 Thanks for having me here. I'm really looking forward to talking about the data. And I am here going first as the scene setter. The data that the Pew Internet project has is really very sort of, I think, sets a nice background for the discussion today. And my colleagues will actually, I think, expand on and in some cases even problematize some of the definitions and the ways that we've even thought about some of these things. But I think they set a nice groundwork. And as Dana said, I'm Amanda Lenhart. I'm a senior research specialist at the Pew Internet and American Life Project. And for those who don't know, we're a nonprofit, nonpartisan research center based here in Washington, D.C. that studies the social impact of the Internet on Americans. So just to give some background to the methodology of the data I'm going to be presenting today, we interviewed 700 parent-child pairs in November of 2007. So this is our most recent data set. We actually just released it last week. And then also 935 parent-child pairs in October-November of 2006. All of the teenagers we talked to are 12 to 17. They are nationally representative samples. The October-November 2006 sample is a callback. And the November 2007 sample is a national call. So they're slightly different, but they actually are quite similar and we're, I think, they're both not quite nationally representative. We also conducted focus groups with teenagers in 2004, 2006, and 2007. And of course, all of this builds on our previous survey work that started in 2000. So as I said, I'm going to scene set. So who is online? Currently, as of December 2007, 75% of American adults go online, and 94% of American teens ages 12 to 17 use the Internet. 87% of all parents go online, and that's a number that's been very stable for the past three or four years. 73% of all parents, families have broadband. And as you can see, that is quite close to the number of Americans who have broadband. And just as context, that those broadband numbers have increased tremendously over the past two and a half years. It's also important to remember, even as we are discussing Internet-related topics, there's still about 6% of teenagers who don't use the Internet at all. I also wanted to put in this slide about where teens go online. I think one of the things that we'll be talking about here mainly applies to home Internet use. We're talking about how families can protect teenagers online. But it's important to remember that teens are going online from many, many different places. And in fact, 93% of online teens access the Internet from multiple locations. Still, the predominant location of access for the vast majority of teens is home. 77% of teens say they go online most often at home. But I just wanted to give us a sense of the variety of locations in which we're dealing with Internet access. And of course, what's missing from this slide? Mobile access. That's something that I think we'll see is increasingly going to be an issue. And in fact, we see on this slide that 59% of online teens own a desktop or laptop, so possess. It's not necessarily access. This number isn't about access. This is about possession. 71% of online teens, this is 12 to 17-year-olds, own their own cell phone. If you look at the older kids, it's, you know, it's up in the 80s. This is the device that teens have often. They are web connected though. It's still quite expensive for most teens to access the web through their cell phone, so it's not a prevalent activity. But it is something that we need to think about, particularly as the social networking sites that they're using increasingly integrate mobile functions into their websites. So what are teens doing online? I think it's always important to talk about the fact that teens are doing such a huge variety of things online, to get a context of where what we're talking about fits in. I know that we're focusing today on social networking. And where you can see that, that's, it's pretty big. They have 58% of them have a profile online. But they still, more teens go and get news online. More teens are looking online for information about sports stars and famous people and entertainment news. You know, 55% of teens are going online to look for information about a college or university that they'd like to attend. 28% are looking online for health information. So there's a lot of different uses that teens, you know, make of this internet tool that they have. Since we're focusing today on social networking, I wanted to present some of our basic data. And this is our most recent number of online teens with profiles. 58% of online teens have a profile. This isn't actually much of a leap from our last, the last time we asked this. So the question is slightly different, so it's a little bit harder to compare. However, I think the most telling is the age break. You'll see that among 15 to 17-year-olds, 77% have an online profile on a social network compared to just 38% of the 12 to 14-year-olds. And this number is pulled down by the 12 and the 13-year-olds. The 14-year-olds are probably belong in this category. Other demographic factors are not significant in use of social networks. Income and race ethnicity do not determine whether or not you use a social networking website. So let's get to the meat of the talk for today. I'm going to lay out some basic data that we have about... I'm going to focus today on contact as Dana has asked us. But I want to just at least make clear that I think there's a lot of different ways to kind of cut this sphere of discussion. There's inappropriate contact and there's inappropriate content. There is both unwanted and wanted of both of those things, which I think my colleagues will talk about a little bit more later. So what I'm going to focus on today are the upper two points. Inappropriate contact with strangers and with peers or bullies. I'm going to touch a little bit on the inappropriate content as I talk about what parents are doing to regulate and monitor how teenagers use the technology in the home. So let's jump right in. In our study, we used the definition. We asked teens whether or not a complete stranger, that is somebody who is unknown to you or any of your friends, had ever contacted them online. And I will state right off the bat that our question doesn't specifically focus on social networks. It is a much broader question. It encompasses instant message. It encompasses email. It encompasses chat rooms as well as social networking sites. And we found that 32% of online teens had been contacted online by a complete stranger. Now it's also important to note that complete stranger is a very broad term here. That can mean a peer. It can mean an adult. It can mean a band. It can mean a political campaign. It can mean any one of a number of things. Of the teens who have been contacted by a complete stranger, so of this 32%, 23% of them said they were made scared or uncomfortable by that contact. That actually translates to just about 7% of online teens. So it happens. But it's not a very large percentage of teens who experience this. We did a regression analysis in October that looked at the factors to understand independently and the factors were really at work here in predicting the likelihood of experiencing strangers. Yes? Sure. Unsolicited email. Potentially it could in the way that the question was framed. I mean, the exact question language was, have you ever received, I believe, actually I have it here in my slides. I can get the exact question for you, but yes, the question is broad enough that it could potentially include unsolicited email. But to get back to this, we wanted to understand which out of all of the sort of factors that could go into whether or not a teen had received some kind of contact, what was a predictor of this contact? And we found in order of strength that posting a photo online predicted that. Now these percentages are the raw percentages of how many teens actually said, how many teens who posted a photo also said they had been contacted by a stranger. So sorry, of the teens who had been contacted by a stranger, 49% had posted a photo, 44% had a profile online, 39%. Anyway, so of the posting a photo is the strongest predictor of being contacted by a stranger. Then having a profile online, generally on a social network, also a predictor. Being female was also a major predictor. And using the social networks to flirt with others was a predictor. In terms of all the factors that predicted a greater likelihood of saying that that contact was scary or uncomfortable, the only factor that was statistically significant was being female. Another interesting series of findings from this regression analysis we did is that there's actually no association between stranger contact and any other content that you have posted to your online profile, other than the photos. So posting your name, posting the city where you live, posting other information about yourself or Sagittarius, none of that is relevant and none of that predicts whether or not you've had online stranger contact. Being a social network user means you are more likely to have received this kind of contact from a stranger. You're more likely to have had somebody contact you, but you're no more likely to say that you found it scary or uncomfortable. So you're, you know, that you have this contact but it doesn't necessarily affect you any more than if you're not using a social network. No, it's exactly, it's the same. There's no statistically significant difference between the two. He asked whether or not, I said that they're no more likely to find the contact uncomfortable and he asked whether they were less likely to find the contact uncomfortable and I said it was no statistically significant difference. We also found that having internet monitoring software on your computer at home was correlated with lower reported levels of contact, not filtering software, but monitoring software. Monitoring software is on about 45% of the home computers. So how did teens respond to this stranger contact? So of the teens, of this, yeah. Go ahead. Oh, I'm sorry, yeah. Just any photo, having a photo posted at all, yeah. So we asked the teens, asked the 32% of teens who had had this contact, what you did, what did you do? And we found that 65% of teens say, oh, I just ignored it or deleted it. 21% said they responded so they could find out more about the person. 8% responded and said leave me alone. And 3% said it rose to the level of telling an adult in a position of authority about that experience. So I want to move on to peer-to-peer contact. We actually defined this as, the way we asked these questions is we actually set out these different behaviors. We didn't actually signal to the teens that we believe that these behaviors were cyber-bullying. So we refer to this more effective, I think this is more effective to refer to this as online harassment, but it is also sometimes called cyber-bullying. 32% of online teens, in fact the exact similar number to those who have experienced online stranger contact, have experienced online harassment. 15% of teens say they've reported having private material forwarded without permission. 13% had received a threatening message of some kind. 13% said someone had spread a rumor about them. And 6% had someone post an embarrassing picture or photo without their permission. Yes, Larry? I think that's a possible interpretation. Yes, I think the way the question is worded is having someone forward private material or material that you had intended to be private without permission. Intended to be private is the language. So I think we're probably picking up on things that are not necessarily innocuous or not necessarily, I mean it could be an innocent mistake, but I don't necessarily know that it's exactly what you're talking about. Steven? I don't know the complete coincidence. I think what it is saying is that these kinds of experiences are, that's about the level that we see them in the teen population, that about a third of teens have experienced both of these activities. I also want to say too that are the 32%, this is, it's based off of these four items and we acknowledge that we missed some big ones here. We missed fake profiles, creating fake profiles, hijacking of webpages. So there's some particular activities that aren't included in here that might make that number larger, but certainly, yes. The question that we asked, actually excellent, as you can see at the bottom, is that we asked teens where they think bullying happens more to people like them and they said, or your peers, for people your age, do you think bullying happens more offline or online? And they said they believed it happens more offline than online. In fact, two thirds say they believe that bullying happens more in an offline space and I think Michelle is going to talk about that with some data that talks about the prevalence of online versus offline bullying. We also did ask a similar question about stranger contact, whether or not teens believe that stranger contact was more likely to happen for people someone their age, online or offline, and they believed online, actually, was their response. About the same percentage, about two thirds say they thought it happened online more often. Just to return back to bullying, girls are much more likely to have experienced these behaviors. Again, similar. These kinds of contact experiences online are something that girls are at least reporting to us more and feel more comfortable telling us about. 38% of all online girls have reported experiencing one of these harassing behaviors. Social network users are also more likely to report online bullying. 39% of social network users have experienced some of this behavior. Again, so we see for both bullying and stranger contact that it's the social network users and the girls who are experiencing more of this. I just also want to roll back though. We've talked about, and I've shown in some of my data, that in fact it doesn't matter what you post to your profile. But I think there is, of course, concern about what teens are posting to their profiles. I think, again, we're going to hear some more data about how that's not necessarily relevant to the predator or the stranger contact discussion, but I think it is relevant on a broader level in terms of teens protecting their privacy online. And we found that 66% of all teens with a profile have in some way restricted access to it. Now that could be hiding it, taking it down, that could be making it private using the privacy tools. 77% of profile owning teens with a currently visible profile say that only their, sorry, 77% have a currently visible profile of those teens. 59% say that only their friends can see their profile and 40% say anyone can see their profile. And I think this highlights a real tension that you have with social networks in terms of privacy versus sociability. And the point of the social network is to be able to share things within this network of your friends and to keep it within that network of your friends, yet at the same time you want friends who are not yet in your network to be able to find you, however you might define friendship. So I think there's a tension between keeping information within your network but sharing enough information publicly so that you can be found by the people who you would like to have find you. Also, teens post a lot of fake profile, information to their profiles, for a variety of reasons, of course. Some of it is protective. I lie about my age so that people don't know how old I am. I tell them I live in Beijing, even though I live in Philadelphia. But certainly also teens lie because they want to be perceived as older and want to be respected, as this quote from this young man suggests. So now I want to move into talking about parents and their sort of control and monitoring of the home internet space. Parents generally place their computer in a public location in the home. And that's, I think, something we've been hearing for years. Parents are getting the message, put the computer in a public place so you can keep an eye on it. Parents also say they check up on their teens after they go online. 65% of parents, in fact, say that they go to the computer and in some way look around to see what their children have been doing. Of course, savvy kids can hide their tracks pretty easily, but nevertheless, that's a behavior that parents exhibit. I think it's important also to note that the two most popular, most prevalent behaviors by parents are in fact sort of non-technical behaviors. These are things that a parent, you don't need a piece of technology to do these. You just need yourself and a space and a table in your house. But there are technical tools that parents use as well, and we're going to wrap back around and talk about rulemaking, which is a third way that parents can monitor and somehow restrict access to their computer, to the computer in the home. 53% of families say they filter, and as I mentioned earlier, 45% of teens, sorry, families have monitoring software on the computer that their child uses. Also, kids are actually very aware of the filtering and monitoring that's going on. 50% of teens said that they believe that their computer had filtering software on it. 35% said they believe that it had monitoring software on it, and those teens were actually relatively correct. There was obviously some places where the teen was right or the teen was wrong, and the parent reported something different. But for the most part, the teen and parent reports do line up. Parents are actually, so again, going to parents and rulemaking. Parents make a lot of rules around technology in the home. Only 7% of parents have no rules related to media or technology. Interestingly, parents are more likely to report making rules about content rather than rules about time spent with media. So the content rules that parents have, as you can see, the television is the most regulated technology in the home. But the internet sites and video games are a close second behind them. But again, parents also do have rules about time spent with media. It's just slightly less reported than time spent, sorry, than rules related to content that may be viewed. As you can see, again, very similar numbers of parents saying they have rules for each of those media in the home. But parents also have rules about information that may be shared or may not be shared online. 68% of parents of online teens say they have some kind of rule about what their child may share over the internet. How they actually go about enforcing that we did not ask, since clearly this is a larger percentage of parents than who have monitoring software on their computer. But that is something that parents did tell us. So just some final thoughts before I hand the baton over. Only a very small number of teens report this uncomfortable online stranger contact. Most of them actually handle what contact they do experience pretty well by ignoring it or deleting it. There's very little association between the contact that you get and the information that you have posted online. Bullying is reported by the same percentage of teens as stranger contact, and yet, as we'll hear more about, it does happen more offline, or at least teens definitely believe that, and some other research suggests that that's the case. Parents are more likely to use and report using non-technical methods of protection, rulemaking, location in the home, rather than physical actual pieces of technology that have to be loaded and set up and purchased. And then I also want to flag for future discussion, making sure that we're thinking about at least the impact of mobile technology as we see 71% of teens have a cell phone. What does that mean for, again, regulation and protection in this space? And with that, I'm going to hand it over. Thanks, and I'll look forward to your questions.