 Section 33 of the Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. Candidate by Charles F. Horn, Rosatru Johnson, and John Rudd. Assassination of Caesar, B.C. 44, by Plutarch. At one time the Senate, having decreed Caesar some extravagant honors. The consuls and praetors, attended by the whole body of patricians, went to inform him of what they had done. When they came he did not rise to receive them, but kept his seat, as if they had been persons in a private station, and his answer to their address was that there was more need to retrench his honors than to enlarge them. This haughtiness gave pain not only to the Senate, but the people, who thought the contempt of that body reflected dishonor upon the whole Commonwealth, for all who could decently withdraw went off greatly dejected. Perceiving the false step he had taken, he retired immediately to his own house, and, laying his neck bare, told his friends, he was ready for the first hand that would strike. He then bethought himself of alleging his distemper as an excuse, and asserted that those who are under its influence are apt to find their faculties fail them, when they speak standing, a trembling and giddiness coming upon them which bereave them of their senses. This however was not really the case, for it is said he was desirous to rise to the Senate, but Cornelius Balbus, one of his friends, or rather flatterers, held him, and had servility enough to say, will you not remember that you are Caesar and suffer them to pay their court to you as their superior? These discontents were greatly increased, by the indignity with which he treated the tribunes of the people. In the Lupursalia, which, according to most writers, is an ancient pastoral feast, and which answers in many respects to the Lycea among the Arcadians, young men of noble families, and indeed many of the magistrates, run about the streets naked, and by way of diversion strike all they need with leathered thongs with their hair upon them. Scholars of women of the first quality put themselves in their way, and present their hands for stripes as scholars due to a master, being persuaded that the pregnant gain an easy delivery by it, and that the baron are unable to conceive. Caesar wore a triumphal robe that day, and seated himself in a golden chair upon the rostra to see the ceremony. Many rang among the first, in compliance with the rules of the festival, for he was consul. When he came into the forum, and the crowd had made a way for him, he approached Caesar, and offered him a diadem, wreathed with laurel. Upon this some plaudits were heard, but very feeble, because they proceeded only from persons placed there on purpose. Caesar refused it, and then the plaudits were loud and general. Antony presented it once more, and few applauded his officiousness, but when Caesar rejected it again the applause again was general. Caesar, undeceived by his second trial, rose up and ordered the diadem to be consecrated in the capital. A few days after, his statues were seen adorned with royal diadems, and Flavius and Marullus to the tribunes went and tore them off. They also found out the persons who first saluted Caesar king, and committed them to prison. The people followed with cheerful acclamations, and called them Brutuses, because Brutus was the man who expelled the kings and put the government in the hands of the senate and people. Caesar, highly incensed at their behavior, disposed the tribunes, and by way of reprimand to them, as well as an insult to the people, called them several times Brutes and Cumsians. Upon this many applied to Marcus Brutus, who by the father's side was supposed to be a descendant of that ancient Brutus, and whose mother was of the illustrious house of the Servile. He was also nephew and son-in-law to Cato. No man was more inclined than he to lift his hand against Monarchy, but he was withheld by the honors and favors he had received from Caesar, who had not only given him his life after the defeat of Pompeii at Forcellia and pardoned many of his friends at his request, but continued to honor him with his confidence. That very year he had procured him the most honorable praetorship, and he had named him for the consulship four years after, in preference to Cassius, who was his competitor, on which occasion Caesar was reported to have said, Cassius assigns the strongest reasons, but I cannot refuse Brutus. Some impeached Brutus after the conspiracy was formed, but instead of listening to them he laid his hands on his body and said, Brutus will wait for this skin. Intimating that though the virtue of Brutus rendered him worthy of empire, he would not be guilty of any ingratitude or baseness to obtain it. Those however who were desirous of a change kept their eyes upon him only, or principally at least, and as they durst not speak out plain they put billets night after night in the tribunal and seat which he used as praetor, mostly in these terms. Thou sleepest, Brutus, or thou art not Brutus. Cassius, perceiving his friend's ambition, a little stimulated by these papers, began to ply him closer than before and spur him on to the great enterprise, for he had a particular enmity against Caesar. Caesar too had some suspicion of him, and he even said one day to his friends, What think you of Cassius? I do not like his pale looks. Another time when Antony and Dola Bella were accused of some designs against his person and government, he said, I have no apprehensions from those fat and sleek men. I rather fear the pale and lean ones, meaning Cassius and Brutus. It seems from this instance that fate is not so secret as it is inevitable, for we are told there were strong signs and presages of the death of Caesar. As to the lights in the heavens, the strange noises heard in various quarters by night and the appearance of solitary birds in the forum. Perhaps they deserve not our notice, and so great an event is this. But some attention should be given to Strabo the philosopher. According to him, there were seen in the air men of fire encountering each other. Such a flame appeared to issue from the hand of a soldier's servant that all the spectators thought it must be burned, yet when it was over he found no harm, and one of the victims which Caesar offered was found without a heart. The latter was certainly a most alarming prodigy, for according to the rules of nature no creature can exist without a heart. But a still more extraordinary, many report that a certain soothsayer forewarned him of a great danger which threatened him on the Ides of March, and that when the day was come, as he was going to the Senate House, he called to the soothsayer and said, laughing, the Ides of March are come, to which he answered softly, yes, but they are not gone. The evening before, he subbed with Marcus Lepidus, and signed, according to custom, a number of letters, as he sat at table. While he was so employed, there arose a question. What kind of death was the best? And Caesar, answering before them all, cried out a sudden one. The same night, as he was in bed with his wife, the doors and windows of the room flew open at once. Disturbed both with the noise and the light, he observed, by moonshine, calpurnia in a deep sleep, uttering broken words and inarticulate groans. She dreamed that she was weeping over him, and she held him, murdered in her arms. Others say she dreamed that the pinnacle was fallen, which is lively, tells us. The senate had ordered to be erected upon Caesar's house by way of ornament and distinction, and that it was the fall of it which she lamented and wept for. Be that as it may, the next morning she conjured Caesar not to go out that day if he could possibly avoid it, but to adjourn the senate, and if he had no regard to her dreams to have recourse to some other species of divination or to sacrifices for information as to his fate. This gave him some suspicion and alarm, for he had never known before, in calpurnia, anything of the weakness or superstition of her sex, though she was now so much affected. He therefore offered a number of sacrifices, and as the diviners found no suspicious tokens in any of them he sent Antony to dismiss the senate. In the meantime, Desius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, came in. He was a person in whom Caesar placed such confidence that he had appointed him his second heir, yet he was engaged in the conspiracy with the other Brutus and Cassius. This man, fearing that if Caesar adjourned the senate to another day the affair might be discovered, laughed at the diviners, and told Caesar he would be highly to blame if by such a slight he gave the senate an occasion of complaint against him. For they were met, he said, at his summons, and came prepared with one voice to honor him with the title of king in the provinces, and to grant that he should wear the diet and both by sea and land everywhere out of Italy. But if anyone go and tell them now they have taken their places they must go home again, and return when Calpurnia happens to have better dreams, what room will your enemies have to launch out against you, or who will hear your friends when they attempt to show that this is not an open servitude on the one hand and tyranny on the other. If you are absolutely persuaded that this is an unlucky day it is certainly better to go yourself and tell them you have strong reasons for putting off business for still another time, so saying he took Caesar by the hand and led him out. He was not gone far from the door when a slave, who belonged to some other person, attempted to get up to speak to him, but finding it impossible, by reason of the crowd that was about him, he made his way into the house and putting himself into the hands of Calpurnia desired her to keep him safe till Caesar's return, because he had matters of great importance to communicate. Artemidorus, the Canadian, who by teaching the Greek eloquence, became acquainted with some of Brutus' friends, and had got intelligence of most of the transactions, approached Caesar with a paper explaining what he had to discover. Observing that he gave the papers as fast as he received them to his officers, he got up as close as possible and said, Caesar, read this to yourself and quickly, for it contains matters of great consequence and of the last concern to you. He took it, and attempted several times to read it, but was always prevented by one application or another. He therefore kept the paper, and that only in his hand when he entered the house. Some say it was delivered to him by another man, Artemidorus being kept from approaching him all the way by the crowd. These things might indeed fall out by chance, but as in the place where the Senate was that day assembled, and which proved the scene of that tragedy, there was a statue of Pompey, and it was in edifice, which Pompey had consecrated for an ornament to his theatre, nothing can be clearer than that some deity conducted the whole business, and directed the execution of it to that very spot. Even Cassius himself, though inclined to the doctrines of F. Bacchyrus, turned his eye to the statue of Pompey, and secretly invoked his aid before the great attempt. The arduous occasion it seems overruled his former sentiments, and laid them open to all the influence of enthusiasm. Antony, who was a faithful friend to Caesar, and a man of great strength, was held in discourse without by Brutus Albinus, who had contrived a long story to detain him. When Caesar entered the house the Senate rose to do him honour. Some of Brutus' accomplices came up behind his chair and others before it, pretending to intercede, along with Matilius Kimber, for the recall of his brother from exile. They continued their instances till he came to his seat. When he was seated he gave them a positive denial, and as they continued their importunities with an air of compulsion he grew angry. Kimber, then, with both hands, pulled his gown off his neck, which was the signal for the attack. Casca gave him the first blow. It was a stroke upon the neck with his sword, but the wound was not dangerous, for in the beginning of so tremendous an enterprise he was probably in some disorder. Caesar, therefore, turned upon him and laid hold of his sword. At the same time they both cried out, the one in Latin, Villain, Casca, what must thou mean? And the other in Greek, to his brother. Brother, help! After such a beginning those who knew nothing of the conspiracy were seized with consternation and horror, in so much that they durst neither fly nor assist, or even utter a word. All the conspirators now drew their swords, and surrounded him in such a manner that whatever way he turned he saw nothing but steel gleaming in his face, and met nothing but wounds, like some savage beast attacked by the hunters. He found every hand lifted against him, for they all agreed to have a share in the sacrifice and a taste of his blood. Therefore, Brutus himself gave him a stroke in the groin. Some say he opposed the rest, and continued struggling and crying out till he perceived the sword of Brutus. Then he drew his robe over his face and yielded to his fate. Either by accident, or pushed thither by the conspirators, he expired on the pedestal of Pompey's statue, and dyed it with his blood, so that Pompey seemed to preside over the work of vengeance, to tread his enemy under his feet, and to enjoy his agonies. Those agonies were great, for he received no less than three in twenty wounds, and many of the conspirators wounded each other as they were aiming their blows at him. Caesar thus dispatched, Brutus advanced to speak to the Senate, and to assign his reasons for what he had done. But they could not bear to hear him. They fled out of the house and filled the people with inexpressible horror and dismay. Some shut up their houses, others left their shops and counters. All were in motion. One was running to see the spectacle, another running back. Antony and Lepidus, Caesar's principal friends, withdrew, and hid themselves in other people's houses. Meantime Brutus and his Confederates, yet warm from the slaughter, marched in a body with their bloody swords in their hands from the Senate house to the capital, not like men that fled, but with an air of gaiety and confidence, calling the people to liberty, and stopping to talk with every man of consequence whom they met. There were some who even joined them and mingled with their train, desirous of appearing to have had a share in the action, and hoping for one in the glory. Of this number were Caes Octavius and Lentulus Spinther, who afterward paid dear for their vanity, being put to death by Antony and young Caesar, so that they gained not even the honour for which they lost their lives, for nobody believed that they had any part in the enterprise, and they were punished not for the deed, but for the will. Next day Brutus and the rest of the conspirators came down from the capital and addressed the people, who attended to their discourse without expressing either dislike or approbation of what was done, but by their silence it appeared that they pitied Caesar, at the same time that they revered Brutus. The Senate passed a general amnesty, and to reconcile all parties the decreed Caesar divine honours and confirmed all the acts of his dictatorship, while on Brutus and his friends they bestowed governments, and such honours as were suitable, so that it was generally imagined the Commonwealth was firmly established again, and all brought into the best order. But when upon the opening of Caesar's will it was found that he had left every Roman citizen a considerable legacy, and they beheld the body, as it was carried through the forum, all mangled with wounds, the multitude could no longer be kept within bounds. They stopped the procession, and tearing up the benches with the doors and tables, heaped them into a pile and burned the corpse there. Then, snatching flaming brands from the pile, some ran to burn the houses of the assassins, while others ranged the city to find the conspirators themselves and tear them in pieces, but they had taken such care to secure themselves that they could not meet with one of them. One Kena, a friend of Caesar's, had a strange dream the preceding night. He dreamed, as they tell us, that Caesar invited him to supper, and upon his refusal to go caught him by the hand and drew him in after him, in spite of all the resistance he could make. Hearing, however, that the body of Caesar was to be burned in the forum he went to assist in doing him the last honours, though he had a fever upon him. The consequence of his uneasiness about his dream. On his coming up, one of the populace asked who that was, and having learned his name told it to his next neighbour, a report immediately spread through the whole company that it was one of Caesar's murderers, and indeed one of the conspirators was named Kena. The multitude, taking this for the man, fell upon him and tore him to pieces upon the spot. Brutus and Cassius were so terrified this range of the populace that a few days after they left the city. An account of their subsequent actions, sufferings, and death may be found in the life of Brutus. Caesar died at the age of fifty-six and did not survive Pompey above four years. His object was sovereign power and authority, which he pursued through innumerable dangers, and by prodigious efforts he gained it at last. But he reaped no other fruit from it than an empty and individualist title. It is true the divine power which conducted him through life attended him after his death as his avenger, pursued and hunted out the assassins over sea and land, and rested not till there was not a man left, either of those who dipped their heads in his blood or of those who gave their sanction to the deed. The most remarkable of natural events relative to this affair was that Cassius, after he had lost the battle of Philippi, killed himself with the same dagger which he had made use of against Caesar, and the most signal phenomenon in the heavens was that of a great comet, which shone very bright for seven nights after Caesar's death, and then disappeared, to which we may add the fading of the sun's luster. For his orb looked pale all that year. He rose not with a sparkling gradients, nor had the heat he afforded its usual strength. The air, of course, was dark and heavy, for want of that vigorous heat which clears and rarifies it, and the fruits were so crude and unconcocted that they pined away in decayed through the chillness of the atmosphere. We have a proof still more striking that the assassination of Caesar was displeasing to the gods in the phantom that appeared to Brutus. The story of it is this. Brutus was on the point of transporting his army from Abidos to the opposite continent, and the night before he lay in his tent awake, according to custom, and in deep thought about what might be the event of the war, for it was natural for him to watch a great part of the night, and no general ever required so little sleep. With all his senses about him he heard a noise at the door of his tent, and looking toward the light, which was now burned very low, he saw a terrible appearance in the human form, but of prodigious stature in the most hideous aspect. At first he was struck with astonishment, but when he saw it neither did nor spoke anything to him, but stood in silence by his bed, he asked it who it was. The specter answered, I am thy evil genius, Brutus. Thou shalt see me at Philippi. Brutus answered boldly, I'll meet thee there, and the specter immediately vanished. Some time after he engaged Antony and Octavius Caesar at Philippi, and the first day was victorious, carrying all before him, where he fought in person and even pillaging Caesar's camp. The night before he was to fight the second battle, the same specter appeared to him again, but spoke not a word. Brutus, however, understood that his last hour was near, and courted danger with all the violence of despair. Yet he did not fall in the action, but seeing all was lost he retired to the top of a rock, where he presented his naked sword to his breast, and a friend, as they tell us, assisting the thrust, he died upon the spot. Section 34 of The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Rita Brutus. The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. Edited by Charles F. Horn, Rosseter Johnson, and John Root. Rome Becomes a Monarchy, Death of Antony and Cleopatra. B.C. 44-30 by Henry George Liddell. Part 1. After the death of Caesar, Rome was in confusion. Consternation seized the people, and the Liberators failed to rally them to their own support. In possession of Caesar's treasure, Antony, the surviving consul, bided his time. His oration at Caesar's funeral stirred the populace against the Liberators, and made him for the moment Master of Rome. But his self-seeking soon turned the people against him. The young Octavius, Caesar's heir, had become popular with the army. He returned to Rome and claimed his inheritance, demanded from Antony Caesar's moneys, but in vain, and assumed the title of Caesar. The rivalry between the two leaders rapidly approached a crisis. The partisans of Antony and Octavius began to clash, and civil war followed. Defeated, Antony retreated across the Alps. Octavius was elected consul, and began negotiations with Antony and Lepidus, which resulted in the three new masters constituting themselves a triumvirate, the second triumvirate, to settle the affairs of the Commonwealth. They divided the powers of government, and a partition of territory was made between them. Their next business was to put out of the way, by prescription, the enemies of this new order of things. Three hundred senators, including Cicero, were massacred, as well as two thousand knights. When the terrified senate had legalized the self-assumed authority of the triumvers, they turned their attention to Brutus and Cassius in the east, wither they had gone after the assassination of Caesar, and established and maintained themselves in power. At the Battle of Philippi in Macedonia, B.C. 42, Antony and Octavius defeated Brutus and Cassius, both of whom died by their own hands. The Roman world was now in the hands of the triumvers. Antony ruled in the east, Octavius in the west, and Lepidus in Africa, B.C. 42 to 36. In the latter year, Lepidus was deposed by Octavius after a short conflict, and only a year after Philippi, a war between Octavius and Antony was threatened because of a revolt in Italy raised by Antony's brother Lucius and Fulvia, wife of Antony. But it was prevented by a treaty of peace sealed by the marriage of Antony to Octavia, sister of Octavius. This peace lasted for ten years, during which time there was constant friction between them. At Tarsus in B.C. 41, Antony received a visit from Cleopatra to whose charms he had yielded years before. This was the turning point in his career. He went with her to Alexandria. By his oppression of the people of the east and his dalliance with Cleopatra, he made himself the object of hatred and contempt. His army met with a series of defeats. In the meantime, Octavius was constantly strengthening himself. The rivalry between them finally reached the point where both prepared for war. The Great Sea Fight near Actium, September 2, B.C. 31, resulted in the destruction of Antony's fleet after he had followed Cleopatra in her flight. A year later occurred the death of both. This important battle established Octavius as the sole ruler of the Roman possessions and historians regarded as marking the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire. While the conspirators were at their bloody work of slaying Caesar, the mass of the senators rushed in confused terror to the doors. And when Brutus turned to address his peers in defense of the deed, the hall was well nigh empty. Cicero, who had been present, answered not, though he was called by name. Antony had hurried away to exchange his consular robes for the garb of a slave. Disappointed of obtaining the sanction of the Senate, the conspirators sallied out into the forum to win the ear of the people. But here, too, they were disappointed, not knowing what massacre might be in store. Every man had fled to his own house, and in vain the conspirators paraded the forum, holding up their blood-stained weapons, and proclaiming themselves the liberators of Rome. Disappointment was not their only feeling. They were not without fear. They knew that Lepidus, being on the eve of departure for his province of Narbonnes Gaul, had a legion and camped on the island of the Tiber. And if he were to unite with Antony against them, Caesar would quickly be avenged. In all haste, therefore, they retired to the capital. Meanwhile, three of Caesar's slaves placed their master's body upon a stretcher, and carried it to his house on the south side of the forum, with one arm dangling from the unsupported corner. In this condition, the widowed Calpurnia received the lifeless clay of him who had lately been sovereign of the world. Lepidus moved his troops to the campus Martius. But Antony had no thoughts of using force, for in that case probably Lepidus would have become master of Rome. During the night, he took possession of the treasure which Caesar had collected to defray the expenses of his Parthian campaign, and persuaded Calpurnia to put into his hands all the dictator's papers. Possessed of these securities, he barricaded his house on the Carinae, and determined to watch the course of events. In the evening, Cicero with other senators visited the self-styled liberators in the capital. They had not communicated their plot to the orator through fear, they said, of his irresolute councils. But now that the deed was done, he extolled it as a god-like act. Next morning, Dallabella, Cicero's son-in-law, whom Caesar had promised should be his successor in the consulship, assumed the consular facies and joined the liberators, while Senna, son of the old Marian leader, and therefore brother-in-law to Caesar, threw aside his Praetorian robes, declaring he would no longer wear the tyrant's livery. Decimus Brutus, a good soldier, had taken a band of gladiators into pay to serve as a bodyguard of the liberators. Thus strengthened, they ventured again to descend into the forum. Brutus mounted the tribune and addressed the people in a dispassionate speech which produced little effect. But when Senna assailed the memory of the dictator, the crowd broke out into menacing cries, and the liberators again retired to the capital. That same night they entered into negotiations with Antony, and the result appeared next morning, the second after the murder. The Senate, summoned to meet, obeyed the call in large numbers. Antony and Dallabella attended in their consular robes, and Senna resumed his Praetorian garb. It was soon apparent that a reconciliation had been effected, for Antony moved that a general amnesty should be granted, and Cicero seconded the motion in an animated speech. It was carried, and Antony next moved that all the acts of the dictator should be recognized as law. He had his own purposes here, but the liberators also saw in the motion an advantage to themselves, for they were actually in possession of some of the chief magistracies, and had received appointments to some of the richest provinces of the empire. This proposal therefore was favorably received, but it was adjourned to the next day, together with the important question of Caesar's funeral. On the next day Caesar's acts were formally confirmed, and among them his will was declared valid, though its provisions were yet unknown. After this it was difficult to reject the proposal that the dictator should have a public burial. Old senators remembered the riots that attended the funeral of Claudius and shook their heads. Cassius opposed it, but Brutus, with imprudent magnanimity, decided in favor of allowing it. To seal the reconciliation, Lepidus entertained Brutus at dinner, and Cassius was feasted by Mark Antony. The will was immediately made public. Cleopatra was still in Rome, and entertained hopes that the boy Caesarean would be declared the dictator's heir, for though he had been married thrice, there was no one of his lineage surviving. But Caesar was too much a Roman, and knew the Romans too well to be guilty of this folly. Young Caesar Octavius, his sister's son, was declared his heir. Legacies were left to all his supposed friends, among whom were several of those who had assassinated him. His noble gardens beyond the Tiber were devised to the use of the public, and every Roman citizen was to receive a donation of three hundred cesterces, between ten and fifteen dollars. The effect of this recital was electric. Devotion to the memory of the dictator, and hatred for his murderers at once filled every breast. Two or three days after this followed the funeral. The body was to be burned, and the ashes deposited in the campus martius near the tomb of his daughter Julia. But it was first brought into the forum upon a beer inlaid with ivory, and covered with rich tapestries, which was carried by men high in rank and office. There Antony as Consul rose to pronounce the funeral oration. He ran through the chief acts of Caesar's life, recited his will, and then spoke of the death which had rewarded him. To make this more vividly present to the excitable Italians he displayed a waxen image marked with the three and twenty wounds and produced the very robe which he had worn, all rent and bloodstained. Soul-stirring dirges added to the solemn horror of the scene. But to us the memorable speech which Shakespeare puts into Antony's mouth will give the liveliest notion of the art used and the impression produced. That impression was instantaneous. The senator friends of the liberators who had attended the ceremony looked on in moody silence. Soon the menacing gestures of the crowd made them look to their safety. They fled and the multitude insisted on burning the body as they had burned the body of Claudius in the sacred precincts of the Forum. Some of the veterans who attended the funeral set fire to the beer. Benches and firewood heaped round it soon made a sufficient pile. From the blazing pire the crowd rushed eager for vengeance to the houses of the conspirators. But all had fledby times. One poor wretch fell a victim to the fury of the mob, Helvius Sinna, a poet who had devoted his art to the service of the dictator. He was mistaken for Lucius Cornelius Sinna, the Preator, and was torn to pieces before the mistake could be explained. Antony was now the real master of Rome. The treasure which he had seized gave him the means of purchasing goodwill and of securing the attachment of the veterans stationed in various parts of Italy. He did not, however, proceed in the course which, from the tone of his funeral harangue, might have been expected. He renewed friendly intercourse with Brutus and Cassius who were encouraged to visit Rome once at least if not oftener after that day. Andesimus Brutus, with his gladiators, was suffered to remain in the city. Antony went still further. He gratified the Senate by passing a law to abolish the dictatorship forever. He then left Rome to win the favor of the Italian communities and try the temper of the veterans. Meanwhile another actor appeared upon the scene. This was young Octavius. He had been but six months in the camp at Apollonia, but in that short time he had formed a close friendship with Marcus Vipsanias Agrippa, a young man of his own age who possessed great abilities for active life but could not boast of any distinguished ancestry. As soon as the news of his uncle's assassination reached the camp, his friend Agrippa recommended him to appeal to the troops and march upon Rome. But the youth with awareness above his years resisted these bold councils. Landing near Brondusium almost alone, he there first heard that Caesar's will had been published and that he was declared Caesar's heir. He had once accepted the dangerous honor. As he traveled slowly toward the city he stayed some time at the Putioli with his mother Atia, who was now married to Lucius Philippus. Both mother and stepfather attempted to dissuade him from the perilous business of claiming his inheritance. At the same place he had an interview with Cicero who had quitted Rome in despair after the funeral and left the orator under the impression that he might be one who was deemed the patriotic party. He arrived at Rome about the beginning of May and demanded from Antony who had now returned from his Italian tour an account of the monies of which the council had taken possession in order that he might discharge the obligations laid upon him by his uncle's will. But Antony had already spent great part of the money in Malabella and other influential persons nor was he willing to give up any portion of his spoil. Octavius therefore sold what remained of his uncle's property, raised money on his own credit, and paid all legacies with great exactness. This act earned him much popularity. Antony began to fear this boy of 18 whom he had hitherto despised and the senate learned to look on him as a person to be conciliated. Still Antony remained in possession of all actual power. Cicero not remarkable for political firmness in this crisis displayed a vigor worthy of his earlier days. He had at one moment made up his mind to retire from public life and end his days at Athens in learned leisure. In the course of this summer he continued to employ himself on some of his most elaborate treatises. His work on the nature of the gods and on divination, his offices, his dialogue on old age, and several other essays belong to this period and mark the restless activity of his mind. But though he twice set sail from Italy, he was driven back to Port at Velia where he found Brutus and Cassius. Here he received letters from Augustus Harteus and other friends of Caesar which gave him hopes that in the name of Octavius they might successfully oppose Antony and restore constitutional government. He determined to return and announced his purpose to Brutus and Cassius who commanded him and took leave of him. They went their way to the east to raise armies against Antony. He repaired to Rome to fight the battles of his party in the Senate House. Meanwhile Antony had been running riot. In possession of Caesar's papers with no one to check him he produced ready warrant for every measure which he wished to carry and pleaded the vote of the Senate which confirmed all the acts of Caesar. When he could not produce a genuine paper he interpolated or forged what was needful. On the day after Cicero's return September 1 there was a meeting of the Senate but the orator did not attend and Antony threatened to send men to drag him from his house. Next day Cicero was in his place but now Antony was absent. The orator arose and addressed the Senate in what is called his first philipic. This was a measured attack upon the government and policy of Antony but personalities were carefully issued. The tone of the whole speech indeed is such as might be referred by a leader of opposition in parliament at the present day. But Antony enraged at his boldness summoned a meeting for the 19th of September which Cicero did not think it prudent to attend. He then attacked the absent orator in the strongest language of personal abuse and menace. Cicero sat down and composed his famous second philipic which is written as if it were delivered on the same day in reply to Antony's invective. At present however he contented himself with sending a copy of it to Atticus and joining secrecy. Matters quickly drew to a head between Antony and Octavius. The latter had succeeded in securing a thousand men of his uncle's veterans who had settled in Campania and by great exertions in the different towns of Italy had levied a considerable force. Meantime four of the Epirote legions had just landed at Brondusium and Antony hastened to attach them to his cause but the largesse which he offered them was only a hundred denaries a man and the soldiers laughed in his face. Antony enraged at their conduct seized the ring leaders and decimated them but this severity only served to change their open insolence into sullen anger and emissaries from Octavius were ready to draw them over to the side of their young master. They had so far obeyed Antony as to march northward to Ariminum while he repaired to Rome. But as he entered the senate house he heard that two of the four legions had deserted to his rival and in great alarm he hastened to the camp just in time to keep the remainder of the troops under his standard by distributing to every man five hundred denaries. The persons to hold the consulship for the next year had been designated by Caesar. They were both old officers of the Gallic army. Gaius Vibius Pansa Cachoniannus and Augustus Hirtius the reputed author of the eighth book of the history of the Gallic war. Cicero was ready to believe that they had become patriots because disgusted with the arrogance of Antony they had declared four Octavius and the Senate. Antony began to fear that all parties might combine to crush him. He determined therefore no longer to remain inactive and about the end of November having now collected all his troops at Ariminum he marched along the Emillian road to drive Decimus Brutus out of Sicilpene Gaul. Decimus was obliged to throw himself into Mutina, Modena, and Antony blockaded the place. As soon as his back was turned Cicero published the famous Second Philippic in which he lashed the consul with the most unsparing hand going through the history of his past life exaggerating the debaucheries which were common to Antony with great part of the Roman youth and painting in the strongest colors the profligate use he had made of Caesar's papers. Its effect was great and Cicero followed up the blow by the following twelve Philippics which were speeches delivered in the Senate House and Forum at intervals from December 44 to April in the next year. Cicero was anxious to break with Antony at once by declaring him a public enemy but the latter was still regarded by many senators as the head of the Caesarean Party and it was resolved to treat with him but the demands of Antony were so extravagant that negotiations were at once broken off and nothing remained but to try the fortune of arms. The consuls proceeded to levy troops but so exhausted was the treasury that now for the first time since the triumph of Emilius Paulus it was found necessary to levy a property tax on the citizens of Rome. Octavius and the consuls assembled their forces at Alba. On the first day of the new year 43, Hirtius marched for Mutina with Octavius under his command. The other consul Panza remained at Rome to raise new levies but by the end of March he also marched to form a junction with Hirtius. Both parties pretended to be acting in Caesar's name. Antony left his brother Lucius in the trenches before Mutina and took the field against Hirtius and Octavius for three months the opponents lay watching each other but when Antony learned that Panza was up he made a rapid movement southward with two of his veteran legions and attacked him. A sharp conflict followed in which Panza's troops were defeated and the consul himself was carried mortally wounded off the field but Hirtius was on the alert and assaulted Antony's weary troops on their way back to their camp with some advantage. This was on 15th of April and on the 27th Hirtius drew Antony from his entrenchments before Mutina A fierce battle followed which ended in the troops of Antony being driven back into their lines Hirtius followed close upon the flying enemy the camp was carried by storm and a complete victory would have been one had not Hirtius himself upon this disaster Octavius drew off the troops the news of the first battle had been reported at Rome as a victory and gave rise to extravagant rejoicings. The second battle was really a victory but all rejoicing was damped by the news that one consul was dead and the other dying no such fatal mischance had happened since the second war when Marcellus and Crispinus fell in one day. End of section 34 section 35 of the great events by famous historians volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Rita Butros the great events by famous historians volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn Rossiter Johnson and John Roode Rome becomes a monarchy part 2 After his defeat Antony felt it impossible the siege of Mutina with Decimus Brutus was behind him and the victorious legions of Octavius before him his position was critical he therefore prepared to retreat and effected this purpose like a good soldier his destination was the province of Narbonnes Gaul where Lepidus had assumed the government and had promised him support but the senate also had hopes in the same quarter Gaius Munatius Plancus commanded in northern Gaul and Gaius Asinius Polio in southern Spain Sexdi Pompeius had made good his ground in the latter country and had almost expelled Polio from Betica Plancus and Polio both friends and favourites of Caesar had as yet declared neither for Antony nor Octavius to declare for the senate Lepidus a feeble and fickle man might desert Antony or if Octavius would join with Decimus Brutus and pursue him Antony might not be able to escape from Italy at all but these political combinations failed Plancus and Polio stood aloof waiting for the course of events Decimus Brutus was not strong enough to pursue Antony by himself and Octavius was unwilling perhaps unable to unite the veterans of Caesar with troops commanded by one of Caesar's murderers and so it happened that Antony effected his retreat across the Alps but not without extreme hardships which he bore in common with the meanest soldier it was at such times that his good qualities always showed themselves and his gallant endurance of misery endeared him to every man under his command on his arrival in Narbonnescal he met Lepidus at Forum Giuliai and here the two commanders agreed on a plan of operations the conduct of Octavius gave rise to grave suspicions it was even said that Antony's missiles had been killed by his agents Cicero who had hitherto maintained his cause was silent he had delivered his 14th and last Philippic on the news of the first victory gained by Hirtius but now he talked in private of removing the boy of whom he had hoped to make a tool Octavius however had taken his part secretly he entered into negotiations with Antony after some vain efforts on the part of the senate to thwart him he appeared in the campus Martius with his legions Cicero and most of the senators disappeared and the fickle populace greeted the young heir of Caesar with applause though he was not yet 20 he demanded the consulship he relieved from the provisions of the lex analysis by a decree of the senate and he was elected to the first office in the state with his cousin Quintus Pedius a curate law passed by which Octavius was adopted into the patrician gents of the Giuliai and was put into legal possession of the name which he had already assumed Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus we shall henceforth call him Octavian the change in his policy was soon indicated by a law in which he formally separated himself from the senate Pedius brought it forward by its provisions all Caesar's murderers were summoned to take their trial of course none of them appeared and they were condemned by default by the end of September Octavian was again in Cisalpine Gaul and in close negotiation with Antony and Lapidus the fruits of his conduct soon appeared Plancus and Palio declared against Caesar's murderers Decimus Brutus deserted by his soldiery attempted to escape into Macedonia through Illyricum but he was overtaken by Aquileia and slain by order of Antony Italy and Gaul being now clear of the senatorial party Lapidus as mediator arranged a meeting between Octavian and Antony upon an island in a small river near Bologna here the three potentates agreed that they should assume a joint and coordinate authority in the name of triumfers for settling the affairs of the commonwealth Antony was to have the two Gauls except the Narbonnes district which with Spain was assigned to Lapidus Octavian received Sicily, Sardinia and Africa Italy was for the present to be left to the consuls of the year and for the ensuing year Lapidus with Plancus engaged promise of this high office in return Lapidus gave up his military force while Octavian and Antony each at the head of ten legions prepared to conquer the eastern part of the empire which could not yet be divided like the western provinces because it was in possession of Brutus and Cassius but before they began war the triumfers agreed to follow the example set by Silla to extirpate their opponents by a proscription and to raise money by confiscation they framed a list of all men's names whose death could be regarded as advantageous to any of the three and on this list each in turn pricked a name Antony had made many personal enemies by his proceedings at Rome and was at no loss for victims Octavian had few direct enemies but the boy despot discerned with precocious sagacity those who were likely to impede his ambitious projects and chose his victims with little hesitation Lapidus would not be left behind in the bloody work the author of the Philippics was one of Antony's first victims Octavian gave him up and took as an equivalent for his late friend the life of Lucius Caesar uncle of Antony Lapidus surrendered his brother Paulus for some similar favor so the work went on not fewer than three hundred senators and two thousand knights were on the list Quintus Pedius an honest and upright man his consulship overcome by vexation and shame at being implicated in these transactions as soon as their secret business was ended the triumphors determined to enter Rome publicly hitherto they had not published more than seventeen names of the proscribed they made their entrance severally on three successive days each attended by a legion a law was immediately brought in to invest them formally with the supreme authority which they had assumed this was followed by the promulgation of successive lists each larger than its predecessor among the victims far the most conspicuous was Cicero with his brother Quintus the old orator had retired to his tusculent villa after the battle of Mutina and now they endeavored to escape in the hope of joining Brutus in Macedonia for the orator's only son was serving as a tribune in the liberators army after many changes of domicile they reached Astura a little island near Antium where they found themselves short of money and Quintus ventured to Rome to procure the necessary supply here he was recognized and seized together with his son each desired to die first and the mournful claim to precedence was settled by the soldiers killing both at the same moment meantime Cicero had put to sea but even in this extremity he could not make up his mind to leave Italy and put to land at Cersei after further hesitation he again embarked and again sought the Italian shore near Formier for the night he stayed at his villa near that place and next morning would not move exclaiming let me die in my own country that country which I have so often saved but his faithful slaves forced him into a litter and carried him again toward the coast scarcely were they gone when a band of Antony's bloodhounds reached his villa and were put upon the track of their victim by a young man who owed everything to the Cicero's the old orator from his litter saw the pursuers coming up his own followers were strong enough to have made resistance but he desired them to set the litter down then raising himself on his elbow he calmly waited for the Ruffians and offered his neck to the sword he was soon dispatched the chief of the band by Antony's express orders hewed off the head and hands and carried them to Rome Fulvia, the widow of Claudius and now the wife of Antony drove her hairpin through the tongue which had denounced the iniquities of both her husbands the head which had given birth to the second Philippic and the hands which had written it were nailed to the rostra the home of their eloquence the sight and the associations raised feelings of horror and pity in every heart Cicero died in his 64th year Brutus and Cassius left Italy in the autumn of BC 44 and repaired to the provinces which had been allotted to them though by Antony's influence the senate had transferred Macedonia from Brutus to his own brother Caius and Syria from Cassius to Dallabella Gaius Antonius was already in possession of parts of Macedonia but Brutus succeeded in dislodging him meanwhile Cassius already well known in Syria for his successful conduct of the Parthian war had established himself in that province before he heard of the approach of Dallabella this worthless man left Italy about the same time as Brutus and Cassius and at the head of several legions marched without opposition through Macedonia into Asia Minor here Gaius Trebonius had already arrived but he was unable to cope with Dallabella so Cassius surprised him and took him prisoner at Smyrna he was put to death with unseemly contumely in Dallabella's presence this was in February 43 and thus two of Caesar's murderers in less than a year's time felt the blow of retributive justice when the news of this piece of butchery reached Rome Cicero believing that Octavian in his hands was ruling Rome by the eloquence of his Philippics on his motion Dallabella was declared a public enemy Cassius lost no time in marching his legions into Asia to execute the behest of the senate though he had been dispossessed of his province by the senate itself Dallabella threw himself into Laodicea where he sought a voluntary death by the end of BC 43 therefore the whole of the east was in the hands of Brutus and Cassius but instead of making preparations for war with Antony the two commanders spent the early part of the year 42 in plundering the miserable cities of Asia Minor Brutus demanded men and money of the Lycians and when they refused he laid siege to Exanthus their principal city the Exanthians made the same brave resistance which they had offered 500 years before to the Persian invaders they burned their city and put themselves to death rather than submit Brutus wept over their fate and abstained from further exactions but Cassius showed less moderation from the Rhodians alone though they were allies of Rome he demanded all their precious metals after this campaign of plunder the two chiefs met at Sardis and renewed the altercations which Cicero had deplored in Italy it is probable that war might have broken out between them had not the preparations of the triumphors wake them from their dream of security it was as he was passing into Europe that Brutus who continued his studious habits amid all disquietudes and limited his time of sleep to a period too small for the requirements of health was dispirited by the vision which Shakespeare after Plutarch has made famous it was no doubt the result of a diseased frame though it was universally held to be a divine visitation as he sat in his tent in the dead of night he thought a huge and shadowy form stood by him and when he calmly asked what and whence art thou it answered or seemed to answer I am thine evil genius Brutus we shall meet again at Philippi meantime Antoni's lieutenants had crossed the Ionian sea and penetrated without opposition into Thrace the republican leaders found them at Philippi the army of Brutus and Cassius amounted to at least 80,000 infantry supported by 20,000 horse but they were ill supplied with experienced officers for Marcus Valerius Missala a young man of 28 held the chief command after Brutus and Cassius and Horace who was at 3 and 20 the son of a freedman and a youth of feeble constitution was appointed a legionary tribune the forces opposed to them would have been at once overpowered had not Antoni himself opportunity arrived with the second corps of the triumpheral army Octavian was detained by illness at Durrachium but he ordered himself to be carried on a litter to join his legions the army of the triumphers was now superior to the enemy but their cavalry counting only 13,000 was considerably weaker than the force opposed to it the republicans were strongly posted upon two hills with entrenchments between the camp of Cassius upon the left next the sea Brutus inland on the right the triumpheral army lay upon the open plain before them in a position rendered unhealthy by marshes Antoni on the right was opposed to Cassius Octavian on the left fronted Brutus but they were ill supplied with provisions and anxious for a decisive battle the republicans however kept to their entrenchments and the other party began to suffer severely from famine determined to bring on an action Antoni began works for the purpose of cutting off Cassius from the sea Cassius had always opposed a general action but Brutus insisted on putting an end to the suspense and his colleague yielded the day of the attack was probably in October Brutus attacked Octavian's army while Cassius assaulted the working parties of Antoni Cassius's assault was beaten back with loss but he succeeded in regaining his camp in safety meanwhile Messala who commanded the right wing of Brutus army had defeated the host of Octavian who was still too ill to appear on the field and the republican soldiers penetrated into the triumphers camp presently his litter was brought in stained with blood and the corpse of a young man found near it was supposed to be Octavian's but Brutus not receiving any tidings of the movements of Cassius became so anxious for his fate that he sent off a party of horse to make inquiries and neglected to support the successful assaults of Messala Cassius on his part discouraged at his ill success was unable to ascertain the progress of Brutus when he saw the party of horse he hastily concluded that they belonged to the enemy and retired into his tent with his freedmen Pindaris what passed there we know not for certain Cassius was found dead with the head severed from the body Pindaris was never seen again it was generally believed that Pindaris slew his master in obedience to orders but many thought that he had dealt a felon blow the intelligence of Cassius death was a heavy blow to Brutus he forgot his own success and pronounced the elegy of Cassius in the well known words there lies the last of the Romans the praise was ill deserved except in his conduct of the war against the Parthians Cassius had never played a worthy part after the first battle of Philippi it would have still been in Brutus to abstain from battle the triumviral armies were in great distress and every day increased their losses reinforcements coming to their aid by sea were intercepted a proof of the neglect of the republican leaders in not sooner bringing their fleet into action nor did Brutus ever hear of this success he was ill fitted for the life of the camp and after the death of Cassius he only kept his men together by largesse and promises of plunder 20 days after the first battle he led them out again both armies faced one another there was little maneuvering the second battle was decided by numbers and force not by skill and it was decided in favor of the triumfers Brutus retired with four legions to a strong position in the rear while the rest of his broken army sought refuge in the camp Octavian remained to watch them while Antony pursued the republican chief next day Brutus endeavored to rouse his men to another effort but they sullenly refused to fight and Brutus withdrew with a few friends into a neighboring wood here he took them aside one by one and prayed each to do him the last service that a roman could render to his friend all refused with horror till at nightfall a trusty greek freedman named Kato held the sword and his master threw himself upon it most of his friends followed the sad example the body of Brutus was sent by Antony to his mother his wife Portia the daughter of Kato refused all comfort and being too closely watched to be able to slay herself by ordinary means she suffocated herself by thrusting burning charcoal into her mouth Masala with a number of other fugitives sought safety in the island of Thasos and soon after made submission to Antony the name of Brutus has by Plutarch's beautiful narrative sublimed by Shakespeare become a byword for self-devoted patriotism this exalted opinion is now generally confessed to be unjust was not a patriot unless devotion to the party of the senate be patriotism toward the provincials he was a true Roman harsh and oppressive he was free from the sensuality and profligacy of his age but for public life he was unfit his habits were those of a student his application was great his memory remarkable but he possessed little power of turning his acquirements to account and to the last he was rather a learned man than a man improved by learning in comparison with Cassius he was humane and generous but in all respects his character is contrasted for the worse with that of the great man from whom he accepted favors and then became his murderer the battle of Philippi was in reality a opposing scene of the republican drama but the rival ship of the triumfers prolonged for several years the divided state of the Roman world and it was not till after the crowning victory of Actium that the imperial government was established in its unity we shall therefore here add a rapid narrative of the events which led to that consummation the hopeless state of the republican or rather the senatorial party was such that almost all hastened to make submission to the conquerors those whose sturdy spirit still disdain submission resorted to sex dipompeus in Sicily Octavian still suffering from ill health was anxious to return to Italy but before he parted from Antony they agreed to a second distribution of the provinces of the empire Antony was to have the eastern world Octavian the western provinces to Lepidus who was not consulted in this second division Africa alone was left sex dipompeus remained in possession of Sicily Antony at once proceeded to make a tour through western Asia in order to exact money from its unfortunate people about mid-summer BC 41 he arrived at Tarsus and here he received a visit which determined the future course of his life and influenced Roman history for the next 10 years Antony had visited Alexandria 14 years before and had been smitten by the charms of Cleopatra then a girl of 15 she became Caesar's more and from the time of the dictator's death Antony had never seen her she now came to meet him in Cilicia the galley which carried her up the Cygnus was of more than oriental gorgeousness the sails of purple oars of silver moving to the sound of music the raised poop burnished with gold there she lay upon a splendid by a spangled canopy her attire was that of Venus around her flitted attendants cupids and graces at the news of her approach to Tarsus the triumphor found his tribunal deserted by the people she invited him to her ship and he complied from that moment he was her slave he accompanied her to Alexandria exchanged the Roman garb for the Greco-Egyptian costume of the court and lent his power to the queen to execute all her caprices meanwhile Octavian was not without his difficulties he was so ill at Brundusium that his death was reported at Rome the veterans eager for their promised rewards were on the eve of mutiny in a short time Octavian was offered to show himself but he could find no other means of satisfying the greedy soldiery than by a confiscation of lands more sweeping than that which followed the proscription of Scylla the towns of Sisyphean Gaul were accused of favoring Decimus Brutus and saw nearly all their lands handed over to the new possessors the young poet Virgil lost his full patrimony but was reinstated at the instance of Palio and Messenas and showed his gratitude in his first eclog other parts of Italy also suffered Apulia for example as we learn from Horace's friend Ophelus who became the tenant of the estate which had formerly been his own but these violent measures deferred rather than obviated cruelty the expulsion of so many persons through thousands loose upon society ripe for any crime many of the veterans were ready to join any new leader who promised them booty such a leader was at hand Fulvia, wife of Antony, was a woman of fierce passions and ambitious spirit she had not been invited to the feast she saw that in his absence imperial power would fall into the hands of Octavian Lucius, brother of Mark Antony was consul for the year and at her instigation he raised his standard at Prenest but Lucius Antonius knew not how to use his strength and young Agrippa to whom Octavian entrusted the command to retire northward and shut themselves up in Perusia their store of provisions was so small that it sufficed only for the soldiery early in the next year Perusia surrendered on condition that the lives of the leaders should be spared the town was sacked the conduct of Lucius Antonius alienated all Italy from his brother his wife, his brother and his friends were quitting Italy in confusion the arms of Antony suffered a still heavier blow in the eastern provinces which were under his special government after the battle of Philippi Quintus Lebenus son of Caesar's old lieutenant Titus sought refuge at the court of Orodis king of Parthia an officer, Pecorus the king's son led a formidable army into Syria Antony's lieutenant was entirely routed and while Pecorus with one army poured into Palestine and Phoenicia Quintus Lebenus with another broke into Cilicia here he found no opposition and overrunning all Asia Minor Antony and sea he assumed the name of Parthicus as if he had been a Roman conqueror of the people whom he served end of section 35 section 36 the great events by famous historians volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer visit LibriVox.org recording by Rita Butros the great events by famous historians volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn Rossiter Johnson and John Root Rome becomes a monarchy part 3 these complicated disasters roused Antony from his lethargy he sailed to Tyre intending to take the field against the Parthians but the season was too far advanced and he therefore crossed the Aegean to Athens where he found Fulvia and his brother accompanied by Palio Plancus and others all discontented with Octavian's government Octavian was absent in Gaul and their representation of the state of Italy encouraged him to make another attempt late in the year 41 Antony formed a league with Sextus Pompeius and while that chief blockaded Thurii and Consentia Antony assailed Brandusium Agrippa was preparing to meet this new combination and a fresh civil war was imminent but the soldiery was weary of war and his armies compelled their leaders to make pacific overtures and the new year was ushered in by a general peace which was rendered easier by the death of Fulvia Antony and Octavian renewed their professions of amity and entered Rome together in joint ovation to celebrate the restoration of peace they now made a third division of the provinces by which Scodra, Scutari in Illyricum was fixed as the boundary of the west and east Lepidus was still left in possession of Africa it was further agreed that Octavian was to drive Sextus Pompeius lately the ally of Antony out of Sicily while Antony renewed his pledges to recover the standards of Crassus from the Parthians the new compact was sealed by the marriage of Antony with Octavia his colleague's sister a virtuous and beautiful lady worthy of a better consort these auspicious events were celebrated by the lofty verse of Virgil's fourth eclog Sextus Pompeius had reason to complain by the peace of Brandusium he was abandoned by his late friend to Octavian he was not a man to brook ungenerous treatment of late years his possession of Sicily had given him command of the Roman corn market during the winter which followed the peace of Brandusium BC 40 to 39 Sextus blockaded Italy so closely that Rome was threatened with a positive dearth the triumphors were pelted with stones in the forum and they deemed it prudent to temporize by inviting Pompeii to enter their league he met them at Missenem and the two chiefs went on board his ship to settle the terms of alliance it is said that one of his chief officers a Greek named Menas or Menodorus to him the expediency of putting to sea with the great prize and then making his own terms Sextus rejected the advice with the characteristic words you should have done it without asking me it was agreed that Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica should be given up to his absolute rule and that Achaea should be added to his portion and the Roman world was now partitioned among four Octavian, Antony Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius on their return the triumphors were received with vociferous applause before winter Antony sailed for Athens in company with Octavia who for the time seems to have banished Cleopatra from his thoughts to the Romans by assuming the attributes of Grecian gods and indulging in Grecian orgies he found the state of things in the east greatly changed since his departure he had commissioned Publius Ventidius Bassus an officer who had followed Fulvia from Italy to hold the Parthians in check till his return Ventidius was son of a Pysenian noble man of Asculum who had been brought to Rome as a captive in the social war in his youth he had been a contractor to supply mules for the use of the Roman commissariat but in the civil wars which followed men of military talent easily rose to command and such was the lot of Ventidius while Antony was absent in Italy he drove Quintus Labenus into the defiles of Taurus and here that adventurer was defeated and slain the conqueror then marched rapidly into Syria and forced Pachoris also to withdraw to the eastern bank of the Euphrates in the following year 38 he repelled a fresh invasion of the Parthians and defeated them in three battles in the last of these engagements Pachoris himself was slain on the 15th anniversary of the death of Crassus Antony found Ventidius laying siege to Samosata and displaced him only to abandon the siege and return to Athens Ventidius repaired to Rome where he was honored with a well deserved triumph he had left it as a mule-jobber he returned with the laurel round his brows he was the first and almost the last Roman general who could claim such a distinction for victory over the Parthians the alliance with Sextus Pompeius was not intended to last and it did not last Antony refused to put him in possession of Achaea and to avenge himself for this breach of faith Pompeius again began to intercept the Italian corn fleets fresh discontent appeared at Rome and Octavian equipped a second fleet to sail against the naval chief but after two battles of doubtful result the fleet was destroyed by a storm and Sextus was again left in undisputed mastery of the sea Octavian however was never daunted by reverses and he gave his favorite Agrippa full powers to conduct the war against Pompeius this able commander set about his work with that resolution that marked a man determined not to fail as a harbor for his fleet he executed a plan of the great Caesar namely to make a good and secure harbor on the coast of Latium which then as now offered no shelter to ships for this purpose he cut a passage through the narrow necks of land which separated Lake Lucrinus from the sea and Lake Avernus from Lake Lucrinus and faced the outer barrier with stone this was the famous Julian port until of the two years BC 38 and 37 Agrippa was occupied in this work and in preparing a sufficient force of ships every dockyard in Italy was called into requisition a large body of slaves was set free that they might be trained to serve as rowers on the first of July BC 36 to see Octavian himself with one division proposed to attack the northern coast of Sicily while a second squadron was assembled at Tarentum for the purpose of assailing the eastern side Lepidus with a third fleet from Africa was to assault Lilybayum but the winds were again adverse on the southern coast Octavian's two fleets were driven back to Italy with great damage but the injured ships were refitted and Agrippa was sent westward toward Panormus while Octavian himself kept guard near Messana off Mille a place famous for having witnessed the first naval victory of the Romans Agrippa encountered the fleet Sextus Pompeius but Sextus with the larger portion of his ships gave Agrippa the slip and sailing eastward fell suddenly upon Octavian's squadron off Toromenium a desperate conflict followed which ended in the complete triumph of Sextus and Octavian escaped to Italy with a few ships only but Agrippa was soon upon the traces of the enemy on the 3rd of September Sextus was obliged once more to accept battle near the straits of Messana and suffered an irretrievable defeat his troops on land were attacked and dispersed by an army which had been landed on the eastern coast by the indefatigable Octavian and Sextus sailed off to Lesbos and later found a refuge as a boy during the campaign of Farsalia to seek protection from the jealousy of Antony Lepidus had assisted in the campaign but after the departure of Sextus he openly declared himself independent of his brother Triumvirus Octavian with prompt and prudent boldness entered the camp of Lepidus in person with a few attendants soldiers deserted in crowds and in a few hours Lepidus was feigned to sue for pardon where he had hoped to rule he was treated with contemptuous indifference Africa was taken from him but he was allowed to live and die at Rome in quiet enjoyment of the chief pontificate it was fortunate for Octavian that during this campaign he was on friendly terms with him in BC 37 the ruler of the east again visited Italy and a meeting between the two chiefs was arranged at Tarentum the five years for which the Triumvirus were originally appointed were now fast expiring and it was settled that their authority should be renewed by the subservient senate and people for a second period of the same duration they parted good friends and Octavian undertook his campaign against Sextus Pompeius without fear from Antony this was proved by the fate of the fugitive from Lesbos Sextus passed over to Asia where he was taken prisoner by Antony's lieutenants and put to death hitherto Octavia had retained her influence over Antony but presently after his last interview with her brother the fickle Triumvir abruptly quitted a wife who was too good for him and returned to the fascinating presence of the Egyptian queen whom he had not seen for three years from this time forth he made no attempt to break the silken chain of her enchantments during the next summer indeed he attempted a new Parthian campaign but his advance was made with reckless indifference to the safety of his troops provisions failed disease broke out and after great suffering he was forced to seek safety by a precipitate retreat into the Armenian mountains in the next year he contented himself with a campaign in Armenia to punish the king of that country for alleged treachery in the last campaign the king fell into his hands and with this trophy Antony returned to Alexandria where the Romans were disgusted to see the streets of a Greco-Egyptian town honored by a mimicry of a Roman triumph for the next three years he surrendered himself absolutely to the will and enchantress to this period belong those tales of luxurious indulgence which are known to every reader the brave soldier who in the perils of war could shake off all luxurious habits and could rival the commonest man in the cheerfulness with which he underwent every hardship was seen no more he sunk into an indolent voluptuary seized by childish amusements at one time he would lounge in a boat at a fishing party and laugh when he drew up pieces of salt fish which by the queen's order had been attached to his hook by divers at another time she wagered that she would consume ten million cesterces at one meal and won her wager by dissolving in vinegar to the value while Cleopatra bore the character of the goddess Isis her lover appeared as Osiris her head was placed conjointly with his own on the coins which he issued as a Roman magistrate he disposed of the kingdoms and principalities of the east by his sole word by his influence Herod son of Antipater the Idumean minister of Hercanus the late sovereign of Judea was made king to the exclusion of the rightful heir Polemo his own son by Cleopatra was invested with the scepter of Armenia encouraged by the absolute submission of her lover Cleopatra fixed her eye upon the capital and dreamed of winning by means of Antony that imperial crown which she had vainly sought from Caesar while Antony was engaged in voluptuous dalliance Octavian was resolutely pursuing the work of consolidating his power in the west his patience his industry his attention to business his affability were winning golden opinions and rapidly obliterating all memory of the bloody work which he had risen to power he had won little glory in war but so long as the corn fleets arrived daily from Sicily and Africa the populace cared little whether the victory had been won by Octavian or by his generals in Agrippa he possessed a consummate captain in Masonas a wise and temperate minister it is much to his credit that he never showed any jealousy of the men to whom he owed so much he flattered the people with the hope that he would when Antony had fulfilled his mission of recovering the standards of Crassus engage him to join in putting an end to their sovereign power and restoring constitutional liberty in point of fidelity to his marriage vows Octavian was little better than Antony he renounced his marriage with Claudia the daughter of Fulvia when her mother attempted to raise Italy against him he divorced Scribonia when it no longer suited him to court the favor of her kinsmen to replace this second wife he forcibly took away Livia from her husband Tiberius Claudius Nero though she was at that time a pregnant second son but in this and other less pardonable immoralities there was nothing to shock the feelings of Romans but Octavian never suffered pleasure to divert him from business if he could not be a successful general he resolved at least to show that he could be a hearty soldier while Antony in his Egyptian palace was neglecting the Parthian war his rival led his legions in more than one dangerous campaign against the barbarous Dalmatians and Panonians who had been for some time infesting the province of Illyricum in the year BC33 he announced that the limits of the empire had been extended northward to the banks of the Sav Octavian now began to feel that any appearance of friendship with Antony was a source of weakness rather than of strength at Rome misunderstandings had already broken out Antony complained that Octavian had given him no share in the provinces rested from Sextus Pompeius and Lepidus Octavian retorted by accusing his colleague of appropriating Egypt and Armenia and of increasing Cleopatra's power at the expense of the Roman Empire popular indignation rose to a tight when Plancus and Tideus who had been admitted to Antony's confidence passed over to Octavian and disclosed the contents of their master's will in that document Antony ordered that his body should be buried at Alexandria in the mausoleum of Cleopatra men began to fancy that Cleopatra had already planted her throne upon the capital these suspicions were sedulously encouraged by Octavian before the close of BC 32 Octavian by the authority of the senate declared war nominally against Cleopatra Antony roused from his sleep by reports from Rome passed over to Athens issuing orders everywhere to levy men and collect ships for the impending struggle at Athens he received news of the declaration of war and replied by divorcing Octavia his fleet was ordered to assemble at Corsera and his legions in the early spring prepared to pour into Epirus he established his headquarters in Cleopatra on the Corinthian Gulf but Antony though his fleet was superior to that of Octavian allowed Agrippa to sweep the Ionian sea and to take possession of Methone in Messenia as a station for a flying squadron to intercept Antony's communications with the east even to occupy Corsera which had been destined for his own place of rendezvous Antony's fleet now anchored in the waters of the Embracean Gulf while his legions encamped on a spot of land which forms the northern horn of that spacious inlet but the place chosen for the camp was unhealthy and in the heats of early summer his army suffered greatly from disease Agrippa lay close at hand launching his opportunity in the course of the spring Octavian joined him in person early in the season Antony had repaired from Petre to his army so as to be ready either to cross over into Italy or to meet the enemy if they attempted to land in Epirus at first he showed something of his old military spirit and the soldiers who always were very frankness warmed into enthusiasm but his chief officers won by Octavian or disgusted by the influence of Cleopatra deserted him in such numbers that he knew not whom to trust and gave up all thoughts of maintaining the contest with energy urged by Cleopatra he resolved to carry off his fleet and abandon the army all preparations were made in secret and the great fleet put to sea on the 28th of August for the four following days there was a strong gale from the south neither could Antony escape nor could Octavian put to sea against him from Coursera on the 2nd of September however the wind fell and Octavians light vessels and their oars easily came up with the unwieldy galleys of the eastern fleet a battle was now inevitable Antony's ships were like impregnable fortresses to the assault of the slight vessels of Octavian and though they lay nearly motionless in the calm sea little impression was made upon them but about noon a breeze sprung up from the west and the fleet of Cleopatra followed by 60 Egyptian ships made sail in a southerly direction Antony immediately sprang from his ship of war into a light galley and followed deserted by their commander the captains of Antony's ships continued to resist desperately nor was it till the greater part of them were set on fire that the contest was decided when the evening closed the whole fleet was destroyed most of the men and all the treasure on board perished a few days after when the shameful flight of Antony was made known to his army all his legions went over to the conqueror it was not for 11 months after the battle of Actium that Octavian entered the open gates of Alexandria in the interval in founding the city of Nicopolis to celebrate his victory on the northern horn of the Ambracean Gulf in rewarding his soldiers and settling the affairs of the provinces of the east in the winter he returned to Italy and it was mid summer BC 30 before he arrived in Egypt when Antony and Cleopatra arrived off Alexandria with a bold face upon the matter some time passed before the real state of the case was known but it soon became plain that Egypt was at the mercy of the conqueror the queen formed all kinds of wild designs one was to transport the ships that she had saved across the itthmus of Suez and seek refuge in some distant land where the name of Rome was yet unknown some ships were actually drawn across but they were destroyed by the Arabs and the plan was abandoned she now flattered herself that her powers of fascination proved so potent over Caesar and Antony might subdue Octavian secret messages passed between the conqueror and the queen nor were Octavians answers such as to banish hope Antony, full of repentance and despair shut himself up in pharaohs and there remained in gloomy isolation in July BC 30 Octavian appeared before Pelusium the place was surrendered without a blow yet at the approach of the conqueror Antony put himself at the head of a division of cavalry and gained some advantage when he returned to Alexandria he found that Cleopatra had given up all her ships and no more opposition was offered on the 1st of August sextilis as it was then called Octavian entered the open gates of Alexandria both Antony and Cleopatra sought to win him Antony's messengers the conqueror refused to see but he still used fair words to Cleopatra the queen had shut herself up in a sort of mausoleum built to receive her body after death which was not approachable by any door and it was given out that she was really dead all the tenderness of old times revived in Antony's heart he stabbed himself and in a dying state ordered himself to be laid by the side of Cleopatra the queen touched by pity ordered her expiring lover to be drawn up by cords into her retreat and bathed his temple with her tears after he had breathed his last she consented to see Octavian her penetration soon told her that she had nothing to hope from him she saw that his fair words were only intended to hear from desperate acts and reserve her for the degradation of his triumph this impression was confirmed when all instruments by which death could be inflicted were found to have been removed from her apartments but she was not to be so baffled she pretended all submission but when the ministers of Octavian came to carry her away they found her lying dead upon her couch attended by her faithful waiting women Iris and Charmian the manner of her death was never ascertained popular belief ascribed it to the bite of an asp which had been conveyed to her in a basket of fruit thus died Antony and Cleopatra Antony was by nature a genial open-hearted Roman a good soldier resolute and vigorous but reckless and self-indulgent devoid a like of prudence and of principle the corruptions of the age the seductions of power and the evil influence of Cleopatra paralyzed a nature capable of better things we know him chiefly through the exaggerated assaults of Cicero in his Philippic and the narratives of writers devoted to Octavian but after all deductions for partial representation enough remains to show that Antony had all the faults of Caesar with little of his redeeming greatness Cleopatra was an extraordinary person at her death she was but 38 years of age her power rested not so much on actual beauty as on her fascinating manners and her extreme readiness of wit in her follies there was a certain magnificence which excites even a dull imagination we may estimate the real power of her mental qualities by observing the impression her character made upon the Roman poets of the time no meditated praises could have borne such testimony to her greatness as the lofty strain in which the Horace celebrates her fall and congratulates the Roman world on its escape from the ruin which she was threatening to the capital Octavian dated the years of his imperial monarchy from the day of the battle of Actium but it was not till two years after the summer of BC 29 that he established himself in Rome as ruler of the Roman world then he celebrated three magnificent triumphs after the example of his uncle the great dictator for his victories in Dalmatia at Actium and in Egypt at the same time the temple of Janus was closed notwithstanding that border wars still continued in Gaul and Spain for the first time since the year BC 235 all men drew breath more freely and all except the soldiery looked forward to a time of tranquility liberty and independence were forgotten words after the terrible disorders of the last century the general cry was for quiet at any price Octavian was a person admirably fitted to fulfill these aspirations Julius was too fond of active exertion to play such a part well Octavian never shone in war while his vigilant and patient mind was well fitted for the discharge of business he avoided shocking popular feeling by assuming any title savoring of royalty but he enjoyed by universal consent and authority more than regal end of section 36