is local. But in Louisiana for the last six years, I worked in state government at an executive level. And I think one of the things that I thought about every day when I went to work and my colleagues, not all of them, but some of them dotted out every day when we went to work was, what institutional changes do we have to make from the inside and wake up every day to focus on from how we structure income taxes to how do we design institutional programs that support people in a meaningful way and how do we provide supports that are really meaningful and supportive of families. But that requires waking up every day and doing that and getting involved in government, showing up and voting, going to work for the government even when we disagree with them. I was probably very politically apart from my employers in Louisiana. But sometimes it helps to be the voice of, I don't want to say the voice of everyone, the voice who is saying the opposite. But everybody else at the table in government is saying, we need to eliminate this program. We need to restructure and impose drug testing, things like that, people who see benefits. We have to show up and want to get part of government so we can change from the inside. And that takes all of us. The speaker, I'm like you said, I'm an ex-federal employee. I worked at different later this time, government and nonprofits and stuff. And I agree, and I go back to what my colleague here was talking about. I think it is an institutional issue, but I've seen it done, that people use their privilege to create situations, to cut through the red tape. And so I think it's not an either or situations that they all have places and spaces in which they operate. And when you recognize that, I've seen things get done because people recognize there was a need to get done. The fact that we have so many black women, you heard about, you know, officer holds fault with that case that happened recently, but nobody heard about it. How come the media as an institution didn't talk about that last year? I knew it, my students knew it. And my students have been exhibiting a lot of agency and voice, if you pay attention morally in the news. And so what I think is important is that we recognize that it's, you know, I think privilege and intersectionality has become these terms that people say the talking heads say. But I think when people understand that, when you're dealing with these issues and writing policy and creating programs at each level in government, that it fundamentally comes down to, who is a decision maker and what are the reasons for them making one decision or another? And that's what we need to do, is to have a critical mass of people who understand how to create change that way and how to exert some type of agency for themselves and exhibiting that voice and putting that to use. And I think that's part of what needs to happen. I thought it was a point back then, but I also have a lot of people who will be. So, I think what you just said, and I think about in this country, some of the polls and studies have said that there are about 30% of white people in America who think that racism is a problem. It's a deep problem around about 25% of all, 25%. That's a minority of that majority. And so, that does beg the question. So, at least when you said earlier, let's try to say, I have to jump up my head, so I say, that this is not a problem that black people have to solve. You said, it's not a problem black people have to solve. It's a problem that the rest of society has to solve. And that's what makes it change. So, that is a huge, huge question here. How do we get there? And how we get us there? We get us there. Talk about me. White boy here. White folks. How do we get it there? How do we get it there? We'll come right back to you in a minute. So, it's a kind of followed question. I'm gonna tell a short story first. So, I have a girlfriend who's white, who's dating a black man. And she and I were having a conversation and in the conversation she said, I've begun to feel uncomfortable because, you know, most white women date black men. They only date black men and that's not me. And I actually have black female friends and most white women date black men don't have black female friends. I grew up in this community and I'm an advocate and a teacher in all these things and I wanna tell these women when they're looking at me and my partner that I'm not one of those women. And I shared with her, I was like, well then you understand the black experience because that's what we share, the struggle of I'm not who you think I am. And most, I'm just gonna say white, but others who aren't black or others, this place of privilege is more so than asking someone to share in that struggle and that's what's difficult. It's even the conversation of moving neighborhood if you can afford to live in a better neighborhood, a bigger house, how do you ask someone to make the choice to not do that? How do you ask someone to make the choice to be judged or to have less of it? I guess I was thinking about this for a while I was watching the plays that I have been thinking about this a lot over the past year of that I think confronting masculinity is completely intertwined with confronting racism. So I was watching this over the course of the first board plays where we saw pairs of men talking to each other. And it's a theater artist himself and as a woman in theater, constantly in that conversation of where are the visible women in theater where are stories being told. So I do think that confronting masculinity in all of its forms not just have to do with men and women but masculinity in sexuality and masculinity in feminism in which divides feminists from each other where in which there are a lot of racism and feminism and I think that also has to do with masculinity. So I do think that masculinity, confronting questions about that within lots of different communities is a conversation that no one wants to have. And I do think that it has to come to the forefront about that I've been reading a lot. I guess I always have my students read the revolutionary co-conversation between Audrey Lorde and James Baldwin where Audrey Lorde just keeps, she won't let it go. And a couple of my students were dissecting that I, one of my arts classes at UTB and they were differentiating Audrey Lorde and James Baldwin and saying that Audrey Lorde was being really aggressive and that James Baldwin was winning the argument because he wasn't being aggressive and she was being really aggressive. And so that really spoke to me is that like this is really the root. I think it's this masculinity, the way what it has become in America is intricately tied to everything that we've been talking about. I'm gonna start writing on this. I'm gonna stop talking about it. But I do think that it's really important. You talked about the idea of structural and institutional racism and how we shift those things. Again, if you look into the past, what do you look right now? What got the attention of Baltimore City? It wasn't the kind of norm, I can tell you that much. It was the kind of norm that looked worse, pre-right than it does now. That's true. So what was it? It was Cammy Yard. It was downtown because it messed with this city's money. Dr. Martin King did what in my government? He messed with those folks' money. That was a year-long wake-up. Why is it that gun owners, Jewish folks, and I believe also LGBTQ community have lobbies, but black folks don't? We had $1 trillion spending power and there was no black to move politicians to do something because campaigns are paid for. People think it's votes, it's not votes, it's money. And we have money. This is, I think, one of the issues that I had when it comes to without the money being brought into it and without the use of money, the use of politics and the use of strategy to move these things aggressively is this, if I don't talk about money and how we can collectively always talk about black folks, when I say black folks' money, I mean, you need white folks' money, right? To put with black folks' money tax to make that thing strong. But here's the thing. If we don't talk about that, then I'm talking about the altruistic nature of white folks, their benevolence, that they will be morally good enough to let go of power. And when you're in a system that's made, it doesn't come to men, why don't men want to give up power? Because we have power. And I can use what? I can use my power for influence and money. And if I believe in American dream, I'm getting it. So why would I get that up? So there's a few motivating factors. Now me and somebody who's spiritual, I would love if that was the motivating factor. What's love? Who's peace? But that's not how things work in the world. It's fear. You see that with Trump right now. This xenophobia. You fear more of that, right? And money more of that. You wanna get everybody in the room, you want a racial peace and love, just to put a bunch of money in the middle of the room. Everybody would be friends, kissing each other, love. You know, everybody would be bipartisan to you. And that's because our country's God is money. This is, we worship it. When you start to deal with the God, the idol, when you start to speak to it, the people will shift. And I feel like there was a black pack which can be created to talk in the campaign for black issues. What democratic nominee right now is running on it. Is running on it. Is even attempting to run Black Lives Matter type talk conversation, Bernie Sanders. He's the only one that's even attempting to move in that circle. Why is it on every single candidate, Republican, and Democrat, why is it on everybody's campaign trail? Because of what we just saw. We just saw the whole country get turned up. They never saw the cynicism. All of them tired, we had people up in like Oregon, Reagan, Trader Joe's. It was nuts what we saw. This passion. Why is it on everybody's ticket? Because we did not bring finances to the table saying, here's our trillion dollars, this is what will go back. And if you don't line up with these things, we're not gonna give you support. And we gotta swing ball. So we'll swing this election, we'll check away with one. As long as we're in the Democrats' pocket, and we're not in our own building something, we're not gonna have a place in the table to be able to shift politically the conversation in a way where we can eradicate the oppression of justice from struggle. I've been laid off in here for four or five months. It's Sunday night. Is it Sunday night? Is it Sunday night? We've tried. So I do want to kind of find you on where we are, take this conversation, and where we can take it. Then when we talk about altruism, when I talk about it, altruism is probably not worth a lot of those conversations, and then it's a struggle. It's a little struggle to push them to the end below, constantly pushing them to the end below. But pushing them where are we going? And I think that's the point. I'll come back to this question for what we do, and what we can say to our society now, because we, I think, for a long period of time, all these next, whatever those years are, 10 or 50 years, this is gonna be part of the forefront and crucial mass of where America's going to get about where it's going, is race. And the depth of racism, as I've put it, the lead lead boy said, the problem of the 21st century is gonna be race. I'm pausing this problem, but the problem of the 21st century is us understanding that the bottom of the depth of racism in our society, the depth of it, and where that takes us, and how we fight that, and how we change that. Dr. Spetz. A lot of the answers you have. What are you trying to say? I'm not gonna say anything. Thank you very much. So one of the blessings of living in a city like Baltimore is, I think, it's small enough to matter what's kind of big enough to win. A second blessing about living in Baltimore is that, to a certain extent, because it's a predominantly black city, that idea of being the minority, we don't really have to wrestle with when we think about Baltimore. And that allows us to have certain conversations. And in fact, it's interesting, because if you think about it, one of the good things about that for whites is whites can actually learn to live in a city where they're not the majority. And that actually can have certain types of defense. But bringing it back to what we're here for, as far as the what can radical theater do in a moment like this? To keep the moment we have open wider. So instead of talking about what we can do broadly, what can radical theater do? And then what can radical theater do in Baltimore? So we've got cases now, the case with the first police officer. Yeah, just about to wrap up. What if people had plays in different sections of the city, every time one of these cases came up, to actually try and try to take, to actually radical to get people to think about the government, about the role of government. What would that look like? What would it look like if we created a space where black people, because black interests are different? Like black people have different interests than one another. What if we created the sites where black people in neighborhoods like San Antonio, Winchester could routinely talk about their political interests and think about what that might look like. What we're talking about, because if we scale it up too big, if we talk about change in the United States, you're gonna lose everybody, right? Because nobody, you know, one of the things that Hassek culture trying to point to, culture trying to make in that book is change, changing a damn city, a country that's very difficult for a single person to do. But if we talk instead about Baltimore, right? If we talk instead about institutions, like center stage, right? Like the Center for Emerging Media, what can they do? Then we can have another conversation because otherwise what we're gonna end up talking about is individual level change because people's heads just can't wrestle with anything above that. And because we're not talking about the relationship between institutions and political and economic power within a space, it just ends up being, you know, I wanna make sure that I'm not calling people neighbors. I'm sorry, use my white accent. I'm not calling people neighbors. I think it's time now, I'm gonna have between the other two weeks take us all over this. Oh, good. All right. We're not even supposed to try anymore. I dream with my colleague here, I also wanna add, you know, we have a, there's a history of art within every social movement. And we look at early 1900s and the civil rights movement. I mean, even in other places in the world, there's a history of art creating social change. And I'm personally passionate about that. So one, just put it on center stage for doing this because this was an amazing experience. And as someone who was an English major in college, I loved the narrative. And I think the personal narrative, particularly being in the women's studies department, personal narrative is what's needed as we're talking about healing communities. I think it's personal stories. It's what's needed for people to find some kind of relationship. And then you just supposed to add using metaphors in different settings. I think that's brilliant. And I would love to see that being portrayed in different ways. I think we have a moment here when we look at Black Lives Matter and what they've done and it was like Twitter. When you talk about agency, especially women of color, and I go back to the boys, love the boys, and race is an issue. That was a man saying race is an issue. And I think that in itself is just so problematic. I think race is an issue. But for me, it's more than race. And for a lot of people who aren't males, it's more than race. And I think that's important to recognize as intersections that the founders of Black Lives Matter, they are women who represent different sexual identities. And that gets missed when we talk about this struggle. I think it's something that we're all connected in different ways. And that Twitter and social media has served as an opportunity for some people to have been silenced to have a voice. People have issues with that type of activism, but I think it's very real. It's here and we should recognize that. So when I think about just what I've experienced today as someone who loves the arts and as someone who teaches to students, and this was a welcome break from grading in the semester, what I do wanna say is that I'm very hopeful. When I have a student email me and say that she's to believe in reverse racism and now taking my class, she no longer does. For students to start to understand and hopefully they'll go off and create good policy. And that maybe in 100 years, we will dismantle some of these structured pieces but that we have a lot of people working together individually and collectively to create institutional as well as relational change. So thank you. That was that one second, almost done, not done yet. I wanna say I really appreciate this. And it's been very good and it falls into really great things. And I certainly agree with the human justice that I wanna say we live in democracy and every time this room does not vote, nothing will change. And I think the problems that we're having, many of them are because, like he says, there's no pact for African-Americans but there are other pacts. And one of the problems today is that the facts are overrunnous and if we don't get out there and vote, we will not have any say. And that's happened in the last election. Before people voted and voted in many other elections. And if you don't get out there and I mean, lots of people have all kinds of reasons because it's raining, or my vote doesn't count or anything, we've gotta believe or vote. Let's do it and use it. I appreciate you working me out and calling for this and talking together to this. Appreciate you're asking me this, whether it's the problem in the of the federal state tonight, it's flying safe. And thank you all for coming out and part of the votes. So we vote, we vote. Thank you all.