 Book III. CHAPTER IV. The Demand They Make of the Scenery. They insist that the Scenery leaves the palace. The Scenery leaves the palace. Michael de Lando, gonfalier. Complaints and movements of the plebeians against Michael de Lando. Michael de Lando proceeds against the plebeians and reduces them to order. Character of Michael de Lando. At daybreak of the twenty-first of July there did not appear in the piazza above eighty men in arms friendly to the Scenery, and not one of the gonfaliers, for knowing the whole city to be in a state of insurrection they were afraid to leave their homes. The first body of plebeians that made its appearance was that which had assembled at San Pietro Manchiore, but the armed force did not venture to attack them. Then came the other multitudes, and finding no opposition they loudly demanded their prisoners from the Scenery, and being resolved to have them by force if they were not yielded to their threats, they burned the house of Luigi Guicciardini and the Scenery, for fear of greater mischief set them at liberty. With this addition to their strength they took the gonfalion of justice from the bearer, and under the shadow of authority which it gave them burned the houses of many citizens, selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately excited their hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for private injuries, conducted them to the houses of their enemies, for it was quite sufficient to ensure its destruction if a single voice from the mob crawled out to the house of such a one, or if he who bore the gonfalion took the road toward it. All the documents belonging to the woolen trade were burned, and after the commission of much violence, by way of associating it with something laudable, Salvestro de Medici and sixty-three other citizens were made knights, among whom were Benedetto and Antonio de Glialberti, Tommaso Strozzi and others similarly their friends, though many received the honour against their wills. It was a remarkable peculiarity of the riots that many who had their houses burned were on the same day and by the same party made knights, so close were the kindness and the injury together. This circumstance occurred to Luigi Guicciardini, gonfalion of justice. In this tremendous uproar, the scenery, binding themselves abandoned by their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the gonfalmiers, became dismayed, for none had come to their assistance in obedience to orders, and of the sixteen gonfalans, the ensign of the Golden Lion and of the Veo, under Giovenco della Struffa and Giovanni Cambi alone appeared, and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew. Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the fury of this unreasonable multitude in the palace abandoned, remained within doors. Others followed the armed mob, in the hope that, by being among them, they might more easily protect their own houses or those of their friends. The power of the plebeians was thus increased, and that of the scenery weakened. The tumult continued all day, and at night the rioters halted near the palace of Stefano, behind the Church of St. Barnabas. Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak they obtained by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which, and the gonfalin of justice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the provost, who, refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it by force. The scenery, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrain them by force, appointed four of the colleagues to proceed to the palace of the provost, and endeavour to learn what was their intention. They found that the leaders of the plebeians, with the syndics of the trades and some citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the scenery. They therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who demanded that the woolen trade should not be allowed to have a foreign judge, that there should be formed three new companies of the arts, namely, one for the woolcomers and dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors and such like, and the third for the lowest class of people. They required that the three new arts should furnish two seniors, the fourteen minor arts three, and that the scenery should provide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it a condition that no member of these companies should be expected during two years to pay any debt that amounted to less than fifty dukets, that the bank should take no interest on loans already contracted, and that only the principal sum should be demanded, that the condemned and the banished should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to participation in the honours of government. Besides these, many other articles were stipulated in favour of their friends, and a requisition made that many of their enemies should be exiled and admonished. These demands, though grievous and dishonourable to the Republic, were for fear of further violence granted by the joint deliberation of the seniors, colleagues and council of the people. But in order to give it full effect, it was requisite that the council of the commune should also give its consent, and as they could not assemble two councils during the same day it was necessary to defer it till the morrow. However, the trades appeared content, the plebeians satisfied, and both promised that these laws being confirmed every disturbance should cease. On the following morning, while the council of the commune were in consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the piazza under their respective ensigns with loud and fearful shouts, which struck terror into all the council and scenery, and Gerente Magnoli, one of the latter, influenced more by fear than anything else, under pretense of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and fled to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from the multitude, who, however, took no notice, except that upon seeing him they insisted that all the seniors should quit the palace and declared that if they refused to comply their houses should be burned and their families put to death. The law had now been passed, the seniors were in their own apartments, the council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving the palace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges and courts below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in the multitude and such perversity or fear in those who might either have restrained or suppressed them. The scenery, too, were dismayed and fearful for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandoned by one of their associates and without any aid or even advice, when at this moment of uncertainty as to what was about to happen or what would be best to be done, Vimaso Strossi and Benedetto Alberti, either from motives of ambition, being desirous of remaining masters of the palace, or because they thought it the most advisable step, persuaded them to give way to the popular impulse and withdraw privately to their homes. This advice, given by those who had been the leaders of the tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamano, Aquigoli, and Niccolò Del Bene, two of the seniors, with anger, and, re-assuming a little vigor, they said that if the others would withdraw they could not help it, but they would remain as long as they continued in office, if they did not, in the meantime, lose their lives. These dissensions were double the fears of the scenery and the rage of the people, so that the gonfalier, disposed rather to conclude his majesty in dishonor than in danger, recommended himself to the carer of Tommaso Strossi, who withdrew him from the palace and conducted him to his house. The other seniors were, one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamano and Niccolò, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves left alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeians and the eight commissioners of war, who had not yet laid down their authority. When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the gonfalier of justice was in the hands of Michael de Lando, a wolf-comer. This man, barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at his heels, ascended the staircase, and having entered the audience chamber of the scenery he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, You see this palace is now yours, and the city is in your power. What do you think ought to be done? To which they replied that they would have him for their gonfalier and lord, and that he should govern them in the city as he thought best. Michael accepted the command, and as he was a cool and sagacious man, more favored by nature than by fortune, he resolved to compose the tumult, and restore peace to the city. To occupy the minds of the people, and to give himself time to make some arrangement, he ordered that one nutto, who had been appointed Bargello, or sheriff, by Lapo de Castiglionchio, should be sought. The greater part of his followers went to execute this command, and to commence with justice the government he had acquired by favor, he commanded that no one should either burn or steal anything, while to strike terror into all he caused to gallows to be erected in the court of the palace. He began the reform of government by deposing the syndics of the trades, and appointing new ones. He deprived the scenery and the colleagues of their majesty, and burned the balloting purses containing the names of those eligible to office under the former government. In the meantime, Ser Nutto, being brought by the mob into the court, was suspended from the gallows by one foot, and those around having torn him to pieces, in little more than a moment nothing remained of him but that foot by which he had been tied. The eight commissioners of war, on the other hand, thinking themselves, after the departure of the seniors, left soul masters of the city, had already formed a new scenery. But Michael, on hearing this, sent them in order to quit the palace immediately, for he wished to show that he could govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled the syndics of the trades, and created as a scenery, four from the lowest plebians, two from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besides this, he made a new selection of names for the balloting purses, and divided the state into three parts, one composed of the new trades, another of the minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave to Salvestro de Medici the revenue of the shops upon the old bridge. For himself he took the provostry of Empoli, and conferred benefits upon many other citizens, friends of the plebians, not so much for the purpose of rewarding their labors, as that they might serve to screen him from envy. It seemed to the plebians that Michael, in his reformation of the state, had too much favoured the higher ranks of the people, and that themselves had not a sufficient share in the government to enable them to preserve it, and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they again took arms, and coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, each body under their particular ensigns, insisted that the scenery should immediately descend and consider new means for advancing their well-being and security. Michael, observing their arrogance, was unwilling to provoke them, but without further yielding to their request, blamed the manner in which it was made, and advised them to lay down their arms, and promised that then would be conceded to them what otherwise for the dignity of the state must of necessity be withheld. The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their party, with officers and other regulations to ensure influence and respect, so that the city possessed two governments, and was now under the direction of two distinct powers. These new leaders determined that eight, elected from their trades, should constantly reside in the palace with the scenery, and that whatever the scenery should determine must be confirmed by them before it became law. They took from Sylvester to Medici and Michael de Lando the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, and distributed to many of their party, offices and emoluments, to enable them to support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render them valid, they sent two of their body to the scenery, to insist on their being confirmed by the council, with an intimation that if not granted they would be vindicated by force. This deputation, with amazing audacity and surpassing presumption, explained their commission to the scenery, abraded the gonfalnier with the dignity they had conferred upon him, the honour they had done him, and with the ingratitude and want of respect he had shown toward them. Coming to threats toward the end of their discourse, Michael could not endure their arrogance, and sensible rather of the dignity of the office he held, than of the meanness of his origin, determined by extraordinary means to punish such extraordinary insolence, and drawing the sword with which he was skirt, seriously wounded, and caused them to be seized and imprisoned. When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, and thinking that by their arms they might ensure what, without them, they had failed to effect, they seized their weapons and with the utmost fury resolved to force the scenery to consent to their wishes. Michael, suspecting what would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his credit rather required him to be the first to attack than to await the approach of the enemy, or like his predecessors, dishonour both the palace and himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good number of citizens, for many began to see their error, mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella to encounter his adversaries. The plebeians, who as before observed were influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the same time as Michael, and it happened that as each took a different route they did not meet in their way, and Michael, upon his return, found the piazza in their possession. The contest was now for the palace, and joining in the fight he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city, and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or conceal themselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory, the tumults were composed, solely by the talents of the gonfalier, who encouraged, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of his time, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who have greatly benefited their country, for had he possessed either malice or ambition, the Republic would have been completely ruined, and the city must have fallen under great tyranny, and the city must have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the Duke of Athens. But his goodness never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the universal welfare. His prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in such a manner that a great majority of his own faction reposed the most entire confidence in him, and he kept the rest in awe by the influence of his authority. These qualities subdued the plebeians and opened the eyes of the superior artificers, who considered how great must be the folly of those who, having overcome the pride of the nobility, could endure to submit to the nauseous rule of the rabble. A History of Florence, End of the Affairs of Italy, Volume I, by Niccolò Machiavelli, Translator Unknown. Book III. CHAPTER V. New Regulations for the Elections of the Scenery. Confusion in the City. Piero Degliabizzi and Other Citizens Contempted Death. The Florentines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo. The measures adopted in consequence thereof. Insolent conduct of Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Giorgio Scali beheaded. By the time Michael de Lando had subdued the plebeians, the new scenery was drawn, and among those who composed it were two persons of such base and mean condition that the desire increased in the minds of the people to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen. And when, upon the first of September, the new scenery entered office and the retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full of armed men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them that none of the lowest of the people should hold office among the scenery. The obnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Ilterra, of the other, Baraccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and Francesco di Micelli. The company of the lowest trade was also dissolved, and its members deprived of office, except Michael de Lando, Lorenzo de Puggio, and a few others of better quality. The honors of government were divided into two parts, one of which was assigned to the superior trades, the other to the inferior, except that the latter were to furnish five seniors and the former only four. The gonfalmier was to be chosen alternately from each. The government thus composed restored peace to the city for the time. But, though the Republic was rescued from the power of the lowest plebeians, the inferior trades were still more influential than the nobles of the people, who, however, were obliged to submit for the gratification of the trades of whose favor they wished to deprive the plebeians. The new establishment was supported by all who wished the continued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelphic party, had practiced such excessive violence against the citizens. And, as among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi. These four almost became princes of the city. This state of the public mind strengthened the divisions already commenced between the nobles of the people and the minor artificers by the ambition of the Ricci and the Albizzi, from which, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as they will hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the former the popular party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things continued three years, during which many were exiled and put to death, for the government lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both within and without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Those within, either attempted or were suspected of attempting, every day, some new project against them, those without, being under no restraint, were continually, by means of some prince or republic, spreading reports tending to increase the disaffection. Giannotso di Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command under Charles of Dorazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who, designing to undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Giovanna, retained his captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who was at enmity with the queen. Many Florentine immigrants were also at Bologna, in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the rulers in Florence to live in continual alarm, and induce them to lend a willing ear to any calamities against the suspected. While in this disturbed state of feeling, it was disclosed to the government that Giannotso di Salerno was about to march to Florence with the immigrants, and that great numbers of those within were to rise in arms and deliver the city to him. Upon this information, many were accused, the principal of whom were Piero Degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi. After those, Cipriano Mangioni, Giacopo Sicetti, Donato Barbidori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anzolimi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi who fled, were made prisoners, and the scenery, to prevent anyone from taking arms in their favor, appointed to Mozzo Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti with a strong armed force to guard the city. The arrested citizens were examined, and although nothing was elicited against them sufficient to induce the Capitano to find them guilty, their enemies excited the minds of the populace to such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury against them that they were contempt to death, as it were, by force. Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former reputation of any service to Piero Degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens, the man most feared and honored. Someone, either as a friend to render him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him with the fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a feast for many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweet-meats, among which a large nail was found, and being seen by many present was taken for a hint to him to fix the wheel of fortune, which, having conveyed him to the top, must, if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom. This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward by his death. After this execution the city was full of consternation, for both victors and vanquished were alike in fear, but the worst effects arose from the apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs. For every accident, however trivial, caused them to commit fresh outrages, either by condemnations, admonitions, or banishment of citizens, to which must be added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws and regulations which were made for the defense of the government, all of which were put in execution to the injury of those opposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six persons, who, with the scenery, were to purge the republic of all suspected by the government. They admonished thirty-nine citizens, ennobled many of the people, and degraded many nobles to the popular rank. To strengthen themselves against external foes they took into their pay John Hawkwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who had long served the Pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without were increased by a report that several bodies of men were being assembled by Charles of Durazo for the Cronkust of Naples, and many Florentine immigrants were said to have joined him. Against these dangers, in addition to the forces which had been raised, large sums of money were provided, and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from the Florentine's forty thousand dukets, and promised that he would not molest them. His enterprise was immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdom of Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victory renewed the fears of those who managed the affairs of Florence, for they could not persuade themselves that their money would have a greater influence on the king's mind than the friendship which his house had long retained for the Guelps, whom they so grievously opposed. This suspicion thus increasing multiplied oppressions, which again, instead of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it, so that most men lived in the utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tomazostrosi, who by their popular influence overawed the magistrates, also contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that, by the power these men possessed with the plebeians, they could set them at defiance, and hence it is evident that, not only to good men, but even to the seditious, this government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put a period to the outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servant of his accused Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the State, but the Capitano declared him innocent. Upon this the judge determined to punish the accuser with the same penalties that the accused would have incurred had he been guilty, but Giorgio Scali, unable to save him either by his authority or entreaties, obtained the assistance of Tomazostrosi, and with a multitude of armed men, set the informer at liberty and plundered the palace of the Capitano, who was obliged to save himself by flight. This act excited such great and universal animosity against him that his enemies began to hope they would be able to affect his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power of the plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogant control. To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly contributed, for the tumult having subsided he presented himself before the seniors, and said he had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they had appointed him, for he thought he should serve upright men who would take arms for the defense of justice and not impede its progress. But now that he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, and the manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity which he had voluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring honour and emolument, he now more willingly resigned to escape from the losses and danger to which he found himself exposed. The complaint of the Capitano was heard with the utmost attention by the scenery, who promised to remunerate him for the injury he had suffered, and provide for his future security. He was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with certain citizens who were thought to be lovers of the common good, and least suspected by the state, and in conjunction with these it was concluded that the present was a favourable opportunity for rescuing the city from Giorgio and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed having completely alienated the great body of the people from him. They judged it best to profit by the occasion before the excitement had abated, for they knew that the favour of the mob is often gained or lost by the most trifling circumstance, and more certainly, to ensure success, they determined if possible to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti, for without it they consider their enterprise to be dangerous. Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners, an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whom tyrannical measures were in the highest degree offensive, so that he was easily induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin. His enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, and his friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence and tyrannical proceedings of the former, but finding that the plebeians had soon become quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself from them, and the injuries committed by them against the citizens were done wholly without his consent, so that the same motives which made him join the plebeians induced him to leave them. Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side, they provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tomasso fled. The next day Giorgio was beheaded, which struck so great a terror into his party that none ventured to express the slightest disapprobation, but each seemed anxious to be foremost in defence of the measure. On being led to execution, in the presence of that people who only a short time before had idolised him, Giorgio complained of his hard fortune, and the malignity of those citizens who, having done him an undeserved injury, had compelled him to honour and support a mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Observing Benedetto Alberti among those who had armed themselves for the preservation of order, he said, Do you too, consent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be done to me? Were I in your place and you in mine, I would take care that no one should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end of my troubles and the beginning of yours. He then blamed himself for having confided too much in a people who may be excited and inflamed by every word, motion and breath of suspicion. With these complaints he died in the midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some of his most intimate associates were also put to death, and their bodies dragged about by the mob. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence, End of the Affairs of Italy. Volume 1. By Niccolo Machiavelli. Translator unknown. Book III. CHAPTER VI. Confusion and riots in the city. Reform of government in opposition to the plebeians. Injuries done to those who favoured the plebeians. Michael de Lando banished. Benedetto Alberti hated by the scenery. Fears excited by the coming of Louis of Anjou. The Florentines purchased Arezzo. Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and has banished. His discourse upon leaving the city. Other citizens banished and admonished. War with Giovanni Galliazzo, Duke of Milan. The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement. Many took arms at the execution in favour of the scenery and the Capitano, and many others, either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same. The city was full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular end in view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. The ancient nobility, called the Great, could not bear to be deprived of public honours, for the recovery of which they used their utmost exertions, and earnestly desired that authority might be restored to the Capitani di Parti. The nobles of the people in the major trades were discontented at the share the minor trades and lowest of the people possessed in the government, while the minor trades were desirous of increasing their influence, and the lowest people were apprehensive of losing the companies of their trades and the authority which these conferred. Such opposing views occasioned Florence during a year to be disturbed by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms, sometimes the major and sometimes the minor trades and lowest of the people, and it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at once in insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the different parties, or with the forces of the palace, for the scenery sometimes yielding, and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies as they could for these numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies of the people, and many ballas appointed for the reformation of the city, after much toil, labour, and eminent danger, a government was appointed, by which all who had been banished since Silvestro de Menici was confounded were restored. They who had acquired distinctions or emuluments by the balya of 1378 were deprived of them. The honours of government were restored to the Guelphic party, the two new companies of the trades were dissolved, and all who had been subject to them assigned to their former companies. The minor trades were not allowed to elect the gonfalnier of justice, their share of honours was reduced from half to a third, and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from them altogether. Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelphs repossessed themselves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after it had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381 when these changes took place. The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or less troublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been, for many of the nobles of the people who had distinguished themselves as leaders of the plebeians were banished, with a great number of the leaders of the latter, among whom was Michael Orlando, nor could all the benefits conferred upon the city by his authority when in danger from the lawless mob save him from the rabid fury of the party that was now in power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude in his countrymen. The neglect of their benefactors is an error into which princes and republics frequently fall, and hence mankind, alarmed by such examples, as soon as they began to perceive the ingratitude of their rulers, set themselves against them. As these banishments and executions had always been offensive to Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured them both publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began to fear him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends of the plebeians, and thought he had not consented to the death of Giorgio Scali from disapprobation of his proceeding, but that he might be left himself without a rival in the government. His discourse and his conduct alike served to increase their suspicions, so that all the ruling party had their eyes upon him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushing him. During this state of things, external affairs were not of serious importance, for some which ensued were productive of apprehension rather than of injury. At this time Louis Avangio came into Italy to recover the Kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna and drive out Charles of Durazzo. His coming terrified the Florentines, for Charles, according to the custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis, like those who seek new alliances, required their neutrality. The Florentines, that they might seem to comply with the request of Louis, and at the same time assist Charles, discharged from their service to John Hawkwood, and transferred him to that of Pope Urban, who was friendly to Charles. But this deceit was at once detected, and Louis considered himself greatly injured by the Florentines. While the war was carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new forces were sent from France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany were by the emigrants of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took it from those who held possession for Charles. And when they were about to change the Government of Florence, as they had already done that of Arezzo, Louis died, and the order of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was changed accordingly, for Charles secured the Kingdom, which had been all but lost, and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city, purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, having secured Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he was heir, leaving with his wife, his children, Ladislas and Giovanna, who were yet infants. He took possession of Hungary, but was soon after slain there. As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of this acquisition, as ever took place in any city for a real victory, which served to exhibit the public and private wealth of the people, many families endeavoring to vie with the State itself in displays of magnificence. The Alberti surpassed all others. The tournaments and exhibitions made by them were rather suitable for a sovereign prince than for any private individuals. These things increased the envy with which the family was regarded, and being joined with suspicions which the State entertained of Benedetto were the causes of his ruin. The rulers could not endure him, for it appeared as if, at any moment, something might occur, which, with the favour of his friends, would enable him to recover his authority and drive them out of the city. While in this state of suspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was gonfalnie of the companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magliati, was drawn gonfalnie of justice, and this circumstance increased the fears of the government, for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence and place the State in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy, without creating much disturbance, they induced Beze Magliati, his relative and enemy, to signify to the scenery that Filippo, not having attained the age required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought to hold it. The question was examined by the seniors, and part of them, out of hatred, others in order to avoid disunion among themselves, declared Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn Bardo Menzini, who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests and an inveterate foe of Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the duties of his office, created a balia for the reformation of the State, which banished Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family except Antonio. Before his departure Benedetto called them together, and observing their melancholy demeanor, said, You see, my fathers, and you the elders of our house, how fortune has ruined me and threatened you. I am not surprised at this, neither ought you to be so, for it always happens thus to those who, among a multitude of the wicked, wish to act rightly, and endeavor to sustain what the many seek to destroy. The love of my country made me take part with Silvestro de' Medici, and afterwards separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same cause compelled me to detest those who now govern, who, having none to punish them, will allow no one to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my banishment should deliver from them the fears they entertain, not of me only, but of all who they think perceives, or is acquainted with their tyrannical and wicked proceedings, and they have aimed their first blow at me, in order them more easily to oppress you. I do not grieve on my own account, for those honors which my country bestowed on me while free, she cannot in her slavery take from me, and the recollection of my past life will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted by the sorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left to pray to the greediness and pride of the few who keep her in subjugation. I grieve for you, for I fear that the evils which this day cease to affect me, and commence with you, will pursue you with even greater malevolence than they have me. Comfort, then, each other, resolve to bear up against every misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a manner, that when disasters befall you, and there will be many, every one may know that they have come upon you undeservedly. Not to give a worse impression of his virtue abroad than he had done at home, he made a journey to the sepulchre of Christ, and while upon his return died at Rhodes. His remains were brought to Florence, and interred with all possible honors, by those who had persecuted him, when alive, with every species of columny and injustice. The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during these troubles of the city, for many others were banished and admonished. Of the former were Piero Benetti, Matteo Alderati, Giovanni and Francesco Del Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Ademari, and with them many members of the minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, Renucci, Formiccani, Corbizi, Manelli, and Alderati. It was customary to create the balia for a limited time, and when the citizens elected had affected the purpose of their appointment, they resigned from the office for motives of good feeling and decency, although the time allowed might not have expired. In conformity with this laudable practice, the balia of that period, supposing they had accomplished all that was expected of them, wished to retire, but when the multitude were acquainted with their intention, they ran armed to the palace and insisted that before resigning their power many other persons should be banished and admonished. This greatly displeased the seniors, but without disclosing the extent of their displeasure, they contrived to amuse the multitude with promises, till they had assembled a sufficient body of armed men, and then took such measures that fear induced the people to lay aside the weapons which madness had led them to take up. Nevertheless, in some degree to gratify the fury of the mob and to reduce the authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided that as the latter had previously possessed a third of the honors, they should in future have only a fourth. That there might always be two of the seniors particularly devoted to the government, they gave authority to the gonfalier of justice and four others, to form a ballot purse of select citizens, from which in every scenery two should be drawn. This government, from its establishment in 1381 till the alterations now made, had continued six years, and the internal peace of the city remained undisturbed until 1393. During this time Giovano Galliazzo Bisconti, usually called the Count of Virtue, imprisoned his uncle Barnabó, and thus became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had become Duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italy by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines, but such various changes occurred in the course of the war that he was frequently in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who though they made a brave and admirable defense for a republic must have been ruined if he had survived. As it was, the result was attended with infinitely less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy had led them to apprehend. For the Duke, having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia and Siena, and prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italy at Florence, died before he had tasted the fruit of his victories, or the Florentines began to feel the effect of their disasters. END OF BOOK III. CHAPTER VII Maso Decli al-Bizzi. His violence excites the anger of the people. They have recourse to Vare de Medici, the modesty of Vare. He refuses to assume the dignity of prince and appeases the people. Discourse of Vare to the scenery. The banished Florentines endeavor to return. They secretly enter the city and raise a tumult. Some of them slain, others taken to the church of St. Raparata. A conspiracy of exiles supported by the Duke of Milan. The conspiracy discovered and the parties punished. Various enterprises of the Florentines. Taking of Pisa. War with the King of Naples. Acquisition of Cortona. During the war with the Duke of Milan, the office of gonfane of justice fell to Maso Decli al-Bizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379 had become the invenerate enemy of the Alberti. And as party feeling is incapable either of repose or batement, he determined, notwithstanding Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his majesty he would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examined respecting correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto de Gli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested, which so greatly excited the people, that the scenery, having provided themselves with an armed force, called the citizens to a general assembly or parliament, and appointed Abalia by whose authority many were banished and a new ballot for the offices of the government was made. Among the banished were nearly all the Alberti, many members of the trades were admonished, and some put to death. Stung by these numerous injuries, the trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms, considering themselves to spoil both of honor and life. One body of them assembled in the piazza, another ran to the house of Vero de Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of the family. The scenery, in order to appease those who came to the piazza or court of the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the Guelphs and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi and Donato Accia Gioli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to the interests of the plebeians than any other. Those who went to the house of Vero de Medici begged that he would be pleased to undertake the government, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens who were destroying the peace and safety of the Commonwealth. It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of this period that if Very had had more ambition than integrity, he might without any impediment have become Prince of the City, for the unfeeling treatment which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon the trades and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance, that all they required was someone to be their leader. Nor were there wanting those who could inform him of the state of public feeling, for Antonio de Medici, with whom he had for some time been upon terms of most intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him to undertake the government of the Republic. To this, Very replied, Thy menaces, when thou wert my enemy, never alarmed me, nor shall thy counsel, now when thou art my friend, do me any harm. Then, turning toward the multitude, he bade them be of good cheer, for he would be their defender, if they would allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went, accompanied by a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and addressed directly to the audience-chamber of the scenery, whom he addressed to this effect. That he could not regret having lived so as to gain the love of the Florentines, but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him which his past life had not warranted. For never having done anything that could be construed as either factious or ambitious, he could not imagine how it had happened, that they should think him willing to stir up strife as a discontented person, or usurp the government of his country like an ambitious one. He therefore begged that the infatuation of the multitude might not injure him in their estimation, for to the utmost of his power their authority should be restored. He then recommended them to use good fortune with moderation, for it would be much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city than a complete one at her ruin. The scenery applauded Barry's conduct, begged he would endeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he and the other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Barry then returned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him were joined by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the United Companies that he had found the scenery most kindly disposed toward them, that many things had been taken into consideration, which the shortness of time and the absence of the magistrates rendered incapable of being finished. He therefore begged that they would lay down their arms and obey the scenery, assuring them that humility would prevail rather than pride, and treaties rather than threats, and if they would take his advice their privileges and security would remain unimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes. The disturbance having subsided, the scenery armed the piazza, enrolled two thousand of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equally by gonfalans, in order to be in readiness to give their assistance whenever required, and they forbade the use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having adopted these precautionary measures, they banished and put to death many of those members of the trades who had shown the greatest audacity in the late riots, and to invest the office of gonfalier of justice with more authoritative majesty, they ordered that no one should be eligible to it under forty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the defense of the state were made, which appeared intolerable to those against whom they were directed, and were odious even to the friends of the scenery themselves, for they could not believe a government to be either good or secure, which needed so much violence for its defense. A violence excessively offensive not only to those of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the Medici, who felt themselves injured by these proceedings, but also to many others. The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the son of Jacopo Aquadruoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior, rather than the equal, of Maso Degli al-Bizzi, who, on account of the events which took place while he was gonfalanier of justice, was almost at the head of the republic, could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, and therefore resolve to attempt the restoration of the exiles to their country. Or at least their offices to the admonished. He went from one to another, disseminating his views, showing that the people would not be satisfied, or the ferment of parties subside, without the changes he proposed, and declared that if he were in the scenery, he would soon carry them into effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium and haste danger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Aquadruoli resolved to attempt what involved danger. Michel Aquadruoli, his relative, and Niccolò Ricolverri, his friend, were of the scenery. This seemed to Donato a conjuncture of circumstances too favourable to be lost, and he requested they would propose a law to the councils which would include the restoration of the citizens. They, at his entreaties, spoke about the matter to their associates, who replied that it was improper to attempt any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful and the danger certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other means he could think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that since they would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures, he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so great offence that, being communicated to the heads of the government, Donato was summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to whom he had entrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamano and Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that family, who were descended from Alamano, with many who, though of the inferior artificers, possessed influence with the plebeians. These events took place two years after the reform of government affected by Maso Degli Albiti. At this time many disconsented citizens were at home, and others banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at Bologna, Piccio Cavicciuli, Tommaso Di Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto Degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Coloni, and two others of the lowest order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country at any hazard. These were secretly told by Pigelio and Boraccio Cavicciuli, who being admonished, lived in Florence, that if they came to this city they should be concealed in their house, from which they might afterward issue, slay Maso Degli Albiti and call the people to arms, who full of discontent would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci, Adamari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these hopes, on the 4th of August 1397 they came to Florence, and having entered unobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their party to watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was observed to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary, near the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who went to watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators, who took their arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their first attempt, they proceeded to the old market, where they slew one of the adverse party, and with loud cries of people, arms, liberty, and death to the tyrants, directed their course toward the new market, and at the end of the calamala slew another. Pursuing their course with the same cries, and finding no one joined them in arms, they stopped at the Lugia Niguitosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded with a great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so heavily upon them, declaring that the complaints of the discontented in the city, rather than their own grievances, had induced them to attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God for an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they would use it whenever they found anyone to conduct them. But now, when the favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would wait till those who were endeavouring to recover for them their liberty were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them. They wondered that those who were want to take arms upon slight occasions remain unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils, and that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honors of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effect upon those to whom they were addressed, for they were either restrained by their fears, or on account of the two murders which had been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had forced sufficient to stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be slaves, and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Rapparata, where, not to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their death, they set themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair, the scenery being in fear, armed and secured the palace, but when the facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whether they had betaken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates of the temple were forced without much trouble, part of the conspirators were slain defending themselves, the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were found implicated in the affair except Baraccio and Pigeleo Cavicciuli, who were put to death with them. Shortly after this event another occurred of greater importance. The Florentines were, as we have before me remarked, at war with the Duke of Milan, who finding that with merely an open force he could not overcome them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most of the immigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the place's nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with their friends hastened to the residence of the chiefs of the government, and having slain them, reform the Republic according to their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, one was of the Ricci, named San Miniatto, and as it often happens in treacherous practices few are insufficient to affect the purpose of the plot, and among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so while San Miniatto was inquestive associates he found an accuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro Caviccioli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him faithful, but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the scenery, who, having caused San Miniatto to be taken, compelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso da Vizzi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what had occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of San Miniatto. San Miniatto and Tommaso, having been punished according to their desserts, Abalia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents, and took measures for the security of the state. They declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels, also six of the Alberti, two of the Medici, three of the Scali, two of the Strozzi, Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Atamari, and many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk was taken who had been observed during its progress to pass frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of money, and banished a distance of three hundred miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy, every member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen years. These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward died Giovanni Galliazzo, Duke of Milan, whose death, as we have said above, put an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time the government, having gained greater strength than being without enemies, external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, Abalia was formed which with new provisions fortified the state and punished the offenders with heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines made war with Luttislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great danger ceded to them the city of Cortona, of which he was master. But soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war, which became far more disastrous to the Florentines than before, and had it not, in 1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by the death of the Duke of Milan, he, like the Duke, would have brought Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with the king concluded with less good fortune than the former, for when he had taken Rome, Siena, the whole of Lamarca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been more favourable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more potent to save them than their own valor. From the time of the king's decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, Duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and was only appeased by the ruin of that government which continued from 1381 to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises, acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn and Montepuciano, and would have accomplished more if the citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived former factions, as in the following book will be particularly shown. End of Book 3, Chapter 7 Book 4, Chapter 1 of History of Florence This is a LibriVox recording, all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Daniele History of Florence and their affairs of Italy Volume 1 by Nicolò Machiavelli Translator Unknown Book 4, Chapter 1 License and slavery peculiar defects in republican governments Application of this reflection to the state of Florence Giovanni di Bicci di Medici re-establishes the authority of his family Filippo Visconti, Duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable arrangements with the Florentines Their jealousy of him Precautionary measures against him War declared The Florentines are rooted by the Ducal forces Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized, frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions, not by the influence of liberty and subjection, as many suppose, but by that of slavery and license For with the nobility or the people, the ministers, respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of liberty is, in any estimations, neither of them choosing to be subject either to magistrates or laws When, however, a good, wise and powerful citizen appears, which is Baselgun, who establishes audiences capable of appeasing or restraining these contending dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, then the government may be called free and its institutions firm and secure For having good laws for its basis and good regulations for carrying them into effect, it needs not, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance With such excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics, which were of long durations, were endowed But these advantages are, and always have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyranny to license or the reverse, because, from the powerful enemies which each condition creates itself, they neither have nor can possess any stability For tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensive to the wise, the former may easily be productive or mischief, while the latter can scarcely be beneficial In the former, the insolent have too much authority, and in the latter, the foolish, so that each requires for their welfare the virtue of the good fortune of some individual who may be removed by death or become unserviceable by misfortune Hence, it appears that the government which commenced in Florence at the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talents of Maso della Bizzi, and then by those of Nicolò D'Auzano The city remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422, for the king Ladislaus was dead and Lombadi divided into several parts, so that there was nothing either internal or external to occasion uneasiness Next to Nicolò D'Auzano, in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neurone di Nigi, Rinaldo degli Abizi, Nere di Gino and Lapo Nicolini The faction that arose from the quarrels of the Abizi and the Ricci, and which were afterwards so unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished For though the party most favored rebel only continued three years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the greatest numerical proportion, it was never entirely extant, though the frequent bails and persecutions of its leaders, from 1381 to 1400, reduced it almost to nothing The first families that suffered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci and the Medici, which were frequently deprived both of men and money, and if any of them remained in the city, they were deprived of the honors of government These oft-repeated acts of oppression humiliated the faction and almost annihilated it Still, many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, and the sigh of vengeance remained pant in their bosoms, ungratified and unquenchied Those nobles of the people, or new nobility who peacefully governed the city, committed two evils, which eventually caused the ruin of their party The first was that by long continuance in power they became insolent The second, that the envy they entertained toward each other and their uninterrupted possession of power destroyed the vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to have exercised Thus, daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people by their sinister proceedings and either negligent of the threatened dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity or encouraging them through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the Medici to recover their influence The first to do so was Giovanni de Bici de Medici, who, having become one of the richest men and being of a human and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme majesty by the consent of those in power These circumstances gave so much gratification to the mass of the people, the multitude thinking they had now found the defender, that not without occasion the judicious of the party observed it with jealousy for they perceived all the former feelings of the city revived Nicola d'Ausano need not fail to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining to them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one who possessed so much influence, that it was easy to remedy an evil at his commencement, but exceedingly difficult after having allowed it to gather strength And that Giovanni possessed several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro The associates of Nicola d'Ausano were uninfluenced by his remarks, for they were jealous of his reputation and decided to exalt some person by means of whom he might be humbled This was the state of Florence in which opposing feelings began to be observable when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo, having by the death of his brother become master of all lombadi, and thinking he might undertake almost anything greatly desired to recover Genoa which enjoyed freedom under the dergiate of Tomasuda Campo Fregoso He did not think it advisable to attempt this or any other enterprise till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines and made his good understanding with them known But with the aid of their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes He therefore sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with Milan, which had now continued for many years They were fully aware of their advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa, and a little use it would be to Florence Many others were inclined to accede to it, but would set a limit to his proceedings which, if he were to accede, all would perceive his base design, and thus they might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiable make war against him The question having been strongly debated and amicable arrangement was at length affected, by which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and Panaro Soon after the treaty was concluded the duke took possession of Brescia and shortly after word of Genoa, contrary to the expectation of those who had advocated peace For they thought Brescia would be defended by the Venetians and Genoa would be able to defend herself And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the dodge of Genoa, he had acquired Serezana and other places situated on the side of the Magra, upon condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the treaty And he had, besides, entered into another treaty with the legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respecting the Panaro These things disturbed the minds of the citizens and made them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted for their defense The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of Filippo, he, either to justify himself or to become acquainted with their prevailing feelings or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors to the city to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicions they entertained And offered to revoke whatever he had done that could be thought as a ground of jealousy This embassy produced no other effect than that of dividing the citizens One party that, in greatest reputation, judged it best to arm and prepare to frustrate the enemy's designs And, if he were to remain quiet, he would not be necessary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to preserve peace Many others, whether envious of those in power or fearing a rapture with a dike, considered it inadvisable so largely to entertain suspicions of an ally And thought his proceedings need not have excited so much distrust, that appointing to ten and hiring forces was in itself a manifest declaration of war Which, if undertaken against so great a prince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any advantage For possession could never be retained of the conquest that might be made, because Romagna lay between and the vicinity of the church ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself However, the views of those who were in favor of a war prevailed The council of them were appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled the city with complaints And all condemned the ambition and avarice of the great, declaring that to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go to war without any justifiable motive They had not yet come to an upper rapture with a dike, but everything tended to excite suspicion For Filippo had, at the request of the legate of Bologna, who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant of Bologna at Castel Bolognese, sent forces to that city Which, being closed upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with apprehension But what gave everyone greater alarm, and offered sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made by the duke against Furli Giorgio de Laffy was lord of Furli, who, dying, left Tibaldo his son under the guardianship of Filippo The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola But she was compelled, by the people of Furli, to obey the will of a deceased husband to withdraw him from the natural guardian and place him in the hands of the duke Upon this, Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Dortello as his agent, with forces to seize the government of Furli And thus the territory fell into the duke's hands When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened But there were still many opposed to it, and among the rest, Giovanni de Medici, who publicly endeavoured to show that even if the ill designs of the duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and let him commence the attack than to assail him For in the former case, they would be justified in the view of the princes of Italy as well as in their own But if they were to strike the first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as favorable to him as to themselves, and besides, they could not so confidently demand assistance as assailants as they might do if assailed And that men always defend themselves more vigorously when they attack others The advocates of war considered it improper to await the enemy in their houses, and better to go and seek him That fortune is always more favorable to assailants than to such as merely act on the defensive And that it is less injurious even when attended with greater immediate expense to make war at another's door than at our own These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the tent should provide all the means in their power for rescuing fully from the hands of the duke Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he had undertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations And sent Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico, having to provide for defense of his own possessions, might be unable to protect the interests of his grandson Agnolo approached Imola while the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense frost having rendered the ditches of the city passable He crossed them during the night, captured the place and sent Ludovico at prison at Milan The Florentines, finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the war publicly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on all sides That the duke's people might not relieve it by hired Count Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domain, overran the country daily up to the gates of Imola Agnolo della Pergola, finding the strong position which the Florentines had taken prevented him from relieving Furli, determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinking they would not allow the place to be lost And that in the endeavour to relieve it, they would be compelled to give up their design against Furli, and come to an engagement and a great disadvantage Thus the duke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms which he obtained on condition of giving up Zagonara if the Florentines did not relieve him in 15 days This misfortune being known in the Florentine camp and in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtain the expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater For having abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the reef of Zagonara, on encountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery of their adversaries as by the severity of the season For having marched many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy quite fresh and were therefore easily vanquished Nevertheless, in this great defeat famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred except those of Lodovico de Llebitzi and two of his people who having fallen from their horses were drowned in the morass End of Book 4 Chapter 1 Recording by Daniele, November 2008 Book 4 Chapter 2 of History of Florence This is a LibriVox recording, all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Daniele, History of Florence and their affairs of Italy Volume 1 by Nicolò Machiavelli, Translator Unknown Book 4 Chapter 2 The Florentine's murmur against those who had been advocates of the war Rinaldo de Llebitzi encouraged the citizens Measures for the persecution of the war Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the plebeians of their share in the government Rinaldo de Llebitzi addresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the grandi Nicolò da Uzzano wishes to help Giovanni de Medici on their side Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo de Llebitzi The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation through Florence But none felt so severely as the nobility who had been in favor of the war For they perceived their enemies to be spirited and themselves discernment Without friends and opposed by the people Who at the corners of the street insulted them with the sarcastic expressions Complaining on the heavy taxes and the unnecessary war and saying Oh, they appointed the tent to frighten the enemy Have they relived fully and rescued her from the hands of the Duke? No, but the other signs have been discovered And what had they envied? Not the defense of liberty, for they not love her But to aggrandize their own power, which God has very justly abated This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which they have oppressed the city For the war against King Ladislaus was a similar kind To whom will they flee for assistance now? To Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed before the face of Bracho Or to Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned And compelled to throw herself under the protection of the King of Aragon These reproaches was added all that might be expected from an enraged multitude Seeing this content so prevalent The signatory resolved to assemble a few citizens and with soft words And devil to soothe the popular irritation On this occasion, Rinaldo de la Bici, the eldest son of Maso Who, by his own talents and the respect he derived from the memory of his father Aspired to the first offices in the government and spoke at great length Showing that it is not right to judge of actions merely by their effects For it often happens that what has been very much surely considered Is attended with unfavorable results That if we are to applaud evil councils because they are sometimes followed by fortunate events We should only encourage men in error which would bring great mischief upon the republic Because evil councils is not always attended with happy consequences In the same way, it would be wrong to blame a wise resolution Because of its being attended with an unfavorable issue For by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizens to offer advice and speak the truth He then showed the property of undertaking the war And that if it had not been commenced by the Florentines in Romania That you could have assailed them in Tuscany But since it had pleased God that the Florentine people should be overcome Their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be dejected But if they set a bold front against their adversity And made good use of the means within their power They would not be sensible of their loss or the duke of his victory He assured them they ought not to be alarmed By impending expenses and consequent taxation Because the latter might be reduced And the future expense would not be so great as the former had been For less preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defense Than for those who decide to attack others He advised them to imitate the conduct of their forefathers Who, by courageous conduct in adverse circumstances Had defended themselves against all their enemies Thus encouraged the citizens engage Count Otto, the son of Braco And united with him For directing the operation of the war Niccolò Piccino, a puppet of his father's And one of the most celebrated of all who had served under him To these they added other leaders And remounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat They also appointed 20 citizens to levy new taxes Who, finding the great quiet subdued by recent loss Took courage and drained them without mercy These burdens were very grievous to the nobility Who at first, in order to conciliate Did not complain of their own particular hardship But censured the tax generally as unjust And advised that something should be done in the way of relief But their advice was rejected in the councils Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible And to make all sensible of its unjustices They contrived that the taxes should be levied with the utmost rigor And made it lawful to kill any that might resist the officers employed to collect them Hence followed many lamentable collisions Attended with the blood and death of the citizens It began to be the impression of all that arms would be resorted to And all prudent persons apprehended some approaching evil For the higher ranks are accustomed to be treated with respect Could not endure to be used like dogs And the rest were the cybers that the taxation should be equalized In consequence of this state of things Many of the first citizens met together And it was resolved that it had become necessary for their safety That some attempt should be made to recover the government Since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure public actions And allowed those to interfere in affairs who had heeded to being merely the leaders of the rebel Having repeatedly discussed the subject They resolved to meet again at an appointed hour When upwards of 70 citizens assembled in the church of Saint Stephen With the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi Both members of the signatory Giovanni de' Medici was not among them either because being under suspicion he was not invited Or that entertaining different views he was unwilling to interfere Rinaldo degli Abizi abreasted the assembly Describing the condition of the city And showing how by their own negligence They were fully under the power of the plebeians From whom it had been rested by their fathers in 1381 He reminded them of the iniquity of the government Which was in power from 1378 to 1381 And that whole were present had to lament Some a father, others a grandfather Put to death by his tyranny He assured them they were now in the same danger And that the city was sinking under the same disorders The multitude had already imposed attacks of its own authority And would soon if not restrained by greater force or better regulations Appoint the magistrates who in this case would occupy their places And overturn the government which for 42 years Had ruled the city with so much glory The citizens would then be subject to the will of the multitude And live disorderly and dangerous Or be under the command of some individual who might make himself prince For these reasons he was of opinion That whoever loved his country and his honor Must arouse himself and call to mind the virtue of Bardomancini Who by the ruin of the Alberti rescued the city from the dangers then impending And that the cause of the audacity now assumed by the multitude Was the extensive squitini or pollings which by their negligence were allowed to be made For thus the palace had become filled with the lowmen He therefore concluded that the only means of remedying the evil Was to restore the government to the nobility And diminish the authority of the minor praise by reducing the companies from 14 to 7 Which would give to the plebeians less authority in the councils Both by the reduction in their number and by increasing the authority of the great Who on account of former enemies would be disinclined to favor them He harded that it is a good thing to know how to avail themselves or men according to the times And that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the influence of the great That now the great having been humbled and the plebeians become insolent It was well to restrain the insolence of the latter by the essence of the former To effect this they might proceed either openly or otherwise For some of them belonging to the council of 10 Forces might be led into the city without exciting observation Rinaldo was much applauded and his advice was approved of by the whole assembly Nicola d'Auzano who among others replied to it said All that Rinaldo had advanced was correct and the remedies he proposed good and certain If they could be adopted without an absolute division of the city And this he had no doubt would be affected if they could induce Giovanni de' Medici to join them For with him on their side the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay Would be unable to oppose them But that if he did not concur with them they could do nothing without arms And that with them they would incur the risk of being vanquished Or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory He then modestly reminded them of what he has said upon a former occasion And of their reclutence to remedy the evil when it might easily have been done That now the same remedy could not be attempted without incurring the danger of greater evils And therefore there was nothing left for them to do but to gain him over their side if practicable Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he couldn't use him to join them He undertook this commission and in the most prevailing words he could make use of And ever to induce him to coincide with their views And begged that he would not be favouring an adorcious mob Enabled them to complete the ruin both of the government and the city To this Giovanni replied that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen To avoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed There being nothing so injurious to the people as such a change for many are necessarily offended And where there are several discontented some unproperious event might be constantly apprehended He said it appeared to him that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects The one conferring honors on those who having never possessed them assumed them the less And therefore had the less occasion to grieve for their absence The other taking them from those who being accustomed to their possession would never be at rest till they were restored to them It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party was greater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other So that whoever was the author of the proposition he would gain few friends and make many enemies And that the latter would be more resolutely bent on injuring him that the former would be zealous for his defense For mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to the gratitude As if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience to themselves While the former brings alike gratification and profit Then directing his discourse more particularly to Rinaldo he said And you, if you could go to mind past events and knew how craftily affairs are conducted in this city Would not be so eager in this pursuit for he who advises it When by your aid he was wretched the power from the people will with the people's assistance Who will have become your enemies the privy of it And it will happen to you as to Benedetto Alberti who at the persuasion of those who were not his friends Consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi And shortly afterward was himself sent into exile by the very same man He therefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things And endeavor to imitate his father who to obtain the benevolence of all reduced the price of the salt Provided that whoever owe taxes under half a flooring should be at liberty to pay them or not as he thought proper And that at the meeting of the Councils everyone should be free from the opportunities of his creditors He concluded by saying that as regarded himself he was disposed to let the government of the city remain as it was End of book 4 chapter 2 recording by Daniele October 2008 Book 4 chapter 3 of history of Florence This is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy Volume 1 by Niccolò Machiavelli translated or unknown Book 4 chapter 3 Giovanni de Merici acquires the favor of the people Bravery of Biaggio del Melano Baseness of Zanobi d'Albino The Florentines obtain the friendship of the load of Fianza League of the Florentines with the Venetians Division of the Catastal The rich citizens discontented with it Peace with the Duke of Milan New disturbances on account of the Catastal These events and the circumstances attending them becoming known to the people contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni And brought odium on those who had made the proposals But he assumed an appearance of indifference in order to give less encouragement to those who by his influence were desirous of change In his discourse he intimated to everyone that it is not desirable to promote factions but rather to extinguish them And that whatever might be expected of him, he only sought the union of the city This however gave offense to many of his party For they would have rather seen him exhibit greater activity Among others so disposed was Alamanno de Merici Who being of a restless disposition Never ceased exciting him to persecute enemies and favor friends Condemning his coldness in slow method of proceeding Which he said was the cause of his enemies practicing against him And that these practices would one day affect the ruin of himself and his friends He endeavored to excite Cosmo his son with similar discourses But Giovanni for all that was either disclosed or foretold him remained unmoved Although parties were now declared and the city in manifest disunion There were at the palace in the service of the signary two chancellors, Sir Martino and Sir Pagolo The latter favored the party of Nicolo d'Auzano, the former that of Giovanni And Rinaldo, seen Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to deprive Sir Martino of his office That he might have the palace more completely under his control The design becoming known to his adversaries, Sir Martino was retained in Sir Pagolo discharge To the great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party This circumstance would soon have produced most mischievous effects But for the war with which the city was threatened and the recent defeat suffered at Zagonaro Which served to check the audacity of the people For while these events were in progress at Florence Agnolo della Pergola with the forces of the Duke had taken all the towns and cities possessed by the Florentines and Romagna Except Castrocaro and Modigliano Partly from the weakness of the places themselves And partly by the misconduct of those who had the command of them In this course of the campaign two instances occurred Which served to show how greatly courage is admired even in enemies And how much cowardice and pusillan enmity are despised Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso Being surrounded by enemies and seeing no chance of saving the place which was already in flames He cast clothes and straw from a part which was not yet on fire And upon these he threw his two little children saying to the enemy Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowed upon me And of which you may deprive me But those of the mind in which my honor and glory consist I will not give up Neither can you rest them from me The besiegers ran to save the children And placed for their father ropes and ladders by which to save himself But he would not use them and rather chose to die in the flames Than owe his safety to the enemies of his country An example worthy of that much lauded antiquity Which offers nothing to surpass it And which we admire the more for the rarity of any similar occurrence Whatever could be recovered from the ruins was restored for the use of the children And carefully conveyed to their friends Nor was the Republic less grateful For as long as they lived they were supported at her charge An example of an opposite character occurred at Gallietta Where Zannoby Dalpino was governor He, without offering the least resistance, gave up the fortress to the enemy And besides this, advised Agnolo della Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna And come along the smaller hills of Tuscany Where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater advantage Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man And delivered him to his own attendants Who, after many reproaches, gave him nothing to eat But paper painted with snakes saying that of a guelph that would make him a gibilain And thus fasting he died in a few days At this time Count Oro and Nicola Piccinino Entered the Valdi La Mona with the design of bringing the Lord of Faenza over to the Florentines Or at least inducing him to restrain the incursion Zanzibar ignored the Pergola into Romagna But this valley is naturally strong in its inhabitants' warlike Count Odo Waslenar and Nicola Piccinino sent a prisoner to Faenza Fortune, however, caused the Florentines to obtain by their loss What perhaps they would have failed to acquire by victory For Nicolo so prevailed with the Lord of Faenza and his mother That they became friends of the Florentines By this treaty Nicola Piccinino was set at liberty But did not take the advice he had given others For while in treaty with the city concerning the terms of his engagement Either the conditions proposed were insufficient or he found better elsewhere For quite suddenly he left Arezzo where he had been staying Passed into Lombardy and entered the service of the Duke The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance And reduced to despondency by their frequent losses Thought themselves unable to sustain the war alone And sent ambassadors to the Venetians To beg they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowed To aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them As to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised To adopt the same course by Francesco Carmiñola One of the most distinguished warriors of those times Who had been in the service of the Duke and had afterward quitted it But they hesitated not knowing how far to trust him For they thought his enmity with the Duke was only feigned While in this suspense it was found that the Duke, by means of a servant of Carmiñola Had caused poison to be given him in his food Which, although it was not fatal, reduced him to extremity The truth being discovered the Venetians laid aside their suspicion And as the Florentines still solicited their assistance A treaty was formed between the two powers By which they agreed to carry on the war at the common expense of both The conquest in Lombardy to be assigned to the Venetians In Romania and Tuscany to the Florentines And Carmiñola was appointed Captain General of the League By this treaty the war was commenced in Lombardy Where it was then admirably conducted For in a few months many places were taken from the Duke Together with the city of Brescia The capture of which was in those days considered a most brilliant exploit The war had continued from 1422 to 1427 And the citizens of Florence were so worried of the taxes That had been imposed during that time That it was resolved to revise them preparatory to their amelioration That they might be equalized according to the means of each citizen It was proposed that whoever possessed property of the value Of 100 Florentines should pay half a Florentine of taxes Individual contribution would thus be determined by an invariable rule And not left to the discretion of parties And as it was found that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes They used their utmost endeavours to prevent it from becoming law Giovanni de Medici alone declared himself in favour of it And by his means it was passed In order to determine the amount each had to pay It was necessary to consider his property in the aggregate Which the Florentines call a cattostare In which in this application of it would signify to rate or value And hence this tax received the name of cattasto The new method of rating performed a powerful check to the tyranny of the great Who could no longer oppress the lower classes Or silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly done And it therefore gave general satisfaction Though to the wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive But as it is found men are never satisfied But that the possession of one advantage only makes them desire more The people not content with the equality of taxation Which the new law produced demanded that the same rule should be applied to past years That an investigation should be made to determine how much According to the cattasto the rich had paid less than their share And that they should now pay up to an equality with those who In order to meet the demand unjustly made Had been compelled to sell their possessions This proposal alarmed the great more than the cattasto had done And in self-defense they unceasingly decried it Declaring it in the highest degree unjust In being laid not only on a movable but movable property Which people possess today and lose tomorrow That many persons have hidden wealth which the cattasto cannot reach That those who leave their own affairs to manage those of the republic Should be less burdened by her It being enough for them to give their labor And that it was unjust of the city to take both their property and their time While of others she only took money The advocates of the cattasto replied That if movable property varies the taxes would also vary And frequently raiding it would remedy the evil to which it was subject That it was unnecessary to mention those who possessed hidden property For it would be unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced no interest And that if it paid nothing it could not fail to be discovered That those who did not like to labor for the republic might cease to do so For no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens Who would take pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel That the advantages and honors of a participation in the government Are so great that of themselves they are a sufficient remuneration To those who thus employ themselves without wishing to be excused From paying their share of taxes But they added the real grievance had not been mentioned For those who were offended with the cattasto Regretted they could no longer involve the city In all the difficulties of war without injury to themselves Now that they had to contribute like the rest And that if this law had then been enforced They would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus Or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises Had been not through necessity but to impoverish the citizens The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici Who said It is not well to go into things so long past Unless to learn something for our present guidance Since the taxation has been unjust We ought to be thankful that we have now discovered A method of making it equitable And hoped that this will be the means of uniting the citizens Not of dividing them Which would certainly be the case where they to attempt The recovery of taxes for the past And make them equal to the present And that he who is content with the moderate victory Is always most successful For those who would more than conquer Commonly lose With such words as these he calmed the disturbance And this retrospective equalization was no longer contemplated The war with the Duke still continued But peace was at length restored by means of a legate of the Pope The Duke, however, from the first disregarded the conditions So that the League again took arms And meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them After this defeat the Duke again made proposals for peace To which the Florentines and Venetians both agreed The former from jealousy of the Venetians Thinking they had spent quite enough money In the aggrandizement of others The latter, because they found Carminuola After the defeat of the Duke Proceed but coldly in their cause So that they thought it no longer safe to trust him A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428 By which the Florentines recovered the places They had lost in Romania And the Venetians kept Brescia To which the Duke added Bergamo in the country around it In this war the Florentines expended Three millions and a half of Ducats Extended the territory and power of the Venetians And brought poverty and disunion upon themselves Being at peace with their neighbors Domestic troubles were commenced The great citizens could not endure the catastrophe And not knowing how to set it aside They endeavored to raise up more Numerous enemies to the measure And thus provide themselves with allies To assist them in annulling it They therefore instructed the officers Appointed to levita tax The law required them to extend the catasto Over the property of their nearest neighbors To see if Florentine wealth was concealed Among it The defendant states were therefore ordered To present a schedule of their property Against a certain time This was extremely offensive to the people Of Volterra who sent to the signatory To complain of it But the officers in great wrath Committed 18 of the complainants to prison The Volterrani however Out of regard for their fellow countrymen The officers did not proceed to any violence End of book 4 chapter 3 Recording by Without a Map