 It's been a very great pleasure to meet with Chancellor Kohl again for a friendly and highly useful discussion. This year marks the 40th anniversary of a series of events that have shaped the destiny of our two countries. In 1948, the United States stepped forward and helped spark the postwar recovery of West Germany and Europe, and assisted in starting a constitutional process that created a West German state. In response to Soviet challenges, we launched the Berlin Airlift, and aided in the foundation for a good relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States. A relationship that has prospered at many times proved its value to both our countries. As we fit good friends, Chancellor and I have met regularly since we were soon lost. Our discussions reflect the richness of our relationship and with any interest that we have. I especially benefit from hearing the Chancellor's views of the world's opposition. Among the many subjects we discussed today was the state of the NATO alliance, including our common defense efforts and arms control strategy. I thank the Chancellor for his support throughout the long, uniting negotiations and an ally for the Treaty itself. This treaty represents a major political victory for NATO, a success far beyond what many of us know. It carries important lessons on how successfully we negotiate arms reductions with the Soviet Union. We also review progress on the NATO alliance's next arms control priorities. These individuals negotiated some sort of 50% reduction in strategic arms, a verifiable global ban on chemical weapons, and regressing a serious imbalance in conventional forces in Germany. We agree that we must deal with the Soviet Union from a position of realism, strength, and alliance unity. We agree that the alliance must maintain both military strength and readiness. These are the underpinnings of preconditions of any successful dialogue with the Soviet Union. Only a strong West might have a positive influence on the way in which the Soviet Union deals with other countries and of its own peace. We know that the weak Western alliance cannot. The NATO summit meeting within next month will provide an opportunity to continue the discussion of these important matters within the alliance as I hope. The Chancellor and I also discussed economic and trade issues. In particular, I told the Chancellor that I supported the efforts he's made to stimulate the West German economy and I expressed the hope that he would do more. The Chancellor, in turn, welcomed our efforts to reduce the U.S. federal deficit. We both agreed on the need to avoid trade protectionism. Protectionism would be an economic disaster for both our countries. In the course of our discussions, we also touched on the subject close to work on peace. The city of Berlin and its great people both agreed that they must be included in whatever benefits improved East-West relations may bring. We look forward to a positive response to the invitation of Western powers extended last December for the Soviet Union to join with us in taking steps to improve the lives of Berliners. The Chancellor's visits to Washington are always weathered. We'll be seeing each other again soon at the NATO summit in Brussels. And until then, we do not say goodbye. In the course of my visit to Washington, my ninth NATO meeting with President Reagan, I visited Berlin again in Spain and I visited the city of Berlin in July last year. The Berlin initiative was one of the key points of our conversation. I thank you again for this initiative and I made it clear that we want to do everything we can to make this initiative possible. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, my visit to Washington, and this is my ninth NATO meeting with President Reagan, is a well-returned visit, a memorable visit, the President paid Berlin and Bonn last June. The Berlin initiative announced by you, Mr. President, was one of the points on which we focus in our conversation. I once again express my appreciation and gratitude to President Reagan for this initiative and I assure him that the Federal Republic and the Federal Government will do all its can in order to make its contribution towards the success of this initiative. In the meantime, the three Western protection rights and the Soviet Union will discuss this topic in the conversation. Mr. President, I would like to say to you, Mr. President, that your visit to Moscow will also address the Soviet leadership, that Berlin will, from the beginning, engage in a positive response from Western relations. In the meantime, the three Western protective powers have entered into talks with the Soviet Union on this issue. And the President assured me that Secretary of State Schultz on the occasion of his forthcoming visit to Moscow will make a claim to his Soviet interlocutors that Berlin must be included from the very beginning in positive developments of Western relations. Mr. President, I may take this opportunity to express my appreciation for having issued a proclamation declaring the 6th of October 1987 German-American Day. And I may request you to make this a permanent feature. The dialogue affects the issues we have discussed just in the last few years. The 3rd of October, President and General Secretary Gorbachev first made his way into the history of the Middle East. I would like to say again to my fellow countrymen in Germany about this success. The success is the success of your presidency, and the effort that the U.S. has made is a total success of our country. We had intensive exchanges on the present state of Western relations, never in the post-war history, as the United States of America, the Soviet Union, has been engaged in such a defensive dialogue at the highest level as in the last few years. And with the IMF agreement, the 3rd summit meeting between the U.S. President and General Secretary Gorbachev has for the first time in history opened the way for its January disarmament. And I have seized this opportunity once again to express my congratulation to the President on this success, the success which will be your success and which will always be linked with your presidency. The IMF agreement is in the interest of the United States of America. It's in the interest of the landing alliance and it is at least also in the interest of our own country. Mr. President, the IMF, or otherwise the U.S.A., considering this contract, can be called the government of the U.S. and Germany. Yesterday in my talks, I made clear and incomprehensible about the leadership of the Salads for a ratification without any hesitation. Who has objections as far as this agreement is concerned, be it here in Washington or somewhere in the United States in front of the Federal Republic of Europe. And that is the reason why yesterday when I had talks and meetings with the leadership of the Senate, I pleaded in no uncertain terms in favor of ratification of this agreement without any restricting amendments. Mr. President, I would like to start by saying that the Federal government supports with pressure the halving of the political and public policy of both major powers. Because I believe that this is not the interest of the U.S.A., but also the interest of the Federal Republic of Europe. Mr. President, we will refer to the present negotiations concerning the start. The government of the Federal Republic of Germany vigorously supports a 50% cut of the strategic offensive potential of either power because this step is not only the interest of the U.S.A. but it would also be in the very real interest of the Federal Republic of Germany and of Western Europe. Mr. President, we strongly support a worldwide ban on chemical weapons and we support the early adoption of a mandate for negotiations in Venice. Mr. President, we strongly support a worldwide ban on chemical weapons and we support the early adoption of a mandate for negotiations on conventional stability in the whole of Europe from the Atlantic to the Europe. In accordance with the decisions made by the Alliance and in Brussels, I have supported the position that in conjunction with the establishment of conventional balance, the global elimination of chemical questions tangible and verifiable reduction of nuclear systems from a range would also be reached the objective being equal seedlings, no zero-resolution, no nuclearized cells and in Europe least of all in Europe. Mr. President, we were in agreement that all these disarmament questions and issues as well as the necessary measures to preserve our common security should be combined and form an overall concept for our Alliance and we think that the forthcoming NATO summit meeting must be an incentive to that new impulses to that effort. Mr. President, we have agreed that we will remain in bilateral contact as far as all these issues are concerned and along this line and President and I myself were in complete agreement on that trust and confidence between West and East must be further developed and intensify and this would also include the solution of regional conflicts as well as ensuring respect for human rights particularly so in the countries of the Warsaw Pact. Mr. President, you have just made the same point and we all are in agreement that we will be able to face up to the tasks ahead of us in this new phase can be mastered only when we show unity coherence and the closest measure of coordination and consultation. Mr. President, as a German Chancellor the Republic of Germany can be of legal importance in the interests of the people in Germany to facilitate the following to make borders more accessible only in the community and in the association of the free people of West Europe and the United States. We are part of the western community of the United States and Mr. President I would like to take this opportunity here to express as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany before the American public that we are fully aware of the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany knows that only together with their allies and only together with the support of all the free nations and the United States of America will it be possible to attain its legitimate aim of easing in the interest of the people the consequences of the division of our country and to make the frontier between East and West more permeable. We are belonging to the West and that is the way it will be also in future. Mr. President, I am this time not as a German Chancellor but also as the President of the European Community. We spoke about the few days in Brussels a successful Sunday Gipfel. We spoke about the measures especially for the restriction of agricultural production and we also spoke about our common will in all cases to do everything so that the free trade remains. And they welcomed it that in Brussels none was decided by the Fettsteuer. Mr. President, I came here not only in my capacity as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany but also as the Chairman and the President of the European Community. I was able to report to you the summit meeting the European Community we had a week ago in Brussels and the measures we agreed upon there particularly the restriction and the limitation of agricultural production and our commitment to the maintenance and to the support of a common policy favouring continued free trade all over the world where some of the main issues we have taken there and I also assured you that we will certainly not adapt the tax on oils and fats. Mr. President, it has been a reassuring experience in all the visits I paid to you here in the White House that as far as our commercial relations, transatlantic commercial and economic relations are concerned, we have always renewed our commitment to the concept of a free trade and to rejection of a free trade and to rejection of a free trade and to rejection of protectionism that this is part of the spirit in which we are facing these tasks and in which we will be able to live up to the tasks of the future. Mr. President, once again, I thank you very much for the extremely friendly atmosphere for our exchanges and for the support I've been receiving from you from the members of your cabinet and the members of your staff these have been two short days I spent here in Washington but I think these were two good days. Mr. President, once again I thank you very much for these were two good days and I think it is this spirit in which we will go on working also in future together. Thank you. Mr. Chancellor, your suggestion during your last visit for a US-German Youth Exchange Council has resulted in the recent establishment of a body of prominent Americans and Germans who have accepted the challenge to expand youth exchanges between our two countries. I fully support the work of this Youth Exchange Council and share your strong personal commitment to advancing mutual understanding particularly between the younger generations in our two countries. I am therefore especially pleased to be able today to exchange with you in the presence of Director Wick and Professor Wiedenfeld the two coordinators of US-German cooperation copies of the documents establishing the US-German Youth Exchange Council. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen I think what we have done recently was more important than anything we can do on this day. We have talked about the big issues of world politics but this is the future this is the next generation and what we have done at the end will determine the judgment of the next generation about our work. I am sure we will do our best to continue this path. Mr. President I think what we have just done is more important than anything else we could have possibly done. We discussed the issues of the great international of the great international issues but what we have done here concerns the future it relates to the next generations and I think they will form their opinion and their judgment about what we have done by measuring us against this background and I think they will enable us to live up and to stand up to that measurement if we will be able to go on along this line. Thank you very much.