 Thanks, Angela. And thank you so many of you for being here. It's great to see people from all around the world in addition to coast and see a lot of familiar faces. So it's a pleasure to be able to have the chance to talk with you about some of my work today. And before I begin with talking specifically about refugee resettlement rhetoric in Minnesota, I want to just give you a little background on how this project came to be because that's an interesting story in of itself. So this started back in spring of 2018 or actually fall of 2018. There was a grant opportunity made possible by the Council of Independent Colleges and the Andrew Mellon Foundation, and that grant was called Humanities Research for the Public Good. And what that meant was, hey, they said, look, we need to both sort of celebrate and support humanities research and also think about how that kind of research really can inform public conversations. And so I was excited to be able to think about how, how I could develop a project that would fit within that initiative. So I acquired three key things, three key components. One, you had to use a library or archive collection from your home institution right so from Gustavus. You had to have a community partnership that could help you think about how you would actually put the research into the public realm, and it had to include undergraduate students in the research process. So those three components were both all compelling to me but also put together a really collaborative project. And so I want to make sure and at the end, I will try to name just a handful of the people that have been involved in this project from its beginning, but I also speak specifically to the student involvement. So the other part of the component of this grant, it was a $10,000, and was that you had to do a public presentation of that research in some form. So in the fall of 2019 after I'd received a grant, I taught a class on the rhetoric of immigration, and the reason that we came the topic is because in our archive here at Gustavus we have the Lutheran Church archive materials, and one box. And that collection is a series of papers from the Lutheran Resettlement Service centered around this period of time that I'll be talking about today 1948 to 1952 post World War two, helping to resettle refugees from Europe into the United States. And part of a class that I taught I these most of these students not all were in that class, and they were part of the process of examining the papers in the archive, looking at the discourse right because I'm a communication studies professor thinking about the language and the rhetoric that's used. So what could we learn from this period of time. And so the students really dug in, and one of the things that really excited them was this public presentation of the research. In addition, we ended up going to the Minnesota Historical Society, and also the immigration history research archives in Minnesota at the University of Minnesota to help supplement some of the materials we had here in our archive. The public presentation component was really important to these students. It raised the stakes for their research a little bit it wasn't they were going to just write a paper they were also going to have to put what they discovered and what they were analyzing into the public space. We conceived of and developed an exhibit for public presentation. That was going to go up in May of 2020, as you imagine it did not happen in May of 2020 but it is up now. So if you do happen to be in St. Peter it's going to be up at the treaty site history center here in St. Peter Minnesota which is managed by the Nicolette County Historical Society, and that's right on 169 as you come into St. Peter from the north, and you can see a picture of some of the posters that are in that exhibit and some of the materials so it's been a really inspiring project and some of the students have even come back to be able to see the exhibit that they initially started working on back in fall of 2019. In addition, I did note on this one slide here about our also worked with me one summer on a presidential research faculty student research collaboration grant that gets Davis makes possible so we worked one summer to further analyze the research and build presentation for academic conferences and publications. So it's truly been a collaborative effort, and I'm really excited to be able to share some of the work that the students developed and some of the material I'll read from today or share with you. And here I was also instrumental in putting together so I want to make sure she gets a shout out for that. So in 1947, nearly a million European residents, Europeans resided in displaced persons camps in Austria Germany or Italy, unable to return their to their homelands after World War two ended. That same year, anticipating an influx of immigration stemming from this humanitarian crisis, Minnesota Governor Luther young doll called on his constituents to support resettlement of these refugees declaring. We in the state or the second and third generation pioneers of the upper Midwest, and we can understand and feel kinship for these pioneers the delayed pilgrims of the 20th century. Within a year the United States passed federal legislation to admit 200,000 displaced persons to the United States. Now that 1948 displaced persons act legislation may have made immigration possible, but it didn't make it easy. It relied on two key mechanisms. One states had to organize a process for resettling displaced persons within their borders, and American individuals or organizations had to guarantee housing and work for any displaced person they sponsored. The resettlement advocacy campaign in Minnesota offers insight into how one state government working closely with religious agencies, conscripted Americans as participants in the right resettlement process. Students and I examined public advocacy materials including brochures radio broadcasts and advertisements that advocated for Minnesotans to open up their homes and workplaces to European immigrants. What stood out to us were the ways that displaced persons were described, the advocacy materials focused on what a displaced person, what made the displaced persons a good fit for Minnesota and characterize them as good neighbors and good workers. So to understand why this discourse was so important, I'll first describe some of the historical context for resettlement. And then I'll discuss the themes that show up in the resettlement materials and how and show you some examples of how displaced persons were characterized in order to encourage people and organizations to sponsor them. And at the end, because this is an alumni college presentation I also will talk a little bit about Gustavus's participation in the displaced persons resettlement program during that period of time. So in 1945, more than 10 million people have been displaced by the war from their homes around Europe, including Russian prisoners of war, Jews, freeing, Jews fleeing prosecution, concentration camp survivors forced laborers from access occupied countries displaced Germans and people from Baltic states fleeing Soviet occupation. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration spearheaded the effort to repatriate over 8 million people back to their homelands, but not all displaced persons were welcomed in their home country or felt safe to return. After five months nearly 1 million refugees remained most of whom are resided in Allied management, Allied managed displaced persons assembly centers, known colloquially as DP camps. Eastern Europeans in particular, including Catholic Lithuanians Protestant Latvians and Estonians found the return home impossible as the USSR invaded and occupied their countries of the group seeking resettlement in the United States. In addition to the Jewish refugees, the majority were Eastern European originating from Poland, the Baltic states in Yugoslavia, over 70% of displaced persons admitted to the United States between 1945 and 1952 came from countries that were then occupied by the Soviet Union. Implementation in the United States of the Displaced Persons Act required public participation, not just public agreement. It depended on Americans willingness to sponsor, house and employ displaced persons in order for any displaced person to even be considered for resettlement in the United States and affidavit of support. Similar to what you, you see here this is an example of a form that someone filled out indicating their willingness to serve as a sponsor this was Harry Hansen who is a farmer here in St. Peter. They could fill out an affidavit affidavit of support demonstrating that they could provide housing and they could provide work. And then, and they also had to assure right that the new, the arriving displaced person would not become quote unquote a public charge right so they were really wanted to make sure that the state would not become responsible financially for any refugees that were arriving in the United States. With the help of state run commissions, voluntary groups, and religious organizations, a publicity campaign for DP resettlement advocated for supporting displaced persons. The Displaced Persons Commission continually emphasize that quote, the displaced persons program was the American people's own program in a very personal sense, since the American people took these new Americans into their homes and communities, one quote. The inviting participation wasn't straightforward. America's isolationist stance toward immigration and proceeding decades drove the need to persuade Americans who are disposed to be generous to DPs but we're fearful of the economic and social impact they might have if admitted. The isolation in the 1920s was defined by closed door policies that allowed only immigrants of certain ethno national backgrounds and placed restrictive quotas on those groups deemed quote worthy of admission and capable of becoming American. Southern and Eastern Europeans in particular were seen as unable to quote transcend their ethnic identities, unquote when entering American society. In the 1920s restrictionists believe that if these groups were allowed to enter American democracy could not be sustained. And this form is another example of the assurance right against the public charge a letter that would be signed sort of an affidavit from a sponsor. And this 1938 survey provides a poll just a sort of pre World War two glimpse at American attitudes towards immigration and resettlement. So they were, you know, folks were asked, what is your attitude towards German Austrian and other political refugees coming to the US 67% said with conditions as they are we should try to keep them out. Now of course this is one point in time this is 1938 right but it is reflective of some of the, you know, attitudes that have an advocacy campaign around resettlement would need to navigate in order to make the case for people to sponsor immigrants. In Minnesota in particular. We were experiencing a shortage of labor following World War two agriculture. In particular a major industry here in Minnesota lacked the labor force necessary to produce it full capacity in post World War two economy. Thousands of farmers across the state were worried because their farms were empty, and some were leaving the farmland altogether because it was too difficult to maintain. So this need for help led to, you know, a campaign sort of focusing a lot also on the labor that displaced persons could provide. Minnesota was noteworthy among states in the United States for its displaced persons resettlement infrastructure. Under the leadership of Governor Luther Young doll Minnesota took steps to ensure that displaced person resettlement within its borders. And this led to the even the passage of Displaced Persons Act in 1948 in other words, Minnesota was ready to go as soon as that legislation passed because they had started to network and work with a variety of agencies, primarily religious organizations around the state in order to set up an infrastructure and a plan for being able to support and resettle refugees. In his faith, Governor young doll promoted a strong quote Christian conscience and his close relationship with religious organizations became beneficial in calling upon the people of Minnesota to take action and resettling displaced persons. They also circulated a survey around the state to over 100,000 people through clergy to find out what would be our capacity right for sponsoring and resettling displaced persons. They, they learned that it would be about 2000 based on that initial survey. But by 1952 they had resettled in Minnesota, over 6000 close to 7000 refugees in Minnesota. Luther young doll in particular in 1950 right emphasized this as democratic work. So this was something that he was very supportive throughout his governorship and writes quote is that he said to us in Minnesota displaced persons program has become an outstanding example of teamwork for democracy. And the cartoon there is from a newspaper in Minnesota that sort of stressed again trying to frame displaced persons as not a threat but actually a central to democratic advancing democracy in the United States. See, some, you know, someone had sent in a question before the talk today about numbers so I wanted to give you a little bit of a sense of numbers as reported by the Lutheran resettlement service so one of the one of the religious agencies that was involved in resettlement was the Lutheran resettlement service of which we have the records here at the status. So in those reports you can see some of the statistics that they tracked over over time so in 1952, which is the end of the program right the Lutheran resettlement service for service itself recorded that they had resettled 1800 people or 1822 people in Minnesota so had come through their network. Many of those were in, and the majority were in rural communities like St. Peter. And to put that in perspective this report from 1951 somebody actually wrote on this report and handwriting was like oh 5331 is not accurate it's actually closer to 6000. And as I said by the end of the displaced persons act in 1952. They had resettled close to 7000 people in Minnesota. And nationwide to put it in a little bit of perspective 1950 so halfway through this period of time about 160,000 people have been resettled in the United States, and by the end that number was about double. So by 1952, there were between 300,000 people settled across the US. And additional data from those reports which are fascinating to read in their entirety but I didn't want to make a million slides about data because I mostly am a discourse analyst not a data analyst but to give you a sense of the this again the sense of how many people were resettled more in rural communities versus urban communities because that emphasis on agriculture, and that St. Peter for Lutheran resettlement service was right one of the top three cities for resettling across the United States. So, Northfield St. Peter and Oatana were the top three. And you can also see sort of a breakdown by church affiliation. And this is throughout the state. The number around. This is a 1950 and I don't have reports for every year so that's why this data isn't complete. So two years into the program, about 111100 Lutheran families from had resettled in the area. So importantly though, not everything was good news in terms of resettlement so because of the overwhelming number of agricultural labor is needed in the Midwest displaced persons often had little choice but to relocate to farms. They might have received some orientation in the displaced persons camps in Europe, about what to expect from American life, and you know the displaced person sponsors receive some explanation about how best to accommodate right the displaced persons in their communities. But these kind of orientations were not entirely successful at avoiding conflict, right, so some sponsors misunderstood contract agreements, and the extent to which displaced persons would actually be skilled and agricultural labor, right so someone might show up to work on your farm, and and then you discover that maybe they don't actually have the skill set that you need so that led to some conflict and frustrations. Similarly displaced persons would arrive and settle on a farm and maybe living in a chicken coop without much insulation and it's right to lay their head, and they were a family of four so sometimes the accommodations were pretty difficult, or perhaps we're also not treated as neighbors or as friends but rather as labor in ways that were complicated so some of the bad communities also promote prompted organizations like Lutheran Resettlement Service to be a little bit more responsive and to try to be more involved in sort of following up with host locations and supporting the both the displaced persons and the sponsors. But it was a complicated history so I want to make sure we're not also. We can celebrate both the infrastructure and the value of Minnesota's resettlement but also recognize the complexity of the actual day to day experience that people had. The most world war two refugee resettlement campaign that we analyzed includes pamphlets radio advertisements and newspaper articles produced by the national and Minnesota displaced persons commissions, the church World Service and local Minnesota refugee refugee resettlement agencies, these texts distributed throughout Minnesota provide a lens into the local resettlement process and the discourse that enabled it. The campaign focused on portraying displaced persons as good Christian anti communist Europeans fleeing the wrath of the Germans and the looming oppression of the Soviet Union. Baltic refugees were also given special consideration because many were quote skilled agricultural and forestry workers a demographic highly desired in this part of the world at that time. The label itself was ubiquitous right that was typically how the refugees were framed and referred to from newspaper headlines to advocacy pamphlets to government reports displaced persons was a common place label for European refugees that denoted quote anyone forced by Nazis or fascist to leave his country to work for the German war effort in World War two, or anyone deported and held away from home for religious racial or political reasons. In addition to the displaced adjective functioning as an accurate depiction of refugees circumstances, it also carried a rhetorical value for resettlement advocacy. The term foregrounded the contingent experience of European refugees, de associating the refugees from any particular ideology place or culture resettlement advocates focused on DPs, statelessness and homelessness, effectively erasing the refugees from the advocacy narrative ambiguity around their national origins enabled advocates to emphasize displaced persons is just like us, and is possessing the qualities celebrated in the lore of Minnesota pioneers hard working and skilled, but in need of a place to put their talents to work. So one prominent metaphor used was the idea of neighbor displaced persons as neighbors featured in documents addressed to both displaced persons and their perspective hosts. Neighbor explicitly foregrounded the similarities between displaced persons and their Minnesota sponsors. Resettlement service demonstrates a prime example of this in their pamphlet called on being good neighbors new neighbors new friends. In this handout distributed to Lutheran congregations throughout Minnesota LRS the Lutheran resettlement service characterized displaced persons is only quote as different from each other as the people living on your block, or as the people who attended Sunday services are radio advertisements similarly upheld that displaced persons were possessed possessed quote warm heartedness and neighborly characteristics of the American people unquote. This discourse of sameness argued that displaced persons would arrive with the shared traits including religious affiliations and skipped over potentially the arduous process of integrating people of different backgrounds cultures and languages into their communities. The term neighbor suggested affability and relatability with differences only in small traditions or daily routines, but not in values or culture. Neighbor rhetorically locates displaced persons in proximity to Minnesotans in a non threatening way, imagining displaced persons is having already assimilated into Minnesota cultural norms, regardless of how disparate cultural norms maybe across the state of Minnesota alone. Neighborhood articulates neighbor articulate sameness without offering specificity about what is the same, like any good narrative this ambiguity invites the audience to identify with the other, and right on to them their own values beliefs and stories about how their specific relationship will unfold by constituting displaced persons as possessing non specific values that align with those Minnesotans. The advocacy materials dampened Minnesotans anxieties about the displaced persons integration into their communities, reducing the perception of any potential adjustment or discomfort that one would have to navigate in a changing neighborhood. Another prominent frame was displaced persons as assets or laborers. The identification with displaced persons was further secured through this shared civic virtue, agricultural skills and work ethic. In local newspapers headlines proclaimed DPs proposed as labor source for state farms which would quote solve a serious employment problem for farmers. The refugees were framed as an invaluable resource to Minnesotan farms experiencing a labor shortage as a result of the war. Not only were they suitable to become Minnesotans, but they would also stimulate the state's economy. Our human center centered around the idea that displaced persons themselves would be a net gain for the US. In a paper article was quoted as saying the country stands on the whole to gain more than it loses from European refugees, commoditized for the benefit of US and local economies, displaced persons were depicted as quote job makers not job seekers. They were imagined as uniquely helpful for the US economy in direct refutation of concerns that they would take jobs from Americans by establishing the usefulness of DPs resettlement rhetoric, welcome to them for their contributions to the advancement of the economy. The Church World Service entered this conversation, stating directly that displaced persons are an asset. They have undertaken many steps to enable themselves to fit better into their new homes. They have devoted much of their camp time to studying language and vocational and specialized training. Many have supplemented old skills with new ones, and quote they will make splendid citizens. Finding DPs as an asset constituted their identity in terms of their utility for their new country. As one newspaper describe them, useful citizens continuously rhetoric highlighted the economic benefit that DPs would bring to the country. They need us but we need them to their skills their devotion to democracy one through hardship and suffering their labor and their Christian leadership or all assets we can use. And a consumerist economy value is emphasized displaced persons were described as quote a good by and a good bargain displaced persons were further monetized quote if we act soon enough we can probably get the cream of most of these groups on quote resettlement advocates and arguing that DPs were a good return on investment for the American economy. They said right refugees coming as a sound financial investment. It won't cost us too much to to bring them over and in fact, it will actually stimulate the economy. And rhetoric articulated resettlement as an exchange the please DPs were given a place to live employment and security, and Americans received new labors for their economy. So these, this is a point in class where I would say now let's talk a little bit about how these things are framed. And what are some of the implications right of identifying displaced persons in these kind of prominent frames right both kind of a moral argument that they are, you know, just like we're going to be able to settle into our communities and we'll all be, you know, singing camp songs around the fire, and also, you know, an economic argument right that they're able to support and advance the economy. Right, these were really prominent frames that responded fittingly to the context right to help make a case for resettlement. But I think it's also important right and we've talked about extensively with students like what are some of the implications of this kind of frame for thinking about displaced persons and refugees in particular. So just offer a few of those now before we talk a little bit about Gustavus. First, the idea of privileging sameness right so that sort of sameness troops in the neighborhood metaphor that comes through really sort of can cement the idea that sameness is a necessary pre condition for humanitarian aid to refugees. Is it need it be right how similar must we be, or be able to identify with someone in order to be able to help them. Right and so there are sometimes some drawbacks right to emphasizing sameness over difference. There's an emphasis on the economics right the economic and labor value of refugees may work well here in this circumstance where there was actually a demand for workers. But it can also be a problematic when humanitarian needs and economic conditions don't align. It can be harder to make the case that, you know, one should be helped for their for their need, as opposed to write our economic need. In terms of providing the aid right so thinking a little bit about how that economic argument right centers and thinks and labels people as an economic commodity as opposed to as a person. And that's sort of one of the other sort of big implications that we have talked about with students extensively is the what the ways in which sometimes this rhetoric could actually be dehumanizing right and actually in one newspaper article we read a person and a resettlement advocate actually noted that the language of displaced persons itself was kind of an impersonal and cold blooded. And it might unmonish people to remember that these people are individual human beings right so that even the need to sort of explain or remind people that what we're talking about are not. You know, entities but they are in fact human beings. And we have to think about how to navigate integrating them into our communities in more complex ways. Discourses that allied differences can sometimes also prevent us from preparing for the challenges and needs of resettlement. So language and cultural differences can breed complex. And they can also make that kind of connection and integration more difficult. And this discourse of, you know, they're, they're ready to go they're ready to come and support us also neglected right issues of trauma related to right the violence and the dislocation that refugees and the relocation that refugees had to bear. So, but I do want to end on a happy note so also we'll share a little bit about right some of the favorable ways in which Gustavus was involved in resettlement over the years. So this is probably my favorite part of the presentation today for this audience. So many of you are I'm sure familiar with Edgar Carlson who was former president at Gustavus, and I believe his daughter is here today too so I'm so pleased that she's able to join us. So, President Carlson was actually actively involved in supporting and welcoming displaced persons to Gustavus. This particular slide actually shows a letter that he wrote in July of 1949 to a local pastor here in Nicollet County informing him of a workshop for pastors and a parish education workshop, specifically a piece of it was specifically to talk about displaced persons and encouraging people to learn about how they can sponsor and be involved. Right, so one quote from the letter he says the general purpose of this program would be to let pastors and people in the churches, churches know how they can get displaced persons convince them it's not too much trouble to try and give them firsthand acquaintance with some people who have already come. So, President Carlson was instrumental and sort of networking within the regional community but also helped to bring displaced persons and sponsor them directly to Gustavus. And one of the first that we can see that he helped sponsor was Artur's Kovara who was an operatic tenor had previously performed at the Vienna Opera House, which those of you who may be our fans of opera know that that's not small. That's not a small role to have performed. And you can actually hear there are a couple of recordings from Kovara available on YouTube that you can pull up. So he came to Gustavus and taught voice at Gustavus and also the first opera at Gustavus was taught by Artur's Kovara. Carlis Kovmanis also taught as a mathematician at Gustavus and my understanding is he also taught Russian, occasionally on the sides, but he taught for a number of years at Gustavus, and also helped to support bringing other displaced persons to Gustavus and to the community, including a well known painter Waldemar Gutmanus and Gardner and we believe also a baker and there may have been at least one other. We're still trying to find out some of this information, some of which is being researched by Eileen Holtz who's also here today, looking at some artists from Nicollet County and that that history. Carlis Kovmanis was a painter when he came over to Gustavus when he came over, or when he was applying to come over. He apparently listed on his application that he was a grounds crew painter to try to increase the chance that he would find employment, even though he is a canvas painter landscape. And so when he came over here initially was painting walls and buildings, until it was learned that he had the capacity to also teach painting at Gustavus. And he also worked with Kovara on set design etc for the opera so. So a number of folks were involved. There's also. Thank you to Joanna Swanson Joanna Carlson Swanson who's here today. This is a painting of the living room of a button art Edgar Carlson's place here in St. Peter, and on the wall behind them as a painting of old main that was done by Kovmanis. And as a thank you to Carlson for his support. And so that painting, from my understanding, did for a long time, hang on a wall here at Gustavus. This is as though during a period of disruption called a tornado it may have ended up in a closet, and is, we do know where it is, but it isn't some disrepair, and does need to have some treatment. But it's a nice sort of additional sort of piece of our history, hanging here, or potentially hanging here on our walls. And a final sort of Gustavus connection that I just wanted to mention before I wrap up because I'd love to hear questions and commentary from you all. When I opened when we open the exhibit in the fall. At that time, a gentleman from who lives in Pennsylvania reached out and saw an ad for the exhibit and said, Oh, I have been looking for my family. I came to the United States and specifically to St. Peter when he was four years old as displaced persons and they lived on a farm outside of in St. Peter. And he also said, we were not able to track down the particular family that he resettled with, but he had kept the trunk that his family brought all of his possessions with over to the United States which was stamped with the Gustavus logo and label, because it was shipped or sort of journeyed over here care of good monies. So that he graciously donated the trunk to the Nicollet County Historical Society so it's part of the exhibit right now, but another kind of connection to Gustavus past that I thought was an important thing to share so I'm going to open it up and I'll close the slideshow there are so many other connections and stories that have come from the exhibit but I wanted to just make a special thanks to I mentioned there are a lot of people who've been involved in this project from start to finish and these are a handful of names and I fear I have probably left many others off. I also want to thank of course the Nicollet County Historical Society for the exhibit so with that I would