 Well, I dedicate this paper to the fond memory of Thomas Barrow, who was my well-wisher. He was kind to send his books, including the Sanskrit language and the Pengo language and papers by post, series of valuable articles under the title of Dravidian studies appear in the bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. He was a serious student of Dravidian linguistics and I too was a serious student and I used to react to his writings. Unfortunately, we never met, but fortunately we had regular letter correspondence. His handwriting was not good and on my request, he mailed the typed letters. Subsequently, Thomas Barrow and Murray Barnson, M.B.M.N.O., as co-authors, published the magnum opus Dravidian etymological dictionary. When I published my book Dravidian linguistics in Canada in 1966, both Barrow and M.N.O. had sent their greetings which I reproduced. My memory ponders over those inspiring days. Thanks to Padmanabh Jayani, I had the pleasure of meeting M.N.O. in Berkeley campus of California University. Of course, M.B.M.N.O. lived, he completed century, he lived for 101 years and passed away in 2005, whereas my learned friend Barrow, to whom I am dedicating this paper, passed away in 1986. With this introduction, current debates on the influence of Jainism on early Kanda literature. History and current debates of Jaina studies is the main theme of this year's workshop. Befitting the theme, my paper deals with current debates on the influence of Jainism on early Kanda literature. Canada, a Dravidian language, is one of the ancient and important literary languages in India. It has a script of its own and has a population of more than 60 million. Jainism in Canada had branched off from the proto-Dravidian group in around 6th century BC and had become a written language by the beginning of Quarantia. The transformation of written language into expressive discourse and a standard literary language was achieved by Jainist-Saint scholars trained first in Prakrit and subsequently in Sanskrit. Key components of literary textuality like genre, grammar, lexicon, metric and theme were suitably appropriated from Prakrit and localized. Borrowing Prakrit models was in the first phase but in the second phase it was from Sanskrit. This process virtually resulted in literary cultural transformation and revolution in literary metrics. Actually it accelerated literary production and the learned began experimenting fresh genres. The last but known commentaries of early Jain-Saint scholars constitute most momentous event in the literary, cultural, political power in Karnataka and Dravidadesha. The history of Kanda language and literature is very vast and fascinating. Though adequate material was easily available, regrettably its silly and futures were not properly and systematically introduced to outside the Kanda world. Such an objective account remained a desiderate for a long time. To address the issue some attempts were made. The Canaries literature published in the year 1921 by E.P. Rice has the distinction of being the earliest book in English on Kannada literature but the author failed to grasp the heart and soul of Kannada literary culture. He misled non-Kanada readers into ignoring or misunderstanding or underestimating the mystery, the mastery, virginality and genius of Kanda poets. Subsequently, Professor Saletore Stefan Aneker stressed the need to assess the rarity of Kannada literature. The English writings of Narsimha Char, Mughali, Sitaramay and many others and recently Vivekrai and Ramachandran are noteworthy in filling the void to a great extent. The credit of establishing Kannada as one of the foremost literary languages of far greater significance goes to Sheldon Pollock. Admiringly, overcoming the Lakona, he has remarkably narrated the history and described the core characteristics of Kannada literature. His insightful and graphic picture of Kannada literary world is extraordinary. He has successfully accomplished the task that was long due. Glory and singularity of Kannada world. Language, literature, culture, polity, religion, geography, royal dynasties, land and people in brief was never presented and projected in this manner. The author has cast floodlight eminently and done justice to Kannada and Karnataka. This paper mainly deals with the subject with special reference to Sheldon Pollock's book Language of Gods in the World of Men, Devavashi. The book has a vast canvas. Its macro and micro study covers a wide spectrum of Southeast Asia. The author concentrates around the beginning of second millennium. Despite absence of tangible textual details, fairly good account of the first millennium is extent and deserves to be examined as authentic fossil. About 50 pages in the chapter nine creating a regional world, the case of Kannada from pages 330 to 379 are devoted exclusively to trace historical development of Kannada, befittingly references to Kannada language, culture and polity, and literature galore from ab initio to ad finum. The antiquity, density, historicity, sociology, literary production and associated compliments are recorded. Quote, the very first Kannada inscription of all the hall midi record that is the earliest extent Kannada inscription hall midi record which begins with a benedictory verse addressed to Vishnu and commemorates a man famed for his the munificence in bestowing a ritual victim for many sacrifices, hardly the product of a gene cultural environment. This is Pollock's I quote and unquote. Now the shortcomings in this statement are glaring. Two of the five dynasties mentioned in the inscription are Sindhrakas and Kallas. The roots of the Sindhrakas, one of the ancient Kshatriya dynasties and feudatories of Banawasi Kadambas are far deeper and go back to third century. The Gokak plates of Deja Maharaja, king of Rastrakuta of Manapura house, established that the Sindhrakas were genes from the beginning and belong to Vardhmana lineage. It is from one of my books. Pollockation, king of the Chalukyas of Badami was son of Sindhraka princess and Kirtivarman had married sister of Sri Vallabha Senananda, chief of Sindhraka Vamsa. This is from my another book. Vija Arasa to whom the honor was bestowed was son of Sarakalla of Kalla family. P. Narsimha Murti, famous historian has in one of his research papers on this subject, affirmed, I quote, the Kallas were genes and they figure first in the Helmidi inscription of Kannada Kaakustavarma, Kadabba Kaakustavarma, unquote. And they originally belong to, again I quote, village named Kalla Puttigei giving due recognition to that meritorious family of gene rulers, unquote. M.B. Neginahala, well-known Kannada scholar, established that Vija Arasa, son of Sarakalla, belong to the ancient Jaina family. He also discovered an inscription which clearly established that Jainism and Jaina monks had rooted in the South Kendra coastal region before 5th century. Murgesha Verma, the Adikadumba king of Banawasi, in his 8th rignalia, that is 462, built a Jinalaya at Palashika, modern Halsey, for the merit of his grandfather, Karayitva Jinalayam, Sri Vijaya Palashika Yama, unquote, and donated 33 Nivartanas land to the Japanese, Nirgrantas, Shwetapatas and Kurchakas. The donies were Dhamakirti and Jayanta. This affirms that these subsects of Jainism were popular and earned higher status to receive royal endowments. The Hosakote inscription of King Avinita states that King Simhavarma's mother caused to be made a Jina Mandir for the welfare of her husband and for the worship of the Yapaniyas. On the advice of his Jaina teacher Vijaya Kirti, King Avinita endued the temple. So, children Palak has failed to recognize these details and to record these details. If he were to really record these details, that would have strengthened the cause, how the Jains participated and promoted in the early phase of Kanda literature. And particularly, Palak could not trace the details about the Shwetapatas. Shwetambaras also, they were there in Karnataka as early as in the 5th century AD. This has come, this has not come to the notice of children Palak. And then the statement of Palak quote, early Kanda literature often has little or nothing to do with Jainism. This is false and very defective. Palak in making this wrong statement aired in his assessment, before jumping to this conclusion, he seems to have been unaware of some very important evidences. He has not established how early Kanda literature has little or nothing to do with Jainism. Now, it is left for us to prove how this statement is unsustainable. Let us examine early Kanda literature. Not only Kanda literature, but also Karnataka was an abode of Jainism as testified by epigraphical evidences. Inscriptions, oh, Jainism's opulent in the state. Prominent historian, Salathore, and his famous book, Medieval Jainism, figure in the bibliography, but its useful and reliable information relevant to SP's discussion is not a valid. Astonishingly, similar instances are not lacking where easily accessible and known facts in favor of Jainism imprints are marginalized. On the whole, the details in pages between 423 and 428 are unnecessary elaboration and gives an impression that the author is vehemently arguing to marginalize Jaina achievements. By this unwarranted statements, Pollock's train has lost track or derailed. I would like to show how he has erred and he is not aware of important facts. Inscriptions with invocation to Jina or Jainism are innumerable and they emerge from fifth and sixth century. These important hymns provide deep and direct insight into the religious experiences of Jainism. I quote, Jaina inscriptions have certain special characteristics which distinguish them from others. These inscriptions and the invocatory verses have, in their own way, enriched Canada language and literature and they are the forerunners of later search writings. This is a quotation from one of my books. Such poems, I quote, such poems tell us more about the general devotional ethos of medieval Digambara Jainism than the more philosophical text upon which scholarship has tended to concentrate. This is a quotation from Dr. Paul Dandos in his blurb that he wrote to one of my works. There is also much to be learned from studying them as examples of that most ubiquitous of Jaina, Jhans, the Jinendrasthavaram. This is from the introduction to my book by John E. Cort who is present here. Kelting M. Whitney and Glenn Yokum have shown that it is important to study hymns in all languages in India. I skip some paragraphs and pages because I am expected to speak only for 30 minutes, right? Yes. Okay, okay. And then the Kandah country becoming an abode of Jainism is not a secret. Its catholicity made it dear to Kandah people. They never hesitated to see corrections from experts in the field. The learned more from the more learned, some writers have acknowledged the names of experts who wetted their words. Ranna for example. Research scholars of eminence have noted time and again that the earliest cultivators of Kannada language were Jains, the oldest works of any extent and value that have come down to us are all from the pen of Jains. The period of Jains predominance in the literary field may justly be called the Augustan age of Kannada literature. Tamil literary culture owes its beginnings to Jain writers. I call no survey of Jainism in Tamil country, however brief, will be complete without mentioning the enormous contribution made by the Jains to the growth of Tamil literature from the earliest times up to about 16th century A.D. While justice cannot be done to this vast subject within the scope of present study, mention must be made at least of such outstanding works by Jain authors like Tolgopiam and Nannol among the grammatical works, Shalapidegaram, Jivakachintamani and Perungatai among the epics, the immortal Kural of Naladiyar among the ethical works, and Divakkaram and then Pingalatai and Chudamani among the lexicons. To this already formidable record may be added, what is surely the most basic and fundamental contribution by the Jaitama monks to Tamil, namely the development of a script, the development of a script for the language leading to literacy and the later efflorescence of shangam literature in the early centuries, unquote, this is from Mahadevan Ayuravatam, this article is included in the volume Swasti, so ably edited by Nalini Balbi. Mahadevan on the basis of inscriptions has proved beyond doubt that one, Jainism entered Tamil country before per century BC. Number two, Jainism reached Tamil country through Karnataka. Number three, early lyric records in the caves belong to the period before the schism between the Digambara and Svetambara sets. Number four, the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions are anterior to the earliest known Kannada inscriptions and literature. Five, lexical items and grammatical usages are 20 minutes more. Oh, so kind of you. It would be wonderful if we had 20 minutes more, this is fascinating. Oh, five minutes more. Five more minutes. Oh, you could have been more kind to me. Okay, thank you, thank you, thank you. The problem of course is you're the first speaker. Okay, then I skip off many pages as many. Well, many mistakes are there, many mistakes are there. And then Pollak says that Mathura, Mathura is a strong center for Vedic religion. But actually in 1970s and 60s, excavation was conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India and Looters has published the details about the items, the materials found there, the images and the inscribed sculptures and all that. And surprisingly, out of 185 images and sculptures discovered at Mathura, 89 are of Jain affiliation and then 60 are of Buddhist affiliation and none of them belong to Vedic religion. Therefore, we can establish with so many instances and examples how Pollak has erred and it is for him to rectify the defects that I have in detail explained with facts and figures. And to conclude, very important items are there. Okay. He has asked some, not in good taste, some questions and he says, why did they not write in vernacular languages earlier and why did they write in Sanskrit? Absolutely absurd. He should not have asked such questions. It's none of his business. I will conclude. Okay. Okay. When it is published, Peter will publish it. In fact, I should thank Peter Flugelji because it is he who suggested me and he was kind enough to also provide me with the original text so that I could go through in detail. It's a very important book, I know, but as far as his chapter on Karnataka and Jainism are concerned, I should make it clear to the audience that he has not made a good study of Jainism and so much is to be done. Beginning of Sanskrit-Karnataka Ramachal 14. Yes. Therefore, I conclude, therefore, readers of this book have got to be cautious before accepting some of the conclusions. Despite commissions and omissions, it should be placed on record that Sheldon Pollak has done a great service to Kanda language and literature. I do not think that there is another book on the subject of this standard. There may be excellent books or monographs on the language, literature, culture, and polity of each state and country, either in English or in other local languages, albeit a comprehensive work of this magnitude covering entire southern Asia looks like unwritten so far. Kudos to Sheldon Pollak for successfully accomplishing this Herculean task. Pollak has not recorded the importance of Jinnavallava, younger brother of Pampa who wrote 100 years before Nannaya Bhattap. Jinnavallava, an adept in Kannada, Telugu, and Sanskrit, scripted the famous Kurkyaal inscription. His devotion and command over Kanda literature and political history is transparent. He quotes from local classics and gives English translation, thus readers experience a taste of Kannada while giving so much appreciation for the excellent work Sheldon Pollak has done. There are also areas where some correction should be incorporated. Thank you very much for listening to me. Well, it's a very, very long essay or paper. I request Peter to publish this. When it is published, you will come to know, I am not biased. When I am passing any remark on Sheldon Pollak, I do it based on actual extent facts and figures. Thank you very much. So thank you very much, Christie. And thank you very much, Peter, for having invited me to this conference. Maybe my paper is not going to be as funny and as ambitious as Professor Hampanadis, but I will try to say something. And so in this context of this workshop, which is the 20th of this kind, I would like first to start by presenting a sketchy view of the state of art in the field of my topic today, namely the Jane Books of Discipline. This phrase, Books of Discipline, which is borrowed from the title of the Pali-Vinaya translation by I. B. Horner, seems adequate to designate in a slightly less cryptic way for the outside world, the textual class known among the Janes as Teda Sutras. Not that these works and the Vinaya can be superposed, but at least roughly there are some shared concerns in both. For a great part, however, the degree of technicality exhibited by the Teda Sutras is extremely striking. As a category, the Teda Sutras have a particular status within the Shwetambara Agamas as far as their study by monastics is concerned. It is not advised to make them accessible to any people, everyone. Now in the history of Jane studies, the Teda Sutras have been an area of growing interest in the last 100 years. I will confine myself to some landmarks in this history. At the end of the 19th and beginning of 20th century, if we accept the first Indian printed editions of the Jane Agamas, where some of these texts were included, the leading works are those authored by Ernst Leumann and Walter Schubring. The former studied in particular the Jita Kalpa Bhasia and the latter devoted his doctoral thesis to an edition German translation and glossary of the Kalpa Sutra, not the Barasasutra which is used in Parlution, but the set of rules of conduct prescribed to monks, including specifications for nuns, without any narrative frame. Schubring's monograph was later accessible through an English translation of the German published in the Indian antiquary. The same scholar then published the critical edition of the Vyavahara and the Nishita Sutra. It is interesting to see that Schubring's Roman editions were transposed in Nagari and published in India in the 1920s, providing an instance of scholarly communication between Europe and India through the agency of the Jane Sahitya Samshodhag Samiti. With the addition of the Atsara Dasha, the Vyavahara and the Nishita form the Dhray Chedasutras published by Schubring and his disciple Koletkaya, whose monograph on atonements, first published in French and translated into English, is a seminal study on the core concern of this type of literature, the prior titas, atonements, or expiations. The majorities of the studies mentioned so far relate to the Sutra themselves in Ardhamagati, which represent the first layer of these books of discipline. They need to be supplemented, however, by the exegetical literature formed around them, the Barasas, the verse commentaries, which in the case of Cheda literature are especially long and complex, themselves explained by Sanskrit commentaries. The editions of works belonging to this textual layer, that is the Bhashyas, were exclusively produced in India and often managed by highly qualified representatives of the monastic community. The first ones were published during the first decades of the 20th century. Muni Chaturvijaya and Muni Punevijaya's edition in six volumes of the Brihakalpa Bhashya is a climax in quality, whereas the edition of the Nishita Bhashya rather illustrates the opposite. The Vivahara Bhashya edition published in the 1920s was not widely distributed and soon became difficult to get. But in the last 15-20 years, this bulky and difficult works have happily raised the interest of a new generation of monastics from various sectarian backgrounds. Muni Chaturvijaya and Muni Chaturasuri, for instance, who can be considered as a successor to the late Muni Jambuvijaya in editing and publishing Shwetambara Agamas, has provided a new edition of the Vivahara Sutra, Bhashya and Commentary. The Terrapant Atsarya Tulsi, who since long has distinguished itself as a promoter of Agama publications, has also done a tremendous work in the last decades as far as the edition and Hindi translation of Teda literature are concerned. Samanikusum Pragya in particular is the hard-working and expert figure who has been involved alone or in collaboration in the publication of the Vivahara Bhashya with translation, the Jita Kalpa Bhashya and also the Panca Kalpa Bhashya. The latter was hardly accessible before the late noon edition. Anybody willing to read these Bhashyas has to use these fully equipped books. But working editions in Roman script, such as the Brihat Kalpa Bhashya text with the selective glossary provided by Prof. Vilem Boley are useful as well as the partial translations of the Vivahara Bhashya or the survey of its narratives given by the same scholar. As we see, furnishing full textual material in a form as adequate as possible has been a heavy trend in Teda Sutra studies which has been followed both by Western and Indian scholars, the latter increasingly in recent decades. Reflection around the textual tradition of these texts remains at the center today. In Japan, a courageous study group organizes regular reading sessions around the Vivahara Bhashya for instance. Another direction of research relates to the technical vocabulary used in the Jain books of discipline and its comparison with Buddhist terminology. This has been illustrated by the recent monograph on Sambhoga, the participation in the common supplies of a religious community with food and clothes, the affiliation with the religious order authored by Hayan Hoof and Hinuba in 2016, or by my own discussion on the prakrit term U Baddha corresponding to Pali Utu Baddha widely used in the Teda literature to refer to the eight months of the year outside the four months of the rainy season. Finally, increasing interest is shown in the understanding of these texts for gaining a better knowledge of the life of monastic communities. In their own way, SBDO's classics, History of Dynamonacism and Dynamonastic Deresprudence had broadly paved the way, showing the amount of material available in the Bhashyas especially. But this still needs to be investigated deeper. In addition, both ethnographic studies dealing with the life of contemporary Jain monastic communities in India, such as Anne Valeli's Guardians of the Transcendent based on fieldwork among Terapanthi ascetics, and exploration of Buddhist literature following the past led, for example by Gregory Chopin, have inspired thorough thematic studies based on reading of the Jain Bhashyas. An exemplary result in my opinion is Mary Yves Yovie's dissertation unknowns as well as her article, Mendicants and Medicine Ayurveda in Jain monastic texts. There, she convincingly shows how the Bhashyas which can be ascribed to the 6th, 7th century CE depart from canonical sutras in clearly addressing the issues of care and medicine in daily contexts and how they display familiarity with Ayurvedic knowledge which was there at that time. This implies disentangling the complex intertextual relationships between the various Bhashyas as they present a large amount of overlapping material building a corpus rather than boundary tight texts. The books of discipline I mentioned so far are those which deal with monastic life and especially atonements prescribed for the breaches in aspects of conduct of the ascetics among the Shretambaras. There are, however, two connected areas which are not covered by them, atonements for the laity and atonements among the Digambaras. The first one was the topic of the paper I gave here itself in 2009 which was later published in Jaina scriptures and philosophy as a felicitation volume to Professor Bollet. I focused mainly on two unpublished practical tracts, an anonymous Sarvaya Pachitta evidenced by two palm leaf manuscripts, one of them in the British library and a work of the same title by the Shretambara monk Tila Katsaria which I edited and translated. I tried to put them in context including other pieces independent or present in larger works dealing with the same topic that is lay atonement. The atonements prescribed for the laity in these texts are described with the same technical language used in the Cheda Bhashyas proper, especially the Jita Kalpa Bhashya. These works did not seem to have circulated widely and I tried to argue that their relative neglect could be explained by their complexity and the difficulty of their practical use. They could have been superseded in practice by the Pratikramana Sutra which covers all the areas of ethics and forms the core of Jain liturgy. Today I wish to discuss the third component of this corpus, the Digambara material dealing with atonements which seems to have been rather understudied so far. In the earlier textual strata of which the Mula Chara can be taken as a good representative, Prakrit Payat Chitta comes as a subdivision of internal ascetic practices that is within the discussion of Prakrit Tavo which is recognized as having six external aspects and six internal aspects. This is the classical doctrine well known from Shwetambara scriptures as well starting from the Sananda Sutra, the Aupapatika Sutra and so on. Thus we read in the Mula Chara that atonement appears as the first form of internal asceticism, atonement is the ascetic practice by which one is cleaned, purified from Avaldon previously and atonement is being tenfold. You can see the, I mean the stanzas in front of you but I cannot read them, there is no time. Then comes the list of the ten atonements which can be translated as roughly as follows, confession, repentance, combination of both, restitution, abandonment of the body, asceticism, reduction of seniority, complete reduction of seniority and re-initiation, isolation and restating face. In the corresponding Shwetambara lists, the last two terms are anavastapya, temporary exclusion and re-initiation and parantitta, exclusion with or without the possibility of re-initiation after self-criticism. The difference of terminology is worth noting but it is not sure that the realities referred to are basically different in the two traditions. The modes of parihara in the Mula Chara are of two kinds. If the transgression is the result of negligence, the culprit performs the penance in his own monastic group. He bows to juniors, does not receive salutations and practices fast, thus he is isolated symbolically. If the transgression is the result of pride, he performs the penance by changing his monastic group and is guided by another teacher or successively different teachers before coming back to the first. Hence, his isolation from the original group is temporary. The last term in this list, saddhana, face or rather restating face focuses on the positive result which might come in the end but implies total excommunication from the group involving a solemn reordination where the culprit has to express his belief in fundamental principles all over again. The last step in the Mula Chara exposition is the list of designations of the key concept atonement. So you have the terms here which mean destroying old karmas, rejecting, eliminating, purifying, washing, wiping, removing, cutting, these are the names given to atonement. And that's all fundamentally which we have in the older strata of scripture of the Digambaras. Now if there was really no other material, I would perhaps not have decided to speak about these Digambara atonements at all. But we have a collection of four texts which was published in 1921 under the title Prayash Chitta Samgraha. My attention was drawn to it by our energetic friend Manish Modi in Mumbai who some years ago simply handed over to me a complete photocopy and trusting to me the task of making something out of it. Recently Manish expressed his wish again thinking he said it would be useful to make this text known in the light of recent rules breaking incidents for which various Jain monks have been reported to be responsible. Rules breaking incidents or rather scandals which the internet has contributed to make known through videos on youtube. For example a monk was caught red-handed by a camera while eating mutton chops and onions. Others were accused of rape of young devotees or candidates to diksha with one of them in jail. Now whether any connection can be drawn between today's events that are to be sanctioned mostly by punishments provisioned by common Indian law and penances that were meant to be prescribed within the boundaries of the monastic community is indeed a question. But reading these works is certainly not without interest as they enlarge the Jain corpus of criticism on atonements. In this preliminary presentation I will try to outline their main features and the questions there is. So you see the names of these works here. I leave the last one aside for today but the three other texts can be described as a corpus. There have been transmitted separately from each other in the manuscript evidence which is rather meager anyway. But reading them together shows that they go back to a similar inspiration. In short we can say that the Cheda Sattah is a concise version of what is found expanded in the Cheda Binda and the prior Chedta Thulika is a Sanskrit version sharing material and wording with both of the procreate texts. The style is rather abrupt and is similar to the Bhasya style of equivalent Tretambara literature. All three works are structured in the same way. The organizing principle being the Digambara key concept of Mulaguna's which is thus defined at the outside of the Mulachara for instance. So it comprises the five great vows, the five precautions, the five control of the five senses, the six essential duties, plucking out of the air, question relating to nudity, not taking a bath, sleeping on the earth, on the ground, not brushing teeth, eating standing and eating one day, I mean once a day. The status of the prohibition of eating after sunset is ambiguous. The Mulachara commentary on this verse clearly states that procreate year, Sanskrit term, has to be understood in the restrictive meaning of ever, thus only five and not six. Later on in the text though the topic of night eating is addressed and justified as being a protection of the five major vows. For the Digambara works on atonement, this is no longer an issue, what relates to night eating is included in the general scheme which you see here. The main purpose is to expose a treatise meant for the purification of monks, Sahunam Suhana Tarnam. But all three works also devote a short section to nuns designated by the by procreate Savani and another one to the lady. The gist of it is that atonements for nuns are to be prescribed by the male leader of the group to which they belong. The areas dealt with briefly relate to washing the robe or the arms bowl. The general principles of exposition that are familiar from the Tretambara Teda Bhasas are also present here. There are two causes of wrong action which will call for a compensation, either callousness, procreate Pamada, or pride arrogance, procreate Dappa. This is a basic criterion for assessing the seriousness of the atonement. Another one relates to the frequency of the lepsis. Did it happen once, ekavaram, or several times, bahuvaram? An atonement is different from a punishment as it is meant to clean or purify and put the culprit on the right path again. So a correct evaluation in light of the culprit's personal situation is required, for instance, in case of illness. The scale of atonements stated at the outset of the work is also similar to what is found in the Teda Bhasas, including recitation of namaskaras, practicing kayotsargas, and a wide range of dietary restrictions in the quantity and quality of elements up to complete fasts of various durations. There are also equivalences between these various categories. For instance, nine namaskaras are equal to one kayotsarga. None of the three words refers to the others. Nevertheless, they have strong intertextual relationships. Several cases of verse correspondences are one of the forms this interconnection takes. So I will not go into the detail, but I wanted to take this example, the treatment of lucha, plucking out of the hair, where you have an identical verse in the Teda Sattah in Prakrita and in the Prayashchit Tathulika in Sanskrit. The concise and even cryptic style is that of Bharsha verses, where the main format is that of lists. The order of terms is significant as each term of list A corresponds to the respective term of list B in increasing degree of seriousness in the offense. The syntactic relations are not always transparent, and the technical terms designating the atonements may have synonyms. Against this, the Teda Pinda has four verses, one of which gives a variant introduced by the phrase Anne Bharnanti. Others say, stating that whoever does not prescribe the proper atonement will incur reduction of seniority. The expression of divergences in atonements to be prescribed is a recurring feature in this text. Their agenda is to cover systematically and rigorously all possible breaks in conduct and compensations for them. University in the correspondence between breaks and compensations would then seem a prerequisite. But fluctuations are also not excluded. On the one hand, the authors, whoever they are, claim the authority of early teachers, as usual, and of experts in the field of atonements. On the other, they are well aware that how many situations they may consider exhaustiveness is impossible to reach. The format the study will take when completed is not yet clear. Even the few instances I have given would show that a mere translation of such text is hardly meaningful, or it has to be heavily annotated. For now, I would just like to conclude by focusing on a few questions these works raise. Internal criteria for the Digambara identity are the fact that they follow the scheme of the Moolagunas in the exposition, the use of prakrit adjah as the designation for nuns, and an isolated mention of the pitta, peacock feather, in the discussion of the irya samiti. So far, external criteria are very fragile, as both authorship and this of these works are either unknown or more than tentative. A future task worth doing in connection with this project would be to try to locate more manuscripts in the Digambara libraries. On the other hand, there are indications in the text pointing to what could be innovations connected with the influence of a social religious environment marked by the presence of Hinduism. For example, murder of a cow occurs in the list of crimes relating to the murder of living beings, after that of a giant monk, a layman, a child, and a lady. References to members of the four varnas, with their usual designations, as well as mention of the custom of head shaving, sriramundana in the lay section, and atonements to be performed in case an ascetic has touched an outcast, also suggests the same, although one has to remain cautious in these matters. To conclude, the three texts under consideration appear as hanging Bhashyas, not depending on known sutra texts. The material they discuss and their ways of exposition are akin to Shwetambara Shraddha Bhashyas, especially the Tita Kalpa, which is devoted to the discussion of atonements. The position of the Digambara works within the Jain tradition is not fully clear. Would there be innovations modeled after or influenced by the Shwetambara counterparts? The hundred verse accretion commenting upon the 10 atonements of the Mulachara found in one of the works ends saying, thus the tenfold set of atonements has been told in the Kappa and Vavahara. It is said that it should be given by the teacher with awareness of the differences between persons with respect to custom. This is the translation of the last Sansa here. I would think that Kappa, Vavahara and Dita refer here to a Digambara tradition of these texts and view our three works as repositories handing knowledge which was necessary for codifying lapses and compensations in monastic life among Digambaras. Challenging as they are because of their cryptic style, they could function as large-scale memos which were actually used by teachers combined with their own experience. We have instances of such atonements, guidebooks about atonements today. For example, here I refer briefly to the work studied by Peter Flughel about Terapant Prayashchitavidhi which was composed by Tharya Tulsi in 1960. And just to finish with this, this is a page in a notebook belonging to a Shwetambara monk in Gujarati script which is based on an old manuscript in which this monk said is used by him to give atonements to his disciples. So I mean there are some hints that these works could be used in practice. This has to be explored also in the Digambara context which I have not been able to do so far. Thank you. Good morning. I will start with a brief survey of Jane Ontology which will be needed to analyze the work ascribed to Kunda Kunda. And my purpose is to show that the copies of works which are ascribed to Kunda Kunda, this is a collection of various minor works which were put together. These works were composed from around 3rd century CE to 7th, 8th century CE. And Kunda Kunda as an author as such did not exist. He existed as a collective author. I didn't want to say that there was nobody named Kunda Kunda but there was no one author known as Kunda Kunda who penned all these works ascribed to him. My second goal is to show that, well to point who a compiler of these works was. And then also to provide some reasons why such a compilation process was undertaken, a process which brought Kunda Kunda to the rank of one perhaps of the most celebrated Digambar thinkers. I will focus on Panciastikaya Sangraha but the same remarks will hold valid for some of other works. But as I say I have to start first with a brief survey of Ontology. I will skip detailed methodological notes. This survey of Ontology will be an important element but I will also use other kinds of approach like the style, continuity of narration, certain jumps in narration of the text. In terms of Ontology basically I will present some basic models the Jains have developed to deal with the structure of the world. These models serve them to explain the structure of the world. Basically all these models are dualistic. They divide the world, the beings, into living elements and lifeless elements. The first model, historically the first model divides everything to living beings and lifeless elements. It is not present in a complete form because this model was later in the practice of composition and expanding text elaborated new elements were added. But this is basically the model which we can grasp from the oldest straighter of giant texts. We see the principle of motion rest. The second model, slightly later but not much later, it went parallel. It divides everything into tatwas or tatias, the living beings, lifeless elements and we have astra, vabanda, samvara, nyudjara, moksha and then punya, papa are added. The third model is very important. It describes the world or divides all entities into extensive entities astikaya. What is interesting about this model is that it was a genuine model developed by the giants, parallel to for instance padarthas in the vaishe shika system or the dharmas in abhidharma buddhism. In philosophical terms it was quite a vital step of abstraction and the giants themselves must have been aware that this was a kind of novelty not understood by other systems. These terms were novel completely. There is an interesting story in the Bhagavati sutra which describes how this model was introduced and perhaps I read a passage from from from Bhagavati sutra. Thus this ascetic Jnatri Putra from Vardhamana teaches the five extensive entities namely dharma, dharma and so on. So these are in fact this description of the model is debated among non-gyne ascetics and then these gyne ascetics see Indrabhuti Gautama passing by and they all say, oh well let's go to him and ask actually what the giants mean by this model. So this interesting story shows that giants were aware that it was a kind of novelty. The model is preserved in a modified form in Umaswatis Tathuarta Sutra where the first astikaya is removed. We have only five astikayas. Jiva astikaya is not present in the Tathuarta Sutra. The fourth model is about well I could say the components of the world. It seems to be very similar to model one. We have jiva but then we have dharma, adharma, akasha, putgala and kala. Conspicuously Ajiva is missing. If we go back to model one on the left we have jiva on the right. We have Ajiva and then subdivisions of dharma, dharma, akasha, putgala. We could argue that model four should be earlier because we have no Ajiva but in fact it seems to be an elaboration, a simplification of model one and there is a conspicuous element of kala time which was introduced to giant ontology much later. This is a later model. The fifth model is again very important. It is the model of substances. Clearly it is a borrowing from the Vaisheshika tradition so in a way it's a foreign element in giant ontology. The term dravia is introduced but most of the other items are similar. Jiva, dharma, adharma, akasha, putgala and sometimes kala. We have this in the Tatwarta sutra and in both commentaries Tatwarta Digamabhasya and Sarvarta Siddhi. Now to recapitulate this is the first model again. Jiva Ajiva and it's for subdivisions and all the models together with the dating. These models can be very handy to analyze texts and can be applied practically to determine as a method to determine the cohesion of and integrity of a particular text. What is important that these models, each of them presents an integral picture of ontology. So normally they should not overlap. In texts they do and when they do overlap when we find astikayas and dravia side by side it's always a symptom that the text was amended, expanded and new elements were added to an earlier ontology. This is very important and again to give you an example for instance if we find a classification of substances dravias in a particular passage that means that this passage cannot be earlier than around 400 CE. Similarly if we find a reference to kala time as a substance similarly this passage cannot be older than 400 CE. Let's go now to the works of Kunda Kunda. 84 I ascribe to him but this is an unrealistic number. It's the number as fictitious. In fact we can speak of three in my opinion of three works which can consistently be ascribed to what I call collective author Kunda Kunda. This is the Pajatia Sangaha, Pavayana, Sara and Samayasara. The reasons are more but these are the only three texts which are commented by Amrita Chandra and by Jayasena and they are all collected in a similar pattern. These two commentators Amrita Chandra 10th century they do not comment on other texts of Kunda Kunda. Perhaps Niyamasara and Atapauda show certain similarity in structure which can be linked to these three texts. Now I'll go to the main focus for today to Pajatia Sangaha. As the title suggests this is a text which is based on model which I call number four I think was it. Model three yes. In the form in which it is preserved in the manuscripts and in the editions it is it consists of three chapters. The titles of these chapters are the first collection of sermons on six substances and five extensive entities. The titles are given by commentators. A commentary on nine categories and minor chapter demonstrating the expanse of the path of liberation. This well I will now shift to the practice text. I will not analyze almost 200 gathas. We don't have time for that but I do it in my paper. I go gatha by gatha analyzing its structure. The first two gathas are the beginning of the text eulogy and they present the obeisance paid to Gina and his teachings. Gatha three is the proper introduction to the text. I won't be translating these or reading them I'll just give a brief survey. So gatha three is a proper introduction to the text. It speaks of the combination of five extensive entities which are reflected in the title of the text. These are the doctrinal system and they make the world law. So this is quite consistent with the title of the work which is supposed to deal with the five astikayas. The subsequent gathas four, five they deal with these astikayas with Jiva. They enumerate them Jiva, but gala, dharma, dharma, akasha, ayasa. Now gatha, the whole passage from gatha six up to definitely 14 but probably again up to 21 is a later edition because well gatha six relates these five extensive entities by mentioning that they endure in time te kaliya bhava parinada and this try kaliya bhava parinata and at the same time they remain permanent. This is a reference to time. This kind of debate is not discussed at an early point of time and it clearly shows that these are linked to time and the concept of kala as a kind of substance. So this has to be later addition to the earlier portion of the text. Gatha seven mentions existence sattva which is importantly which is located in all padas, savvapayatha. This is a reference that is in padas places but padas seems to be a reference to padartha, vaiseshika padartha. Importantly sattva is an important category of the vaiseshika system. So we have sattva as a vaiseshika term as a vaiseshika category padartha otattva and we have a reference to padas or padarthas of the vaiseshika system. So again it has to be a later interpolation in the text which refers no longer to astikayas but to the later ontological system of dravias. What is important, the relation, the vaiseshika itself speaks of sattva of existence in hearing by the relation of samavaya in padarthas but the term padartha is not present in the vaiseshika sutra. It is introduced only by prasastapada in his bhashya which is around 450. So this gatha has to be later than 450 since it refers to vaiseshika ontology which was constructed around the time around the mid-fifth century. Then the passage also I'll go on to gatha 15. There's much to say about each of these gathas but gatha 15 will speak of gunas. We are used that dravias gunas and pariyayas are a part of gene ontology but again this is influenced by the vaiseshika. So the reference to gunas also points to a different layer in gene ontology which relates that these layers of gene ontology to the substance ontology based on substance and not based on astikayas. As I mentioned in the beginning astikayas were conceived as a very distinct part of gene philosophy, very distinct ontology which was developed by genes themselves and it was their own ontology not adopted or borrowed from anyone else and it was not understood by others so again the usage of gunas in the context of astikayas is a kind of foreign body. It shows a later influence. Now reminding you that gatha 5 enumerated the five astikayas we go down to gatha 22 which describes which begins with the description of jiva. So this is in the text it is the natural continuation of gatha 5 so there are more reasons why after gatha 5 there is the whole interpolation and the text continues only beginning with gatha 22 because it's a natural continuation after enumeration of all five astikayas. Gatha 22 starts with the first astikaya and as I say between gatha 6 and 21 we have the discussion of many other elements. I'll go back, I'll go down to the end of the real, to the real end of pancha astikaya sangraha which is, I have to skip some material, a lot of material, to gatha 103 and 4. Sorry for this but Gatha 103 and 4 present the actual end of the text. Yeah they are here. In this way having comprehended the essence of sermons being the compendium of the five extensive entities the one who abandons passion and aversion attains the freedom from suffering. Having understood this meaning of the treaties such a living being becomes elevated by the ensuring understanding of it that is delusion is removed its passion and aversion are subdued its transmigration is ended. So this is the real end of pancha astikaya sangraha but after this gatha we have another 80 gathas two more chapters. The next chapter will be based on a completely different ontology which relates to Dravias that is Vaiseshi Kantology and the third chapter Chulika this minor clause presents again a completely different material which is a compilation on the path to liberation. So pancha astikaya sangraha as we see it is rather incoherent in its structure and proper analysis will show different historical layers. Now I will go to one more point. I was not prepared to talk about this in the beginning but then just before coming here I thought I should add some more comments on two other works of kunda kunda so again like the previous text it is never it doesn't exist on its own in manuscripts just to quote upadi also pavernasara manuscripts of pravachanasara generally contain one or the other commentary along with a text for various reasons even if some manuscripts without a commentary are available they are so late in the age that there is every possibility of being copied from some manuscript with the commentary which means that all manuscripts preserve all these three kunda kunda works as a part of commentaries what is important both commentaries by Amrita Chandra and Jayasena present slightly different readings in the sense that Jayasena adds more verses if I'm given five more time if I have more minutes I will be able to explain why it is important and then well pravachana sarah has again it is perhaps most consistent of all these more consistent than panchastikaya sangraha but again it's a compilation and now samayasara has the same features it is always a part of two commentaries it begins by producing the ontology by describing the the jivas and in the context of describing jivas it it begins to talk of vavahara and sudho the commentators later commentators will will take these as to nayas to viewpoints but these are not and even amrita chandra does not take these as viewpoints as nayas and sudho is the pure cognizer the soul who cognizes in the pure way and this soul and this is the the soul is described with reference to to vavahara vavahara here simply means everyday life the practice it has no I don't have time to go into detail semantic details of this gatha but this is consistent when we read six gatha six and seven they belong together and gatha six presents the soul as the noah pure noah and the distinction of apramatta and pramatta careful and careless are unimportant and for the actual pure soul now gathas gatha nine still continues with reference to the term vavahara but it speaks of the the only pure thing the essence of the soul and then it connects to the next verse number ten and the one who has this pure soul is shuta kevalin again these two gathas present slightly different contexts vavahara in both in gathas six seven and nine ten is used but in two different meanings well I should need more time to explain this so I'm just giving you a brief impression of how it works and now gatha 11 and 12 they change the context again we suddenly have the pure point of view but the point of view is shuddha naya and vavahara apparently seems to be also shuddha naya and it's sorry vavahara is also a viewpoint what is important vavahara is he described here is abhuta artha vavahara is this point of view which the the contents of which is not the true thing this approach is irreconcilable with gatha we had it with gatha eight which yes yeah it is the the last line where vavahara is the way the practical life is the way to determine the ultimate truth in the context of pure soul in other words the pure soul can be determined as knowing the ultimate truth through practice so we can see the point of reference of the term vavahara is completely different now to recapitulate these few verses the first vavahara I mean we have a small anthology here of verses which deal with the term vavahara but each of these segments deals with different meaning of vavahara it seems like a collection of verses which simply were put together because the term vavahara was in all of them but each segment like six seven eight then nine ten and then eleven twelve they deal with the term vavahara in completely different meanings they these verses simply do not belong together so apparently it was taken by amrita chandra and incorporated in this collection because this anthology probably existed before he himself interprets vavahara only starting with gatha 11 as naya he knows very well that in elie gathas vavahara is not naya so he was aware of the different difference of meaning nonetheless he included this kind of short anthology on vavahara term into his work basically I should stop here but one last minute should I explain because the puzzling thing is why this collection why these verses were collected and what was the reason one minute yeah okay one minute it was the the late period what was what is important in most works of kunda kunda we have no reference to elements which crop up later when we analyze the layers historical layers so we have verses which deal with the intention this is what is often emphasized with kunda kunda elie portions of kunda kunda's works do not contain the this point of reference it is only later layers of kunda kunda's work which say that basically people's intentions are much more important than their actual conduct this is clearly a response to very serious problem which which jain ethics found in the same way for instance as as buddhist ethics with respect to lay community it basically to follow all the regulations of the jain vinaya so to say it was impossible you would always have to commit transgressions not only with respect with respect to monks but also with respect to the lay community so buddhist's dealt with the problem by the transfer of of merit from bodhisattva for instance and by the mechanization of religious practices you can multiply your merit in a mechanical way so so to say and this was again a way of jain ethics to deal with the problem you did not transgress the code of conduct if your intentions were pure the problem of course was very serious because you could inadvertently step on some animals and kill them so it would be all fine this was a serious jain paradox then nonetheless it was probably an appeal to later demands of of popular lay community among jains and that explains why suddenly kunda kunda became again so important uh at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century because it was a useful way to deal with very rigid jain ethics in everyday life thank you