 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world honored Lawn Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Mr. William Bradford Huey, author and analyst, and Mr. Eliot Haynes of United Nations World. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the Honorable Chester Bowles, former United States ambassador to India. Mr. Bowles, our viewers, of course, remember that you've been a distinguished former governor of the state of Connecticut, and more recently that you've had a most interesting tour of duty as our ambassador to India, where you attempted perhaps a new approach, and you've come back with a positive program for action in Asia. Now, first of all, sir, what would you recommend to us here in America? What would you recommend that we do about Asia? Well, I think one of the first things we have to do is realize some of the things we can't do about Asia. It's rather hard for us Americans to accept this, but we do have definite limitations, and I think a wise man or a wise nation accepts and understands its limitations. Well, do we have military limitations? Well, I would say that was our first one. I think every American general or military authority realizes and agrees that an all-out war on the Chinese mainland would be a disastrous mistake for America that the only country that would gain by it would be the Soviet Union. We'd be weakened in Europe. We'd be weakened all over the world. And I think the second thing we've got to understand is we cannot buy the friendship of Asian countries or any other people. We can't buy their friendship with money. Those two factors I think we should recognize. Now, you mean say that we can't rely on army or air force or navy to stop the communist threat in Asia and we can't stop it by giving dollars and economic grants. Well, I wouldn't say we can't stop it. For instance, in Korea, we moved in to face up to a clear-cut aggression on that Korean front. I think it was an historic decision. I think it was a good decision. It's been a long and frustrating struggle for all of us, but I think it was wise. I think we're also holy wise to move in to help the French stop communism moving into Southeast Asia and into China. If we hadn't done that, Chinese communism might have overrun all of South Korea. In the long run, these two things, military and economic aid, are not the answer to the communist threat in Asia. Because you cannot find an all-out decisive war on the mainland. Well, now, Mr. Ball, you've spent a long time in India and have gained quite a reputation for figuring out the answers in that area of the world. What do you think we can do to stop communism in Asia? Well, I think the first thing we've got to do is to understand that Asia, all the way from the Mediterranean Sea to Japan, is in a state of revolution. There's a revolutionary surge that's going right through that part of the world that affects almost all Asians. What's the nature of that revolution, sir? Well, it really has three sides to it. It's, first of all, a revolution against colonialism, a revolution for freedom. Second, it's a revolution against feudalism, a revolution for a better life, for a better economic opportunity. That's a revolution against, that's a class revolution, a revolution against landlord. That's right, to a degree. And third, it's a revolution for human dignity. The colored peoples of Asia have felt for a long time that they've been made inferior by the white West. They resent that very deeply, and this resentment runs deep into their souls. Mr. Bowles, you think that if the United States backed up the three parts of this revolution in Asia and supported those three parts and encouraged this revolution, that we would be able to stop the communist threat and safeguard Asia for democracy? Well, I certainly feel that you could build a free and dynamic Asia, or help build it, if we'll take that kind of positive position. You were saying, sir, that first of all, that since we have military and economic limitations, that if we are going to help the cause of freedom in Asia that we have to have men who understand the revolt in Asia. That's correct. And then we have to proceed and hope to win by a superior brand of diplomatic maneuver. Of diplomacy, that's correct. Well then, what program, what positive program for diplomatic maneuver? Well, let's start with Indochina. Now, in Indochina, of course, there are three separate little nations there, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. There's an all-out communist civil war there, supported by the Chinese. We're supporting the French in their efforts to hold that particular part of the world against communism. But the people are not particularly interested in the war. They're sitting the war out. They're sitting it out because they don't know what the purpose of the war is. We know it's to stop communism. They think in their minds it's really simply to allow the French to go on exploiting that country as a colonial power from Europe. The first thing we could do, for instance, is to make it very clear the people of Vietnam and Cambodia and Laos and the people of the world, that we would favor a free country, a free Vietnam, a free Cambodia, a free Laos as soon as this war against communism is won. You're aware. You think you could rally the people. You've got to rally the people and give them something to fight for. You think it's so important to let the people of Indochina know that we are against colonialism, that we should risk the displeasure of France in making this clear to the Chinese? Well, I think we've got to be tactful, of course, the French are our friends. But this is to the interest of the French too. I think deep in their hearts the French know this just as we all know it. Certainly they all say it off the record. Well, what about the second part of the revolution in Asia, the revolution against feudalism? How can we advance that in Indochina? Well, now, for instance, in Asia, many of these Asian countries, the governments are doing really very little to help themselves. I won't say many, but some. For instance, the tax systems are falling on the poor people. The wealthy people pay either very small tax or no tax. The land is owned by wealthy landlords. They take 60 or 70% of the crop. The peasants work in the hot sun day after day after day and get very little out of it. Now, I can see no reason for us to give aid to any country that is not willing to put its own house in order, is not willing to make its own effort to try to build up the future of its people. That's the first position I think we should take. You mean that we should insist on land reform and on high income taxes in these nations before we extend loans to them? Well, put it this way. If a friend came to you and said, I want to borrow some money, the first thing you'd say is, well, are you ready to work? Are you going to get to bed early at night instead of going out playing poker and running around generally? Are you going to really work hard at this job and save your money? If you are, I'll help you. You're willing then to attach strings to American economic aid? I certainly am economic strings, not political strings. I think with any non-communist country, you have to be very careful not to tell them what their foreign policy is or try to control them politically. They'll resent that just as we would resent it. In the Philippines, didn't we attempt to attach some strings or something? Well, we did attach economic strings. And we said it through the Bell report that we would give no money to the Philippines unless they put through a decent income tax that fell on the people who could afford to pay land reforms and control of luxuries. We did this, some of the reforms went through, the rest didn't. But the people of the Philippines know that we are their friends. They know in their hearts on the streets of Manila and in the villages. Well, we succeeded in pressuring the Philippines to institute reforms, land reform taxation. Could we do the same thing in India, in Pakistan, the more important countries? Well, in India, I don't think you have the problem. India is taxing her people very heavily. She's controlling her luxury imports. She's putting through land reforms, not as fast as I think she should in some parts of India, but I would say half of India, the reforms have gone through. And the government and the people there are carrying a very heavy burden. They're taxing themselves heavily. What countries need this pressure from us to effect reforms? Well, now you know, I've been just a diplomat for the last two years. You're getting me into some embarrassing ground here. But let me say I can think of two countries at least that could stand this treatment. And I think that if we applaud it, we win the respect of the people of those countries and also the people generally of Asia. Just one question about Indochina. If we tell the French that we're going to help throw them out of Indochina, at the same time, we'd have to ask the French to effect reforms in Indochina while they're still the government. Can we do both of those things at once? Well, at least I'd try. At least I'd let the people know where we stand. Let me tell you a little story. Well, as I'm afraid, our time is getting a little short, Mr. Bowles. I want you to make this other point. And that's this point about the racial revolution. Now, what positive step can we take in that direction? Well, the first thing we have to do is really accept the Asian as a human being, not as a mysterious and inscrutable and faraway sort of person that we're not, we can't understand, but a decent human being. Now, I think I know the Asians pretty well. I've lived there the better part of two years. I've known them intimately and well. And they're wonderful people. There are kind of people. I think we're their kind of people. We should send people to Asia. This applies to business firms. It applies to the State Department. It applies to all of us who are willing to work with the Asians. Except their viewpoint, listen to what they say. Well, that's a final question, sir. What do you regard from all of this as the most important action that America could take in Asia today? I think the biggest thing America can do is get over her fears. I've come back to America and I find her frightened and frustrated. We're talking in negative terms. We're talking against communism, anti-communism, negative communism, against communism. Of course we're all against it. But we can't defeat communism or any other kind of force without believing in something very deeply. We built this country on faith. We built it because we believe deeply in certain things. That's the way Asia is going to become free. And that's the greatest force in the world. The confidence and faith of free people. Well, I'm sure that our viewers have very much appreciated these statements of yours, sir, and thank you for being with us. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. Our distinguished guest for this evening was the Honorable Chester Bowles, former United States Ambassador to India. At the end of this week, after two full years on the CBS television network, during which you've witnessed some 275 presentations, the launching chronoscope will begin a vacation for the summer. Now we wish to express our thanks to our senior editor, Mr. William Bradford Huey, and to all those on stage and backstage who've worked so hard and so faithfully in our behalf, including our associate editor for this evening, Mr. Elliot Haynes. The world honors which Lone Gene Watchmakers have won represent the considered opinion of impartial, qualified experts on the high quality maintained by Lone Gene Watchmakers over the years. 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