 CHAPTER 33. THE LAST JACKABITE RISING, PART I. While the Kirk was vainly striving to assuage the tempers of Mr. Erskine and his friends, the Jacobites were preparing to fish in troubled waters. In 1739 Walpole was forced to declare war against Spain, and Walpole had previously sounded James as to his own chances of being trusted by that exiled prince. James thought Walpole was merely angling for information. Meanwhile, Jacobite affairs were managed by two rivals, McGregor calling himself Drummond, of Balhaldi, and Murray of Broughton. The Sanguine Balhaldi introduced France to suppose that the Jacobites in England and Scotland were much more united, powerful, and ready for action than they really were, when Argyle left office in 1742, while Walpole fell from power, Carterette and the Duke of Newcastle succeeding. In 1743 Murray found that France, though now at war with England over the Spanish secession, was holding aloof from the Jacobite cause, though plied with flourishing and fabulous reports from Balhaldi and the Jacobite lord Sempil. But in December 1743, on the strength of alleged Jacobite energy in England, Balhaldi obtained leave from France to visit Rome and bring Prince Charles. The prince had kept himself in training for war and was eager. Taking leave of his father for the last time, Charles drove out of Rome on January 9, 1744, evaded in disguise every last trap that was set for him, and landed at Antibes, reaching Paris on February 10. Louis did not receive him openly if he received him at all. The prince lurked at grave-lines in disguise with the Earl-Marshall, while winds and waves half ruined, and the approach of a British fleet drove into port, a French fleet of invasion under Rokeville, March 6, 7, 1744. The prince wrote to Sempil that he was ready and willing to sail for Scotland in an open boat. In July 1744 he told Murray that he would come next summer if he had no other companion than his valet. He nearly kept his word, nor did Murray resolutely oppose his will. At the end of May 1745 Murray's servant brought a letter from the prince. Fall back, fall edge, he would land in the Highlands in July. L'Aquiel regretted the decision, but said that as a man of honour he would join his prince if he arrived. On July 2 the prince left Nantes in the Doutelet, usually styled La Doutelle. He brought some money, he had pawned the Sobiesky rubies, some arms, Tully Bardeen, his Governor Sheridan, Parson Kelly, the titular Duke of Athol, Sir John Macdonald, a banker, Sullivan, and one Buchanan, the seven men of Moidart. On July 20 his concert, The Elizabeth, fought the lion, Captain Brett, off the lizard, both antagonists were crippled. On July 22, August 2, Charles passed the night at that little isle of Eresquet, appealed vainly to Macleod and Macdonald of Sleet, was urged at Kinloch Moidart by the Macdonalds to return to France, but swept them off their feet by his resolution, and with L'Aquiel and the Macdonalds raised the standard at the hand of Glenfinnan on August 19 or 30. The English government had already offered £30,000 for the prince's head. The clans had nothing to gain, they held that they had honour to preserve, they remembered Montrose, they put it to the touch, and followed Prince Charlie. The strength of the prince's force was, first, the Macdonalds. On August 16 Kepaq had cut off two companies of the Royal Scots near Lucklachie. But the Chief of Glengarry was old and wavering. Young Glengarry, captured on his way from France, could not be with his clan. His young brother Aeneas led till his accidental death after the Battle of Falkirk. Of the Camerons it is enough to say that their leader was the gentle L'Aquiel, and that they were worthy of their Chief. The Macphersons came in rather late under Clooney. The Frazers were held back by the crafty Lovett, whose double dealing, with the abstention of Macleod, who was sworn to the cause, and of Macdonald of Sleet, ruined the enterprise. Clan Chattin was headed by the beautiful Lady Macintosh, whose husband adhered to King George. Of the dispossessed Macleens, some 250 were gathered, under Maclean of Drumnon, and of that resolute ban some 50 survived Culloden. These Western clans, including 220 stewards of Oppen under Ardschiel, were the steel point of Charles's weapon. To them should be added the MacGregors under James Moore, son of Rob Roy, a shifty character but a hero in fight. To resist these clans, the earliest to join, Sir John Cope, commanding in Scotland, had about an equal force of all arms, say 2500 to 3000 men, scattered in all quarters, with very few field pieces. Tweedale, holding the revived office of Secretary for Scotland, was on the worst terms, as leader of the squadron, with his Argothelian rival, Islay. Now, through the recent death of his brother, Red Ian of the Battles, Duke of Argyle. Scottish wigs were not encouraged to arm. The Prince marched south, while Cope, who had concentrated at Stirling, marched north to intercept him. At Dalnecardic he learned that Charles was advancing to meet him in Coriarec Pass. Here came in Ardschiel, Glencoe, and a Glengarry reinforcement. At Dalwini, Cope found that the clans held the pass which is very defensible. He dared not face them and moved by Ruthven in Badenoc to Inverness, where he vainly expected to be met by the great wig clans of the north. Joined now by Clooney, Charles moved on that old base of Montrose, the castle of Blair of Athel, where the exiled Duke, commonly called Marquise of Tullibardine, was received with enthusiasm. In the mid-region between Highland and Lowland, the ladies, Lady Lude and the rest, simply forced their sons, brothers and lovers into arms. While Charles danced and made friends, and tasted his first pineapple at Blair, James Moore took the fort of Inversnade. At Perth, September 4th through 10th, Charles was joined by the Duke of Perth, the Ogilvy's under Lord Ogilvy, some Drummond's under Lord Strathallon, the Olyphans of Gask, and two hundred Robertson's of Strawn. Lord George Murray, brother of the Duke of Athel, who had been out in 1715, out in 1719, and later was Unreconsolier, came in, and with him came Discord. He had dealt as a friend and ally with cope at Creef. His loyalty to either side was thus not unnaturally dubious. He was suspected by Murray of Broughton, envied by Sullivan, a soldier of some experience, and though he was loyal to the last, the best organizer and the most daring leader, Charles never trusted him, and his temper was always crossing that of the Prince. The race for Edinburgh now began. Cope bringing his troops by sea from Aberdeen, and Charles doing what Mar in 1715 had never ventured. He crossed the fort by the Fords of Frew, six miles above Stirling, passed within gunshot of the castle, and now there was no force between him and Edinburgh to save the demoralizing dragoons of Colonel Gardner. The sole use of the dragoons was, wherever they came, to let the world know that the clans were at their heels. On September 16th Charles reached Corstorphine, and Gardner's dragoons fell back on Coltbridge. On the previous day the town had been terribly perturbed. The old walls never sound were dilapidated, and commanded by houses on the outside. Volunteers were scarce and knew not how to load a musket. On Sunday, September 15th, during sermon time, the bells were rung backwards, the drums they were beat. The volunteers, being told to march against the clans, listened to the voices of mothers and aunts and of their own hearts, and melted like a mist. Hamilton's dragoons and ninety of the late Porches Town Guard sallied forth, joining Gardner's men at Coltbridge. A few of the mounted Jacobite gentry, such as Lord Elko, eldest son of the Earl of Wemis, trotted up to Inspector Dagoons, who fled and drew bridle only at Musselborough, six miles east of Edinburgh. The magistrates treated through a caddy or street messenger with the prince. He demanded surrender. The Baileys went and came in a hackney coach, between Charles's quarters, Graysmill, and Edinburgh. But on their return about three a.m., lock-yell with the Camerons rushed in, when the netherbogate was open to admit the cab of the magistrates. Murray had guided the clan round by Murchison. At noon Charles entered that unhappy palace of his race, Holy Road, and King James was proclaimed at Edinburgh Cross, while the beautiful Mrs. Murray, mounted, distributed white cockades. Edinburgh provided but few volunteers, though the ladies tried to force them out. Meanwhile Cope was landing his men at Dunbar. From Mr. John Holm, author of Douglas a Tragedy, he learned that Charles's force was under two thousand strong. He himself had, counting his dragoons, an almost equal strength, with six field pieces manned by sailors. On September 20th Cope advanced from Haddington, while Charles, with all the carriages he could collect for ambulance duty, set forth from his camp at Dunningston Lock, under Arthur's seat. Cope took the low road near the sea, while Charles took the high road, holding the ridge, till from Beersley Bray he beheld Cope on the low level between Seton and the Prestonpans. The manoeuvres of the clans forced Cope to change his front, but wherever he went his men were more or less cooped up and confined to the defensive, with the park wall on their rear. The Last Jacobite Rising Part II Meanwhile Mr. Anderson of Whitborough, a local sportsman who had shot ducks in the morass on Cope's left, brought to Charles news of a practicable path through the marsh. Even so the path was wet as high as the knee, says Curr of Graydon, who had reconnoitred the British under fire. He was a Roxbury Sherlock, and there was with the Prince no better officer. In the gray dawn the clans waded through the marsh and leaped the ditch. Charles was forced to come with the second line fifty yards behind the first. The McDonald's held the right, as they said they had done at Bannock Byrne. The Camerons and McGregors were on the left. They cast their plaids, drew their blades, and after enduring an irregular fire, swept the redcoat ranks away. They ran like rabbits, wrote Charles in a genuine letter to James. Gardner was cut down, his entire troop having fled, while he was directing the small force of foot which stood its ground. Charles stated his losses at a hundred killed and wounded all by gunshot. Only two of the six field pieces were discharged by Colonel Whiteford, who was captured. Friends and foes agree in saying that the Prince devoted himself to the care of the wounded of both sides. Lord George Murray states Cope's losses, killed, wounded, and taken at three thousand, Murray at under one thousand. The Prince would feign have marched on England, but his force was thinned by desertions, and English reinforcements would have been landed in his rear. For a month he had to hold court in Edinburgh, adored by the ladies to whom he behaved with a coldness of which Charles II would not have approved. These are my beauties, he said, pointing to a burly, bearded, highland sentry. He requisitioned public money and such horses and fodder as he could procure, but to spare the townsfolk from the guns of the castle he was obliged to withdraw his blockade. He sent messengers to France, asking for aid, but received little, though the Marquis Boyer de Anguiers was granted as a kind of representative of Louis XV. His envoys to Sleet and MacLeod sped ill, and Lovett only dallyed. France only hesitated, while the Dutch and English regiments landed in the Thames, and marched to join General Wade at Newcastle. Charles himself received reinforcements amounting to some fifteen hundred men, under Lord Ogilvy, old Lord Pideslaigo, the Master of Strathallon, Drummond, the brave Lord Balmarino, and the Viscount Dundee. A treaty of alliance with France, made at Fontainebleau, neutralized under the Treaty of Tournai, six thousand Dutch who might not, by that treaty, fight against the ally of France. The Prince entertained no illusions. Without French forces, he told D'Anguiers, I cannot resist English, Dutch, Hessians, and Swiss. On October 15th, 26th, he wrote his last extant letter from Scotland to King James. He puts his force at eight thousand, more truly six thousand, with three hundred horse. With these, as matters stand, I shall have one decisive stroke for it, but if the French do not land, perhaps none, as matters stand I must either conquer or perish in a little while. Made in the heart of England, and with a prize of thirty thousand pounds offered for his head, he could not hope to escape. A victory for him would mean a landing of French troops, and his invasion of England had for its aim to force the hand of France. Her troops, with Prince Henry among them, dallied at Dunkirk till Christmas, and were then dispersed, while the Duke of Cumberland arrived in England from Flanders on October 19th. On October 30th the Prince held a council of war. French supplies and guns had been landed at Stonehaven, and news came that six thousand French were ready at Dunkirk. At Dunkirk they were, but they were never ready. The news probably decided Charles to cross the border, while it appears that his men preferred to be content with simply making Scotland again an independent kingdom, with a Catholic king. But to do this with French aid was to return to the state of things under merry of guise. The Prince, judging correctly, wished to deal his decisive stroke near home at the old and now futile Wade in Northumberland. A victory would have disheartened England and left Newcastle open to France. If Charles were defeated his own escape by sea in a country where he had many well-wishers was possible, and the clans would have retreated through the Cheviots. Lord George Murray insisted on a march by the Western Road, Lancashire being expected to rise and join the Prince. But this plan left Wade with a superior force on Charles' flank. The one difficulty that of holding a bridge, say Kelso Bridge, over Tweed was not insuperable. Rivers could not stop the Highlanders. MacDonald of Morar thought Charles the best general in the army, and to the laymen, considering the necessity for an instant stroke, and the advantages of the East as regards France, the Prince's strategy appears better than Lord George's. But Lord George had his way. On October 31st Charles, reinforced by Clooney with 400 MacPherson's, concentrated at Dalkeith. On November 1st the less trusted part of his force, under Tully-Bardine, with the Athelmen, moved south by Peoples and Moffat to Lockerby, menacing Carlisle, while the Prince, Lord George and the fighting clans marched to Kelso, a faint to deceive Wade. The main body then moved by Jedbara, a brule water, and down through Lydstale, joining hands with Tully-Bardine on November 9th, and bivouacking within two miles of Carlisle. On the 10th the Athelmen went to work at the trenches. On the 11th the army moved seven miles towards Newcastle, hoping to discuss Wade at Brampton on the hilly ground. But Wade did not gratify them by arriving. On the 13th the Athelmen were kept at their spade-work, and Lord George in Duggan resigned his command November 14th, but at night Carlisle surrendered Murray and Perth negotiating. Lord George expressed his anger and jealousy to his brother, Tully-Bardine, but Perth resigned his command to pacify his rival. Wade feebly tried to cross country, failed and went back to Newcastle. On November 10th, with some forty-five hundred men, there had been many desertions, the march through Lancashire was decreed. Save for Mr. Townley and two Vaughns the Catholics did not stir. Charles marched on foot in the van. He was a trained pedestrian. The townspeople stared at him in his highlanders, but only at Manchester, November 29th through 30th, had he a welcome, enlisting about one hundred and fifty doomed men. On November 27th Cumberland took over command at Litchfield. His foot were distributed between Tamworth and Stafford. His cavalry was at Newcastle under line. Lord George was moving on Darby, but learning Cumberland's dispositions he led a column to Congleton, inducing Cumberland to concentrate at Litchfield, while he himself, by way of Leek and Ashburn, joined the Prince at Darby. The army was in the highest spirits. The Duke of Richmond, on the other side, wrote from Litchfield, December 5th, if the enemy pleased to cut us off from the main army they may, and also if they pleased to give us a slip in March to London I fear they may, before even this avant-garde can come up with them. There is no pass to defend. The camp at Finchley is confined to paper plans, and Wales was ready to join the Prince. Lord George did not know what Richmond knew. Despite the entreaties of the Prince his council decided to retreat. On December 6th the clans, uttering cries of rage, were set with their faces to the north. The Prince was now an altered man. Full of distrust, he marched not with Lord George in the rear, he rode in the van. CHAPTER XXIII. Meanwhile Lord John Drummond, who, on November 22nd, had landed at Montrose with eight hundred French soldiers, was ordered by Charles to advance with large Highland levies now collected, and meet him as he moved north. Lord John disobeyed orders, received about December 18th. Expecting his advance, Charles most unhappily left the Manchester men and others to hold Carlisle, to which he would return. Cumberland took them all, many were hanged. In the north Lord Louis Gordon routed MacLeod at Inverary, December 23rd, and defeated his effort to secure Aberdeen. Admirably commanded by Lord George, and behaving admirably for an irregular retreating force, the army reached Penrith on December 18th, and at Clifton, Lord George and Clooney defeated Cumberland's Dragoons in a rearguard action. On December 19th Carlisle was reached, and as we saw a force was left to guard the castle, all were taken. On December 20th the army forwarded the flooded Esk, the ladies of whom several had been with them, rode it on their horses. The men waited breast high, as had there been need they would afforded tweed if the eastern route had been chosen, and if retreat had been necessary. Cumberland returned to London on January 5th, and Horace Wallpole no longer dreaded a rebellion that runs away. By different routes Charles and Lord George met, December 26th, at Hamilton Palace. Charles stayed a night at Dumfries. Dumfries was hostile and was fine. Glasgow was also disaffected, the ladies were unfriendly. At Glasgow Charles heard that Seaforth, chief of the MacKenzie's, was aiding the Hanoverians in the north, combining with the Great Wig clans, with MacLeod, the Munroes, Lord Loudon commanding some two thousand men, and the MacCays of Sutherland and Caithness. Meanwhile Lord John Drummond, Strathallon, and Lord Louis Gordon, with Lord MacLeod, were concentrating to meet the Prince at Stirling, the purpose being the hopeless one of capturing the castle, the key of the north. With weak artillery and a futile and foolish French engineer officer to direct the siege they had no chance of success. The Prince in bad health stayed, January 4th through 10th, at Sir Hugh Patterson's place, Banett Burnhouse. At Stirling, with his northern reinforcements, those may have had some seven or eight thousand men wherewith to meet General Holly, a veteran of Sheriffmure, advancing from Edinburgh. Holly encamped at Fallkirk, and while the Athelmen were deserting by scores, Lord George skillfully deceived him, arrived on the Fallkirk moor unobserved, and held the ridge above Holly's position, while the General was lunching with Lady Kilmarnock. In the first line of the Prince's force the McDonald's held the right wing, the Camerons, whom the Great Wolf describes as the bravest of the brave, held the left, with stewards of Appen, Frazers, and McPherson's in the center. In the second line were the Athelmen, Lord Louis Gordon's levies, and Lord Olkelweese. The lowland horse and Drummond's French details were in the rear. The ground was made up of eminences and ravines, so that in the second line the various bodies were invisible to each other, as at Sheriffmure, with similar results. When Holly found that he had been surprised, he arrayed his thirteen battalions of regulars and one thousand men of Argyle on the plain, with three regiments of dragoons, by whose charge he expected to sweep away Charles's right wing. Behind his cavalry were the luckless militia of Glasgow and the Lothians. In all he had from ten thousand to twelve thousand men against, perhaps seven thousand at most, for twelve hundred of Charles's force were left to contain Blakeney and Sterling Castle. Both sides, on account of the heavy roads, failed to bring forward their guns. Holly then advanced his cavalry uphill. Their left-faced Kepix McDonald's, their right faced the Frazers, under the master of Lovett, in Charles's center. Holly then launched his cavalry, which were met at close range by the reserved fire of the McDonald's and Frazers. Through the mist and rain the townsfolk, looking on, saw in five minutes the break in the battle. Hamilton's and LeGonnais' cavalry turned and fled. Cobham's wheeled and rode across the Highland left under fire, while the McDonald's and Frazers pursuing the cavalry found themselves among the Glasgow militia, whom they followed, slaying. Lord George had no pipers to sound the recall. They had flung their pipes to their gillies and gone in with the claymore. Thus the Prince's right, far beyond his front, were lost in the tempest, while his left had discharged their muskets at Cobham's horse, and could not load again, their powder being drenched with rain. They received the fire of Holly's right, and charged up with the claymore, but were outflanked and infillated by some battalions drawn up on Potein's. Many of the second line had blindly followed the first. The rest shunned the action. These officers led away some regiments in an orderly retreat. Night fell. No man knew what had really occurred till young Gask and young Strathallon, with the French and Athelmen, ventured into Falkirk, and found Holly's camp deserted. The darkness, the rain, the nature of the ground, and the clan's want of discipline prevented the annihilation of Holly's army, while the behaviour of his cavalry showed that the Prince might have defeated Cumberland's advanced force beyond Darby with the greatest ease, as the Duke of Richmond had anticipated. Perhaps the right course now was to advance on Edinburgh, but the hopeless siege of Stirling Castle was continued, Charles perhaps hoping much from Holly's captured guns. The accidental shooting of young Aeneas MacDonald, second son of Glen Gary, by a clan Reynolds man, begat a kind of blood feud between the clans, and the unhappy cause of the accident had to be shot. Locke Gary, writing to young Glen Gary after Culloden, says that there was a general desertion in the whole army, and this was the view of the Chiefs, who on news of Cumberland's approach told Charles, January 29, that the army was depleted and resistance impossible. The Chiefs were mistaken in point of fact. A review at Creef later showed that even then only one thousand men were missing. As at Darby, and with right on his side, Charles insisted on meeting Cumberland. He did well. His men were flushed with victory, had sufficient supplies, were to encounter an army not yet encouraged by a refusal to face it, and if defeated had the gates of the hills open behind them. In a very temperately written memorial Charles placed these ideas before the Chiefs. Having told you my thoughts I am too sensible of what you have already ventured and done for me, not to yield to your unanimous resolution if you persist. Lord George, Lovett, Locke Gary, Keppuck, Ard Schiel, and Clooney did persist. The fatal die was cast, and the men who, well fed and confident, might have routed Cumberland, fled in confusion rather than retreated, to be ruined later, when, starving, outwearied, and with many of their best forces absent, they staggered his army at Culloden. Charles had told the Chiefs, I can see nothing but ruin and destruction to us in case we should retreat. This retreat embittered Charles's feelings against Lord George, who may have been mistaken, who indeed at grief seemed to have recognized his error February 5th, but he had taken his part, and during the campaign, henceforth as at Culloden, distinguished himself by every virtue of a soldier. After the retreat Lord George moved on Aberdeen, Charles to Blair and Athol, thence to Moy, the house of Lady Macintosh, where a blacksmith and four or five men ingenuously scattered Loudon in the MacLeods, advancing to take him by a night's surprise. This was the famous route of Moy. Charles next, February 20th, took Inverness Castle, and Loudon was driven into Sutherland, and cut off by Lord George's dispositions from any chance of joining hands with Cumberland. The Duke had now five thousand Hessian soldiers at his disposal. These he would not have commanded had the Prince's army met him near Sterling. Charles was now at or near Inverness. He lost, through illness, the services of Murray, whose successor, Hay, was impotent as an officer of Commissariat. A gallant movement of Lord George into Athol, where he surprised all Cumberland posts, but was foiled by the resistance of his brother's castle, was interrupted by a recall to the north, and on April 2nd he retreated to the line of the spay. Forbes of Culloden and MacLeod had been driven to take refuge in Skye, but fifteen hundred men of the Prince's best had been sent into Sutherland, when Cumberland arrived at Narn, April 14th, and Charles concentrated his starving forces on Culloden moor. The MacPherson's, the Frazier's, the fifteen hundred McDonald's, and others in Sutherland were absent on various duties, when the wicked day of destiny approached. The men on Culloden moor, a flat waist unsuited to the tactics of the clans, had but one biscuit apiece on the eve of the battle. Lord George did not like the ground, and proposed to surprise by a night attack Cumberland's force at Narn. The Prince eagerly agreed, and according to him, Clan Reynolds's advanced men were in touch with Cumberland's outposts, before Lord George convinced the Prince that retreat was necessary. The advance was lagging, the way had been missed in the dark, dawn was at hand. There are other versions. In any case, the hungry men were so outworn that many are said to have slept through the next day's battle. CHAPTER XXIII. A great mistake was made next day, if Locke Gary, who commanded the McDonald's of Glen Gary, and Maxwell of Kirk Connell are correct in saying that Lord George insisted on placing his Athelmen on the right wing. The McDonald's had an old claim to the right wing, but as far as research enlightens us, their failure on this fatal day was not due to jealous anger. The battle might have been avoided, but to retreat was to lose Inverness and all chance of supplies. On the highland right was the water of Narn, and they were guarded by a wall which the Campbells pulled down, enabling Cumberland's cavalry to take them in flank. Cumberland had about 9,000 men, including the Campbells. Charles, according to his mustermaster, had 5,000. Of course he had but a handful. The battle began with an artillery duel, during which the clans lost heavily, while their few guns were useless, and their right flank was exposed by the breaking down of the protecting wall. After some unexplained and dangerous delay, Lord George gave the word to charge, in face of a blinding tempest of sleep, and himself went in, as did Lockeel, Claymore in hand. But though the order was conveyed by Curr of Graydon first to the McDonald's on the left, as they had to charge over a wider space of ground, the Camerons, Clan Chattin, and McLean's came first to the shock. Nothing could be more desperate than their attack, or more properly received, says Whiteford. The assailants were infillated by Wolf's regiment, which moved up and took position at right angles, like the 52nd on the flank of the last charge of the French guard at Waterloo. The Highland Wright broke through Barrel's regiment, swept over the guns, and died on the bayonets of the second line. They had thrown down their muskets after one fire, and, says Cumberland, stood and threw stones for at least a minute or two before their total route began. Probably the fall of Lockeel, who was wounded and carried out of action, determined the flight. Meanwhile, the left, the McDonald's, menaced on the flank by cavalry, were plied at a hundred yards by Grape. They saw their leaders, the Gallant Kepok and McDonald's Scott House, with many others, fall under the Grape Shot. They saw the right wing broken, and they did not come to the shock. If we may believe four sworn witnesses in a court of justice, July 24th, 1752, whose testimony was accepted as the basis of a judicial discreet, January 10th, 1756, Kepok was wounded while giving his orders to some of his men not to outrun the line in advancing, and was shot dead as a friend was supporting him. When all retreated, they passed the dead body of Kepok. The tradition constantly given in various forms that Kepok charged alone, deserted by the children of his clan, is worthless if sworn evidence may be trusted. As for the unhappy Charles, by the evidence of Sir Robert Strange, who was with him, he had ridden along the line to the right, animating the soldiers, and endeavouring to rally the soldiers who, annoyed by the enemy's fire, were beginning to quit the field. He was got off the field when the men in general were betaking themselves precipitately to flight, nor was there any possibility of their being rallied. York, an English officer, says that the prince did not leave the field till after the retreat of the second line. So far the princess' conduct was honourable and worthy of his name. But presently, on the advice of his Irish entourage, Sullivan and Sheridan, who always suggested suspicions, and doubtless not forgetting the great price on his head, he took his own way towards the west coast in place of joining Lord George and the remnant with him at Rathven in Badenock. On April 26 he sailed from Boredale in a boat, and began that course of wanderings and hair-breath escapes in which only the loyalty of Highland Hearts enabled him, at last, to escape the ships that watched the isles, and troops that netted the hills. Some years later, General Wolfe, when residing in Inverness, reviewed the occurrences, and made up his mind that the battle had been a dangerous risk for Cumberland, while the pursuit, though ruthlessly cruel, was inefficient. Despite Cumberland's insistent orders to give no quarter, orders justified by the absolutely false pretext that Prince Charles had set the example, Locke Gary reported that the army had not lost more than a thousand men. Fire and sword and torture, the destruction of tilled lands, and even of the shellfish on the shore, did not break the spirit of the Highlanders. Many bans held out in arms, and Locke Gary was only prevented by the Princess Command from laying in ambush for Cumberland. The Campbells and the McClouds under the Recreant Chief, the Whig McDonalds under Sir Alexander of Sleet, ravaged the lands of the Jacobite clansmen, but the spies of Abomarl, who now commanded in Scotland, reported the McLeans, the Grants of Glen Morriston, with the McPherson's, Glen Gary's men, and Locke Yill's Camerons, as all eager to do it again if France would only help. But France was helpless, and when Locke Yill sailed for France with the Prince, only Clooney remained, hunted like a partridge in the mountains, to keep up the spirit of the cause. Old Lovett met a long-deserved death by the Executioner's Acts, though it needed the evidence of Murray of Broughton turned informer to convict that fox. Kilmarnock and Balmarino were also executed. The good and brave Duke of Perth died on his way to France. The aged Tillybirdine and the Tower, many gallant gentlemen were hanged, Lord George escaped, and is the ancestor of the present Duke of Athol. Many gentlemen took French service, others fought in other alien armies, three or four in the Highlands or abroad took the wages of spies upon the Prince. The thirty thousand pounds of French gold, buried near Locke Arcague, caused endless feuds, Kinsmen denouncing Kinsmen. The secrets of the years, 1746 to 1760, are to be sought in the Cumberland and Stuart manuscripts in Windsor Castle and the Record Office. Legislation intended to scotch the snake of Jacobitism began with religious persecution. The Episcopalian clergy had no reason to love triumphant Presbyterianism, and actively or in sympathy were favourers of the Exiled Dynasty. Episcopalian chapels, sometimes mere rooms in private houses, were burned, or their humble furniture was destroyed. All Episcopalian ministers were bidden to take the oath and pray for King George by September, 1746, or suffer for the second offense, transportation for life to the American colonies. Later the orders conferred by Scottish bishops were of made of no avail. Only with great difficulty and danger could parents obtain the right of baptism for their children. Very little is said in our histories about the sufferings of the Episcopalians when it was their turn to be under the Harrow. They were not violent, they murdered no moderator of the General Assembly. Other measures were the Disarming Act, the prohibition to wear the Highland dress, and the abolition of hereditable jurisdictions, and the Chief's right to call out his clansmen in arms. Compensation in money was paid, from twenty-one thousand pounds to the Duke of Argyle, to thirteen pounds, six shillings, eight pence, to the clerks of the Register of Aberbrothock. The whole sum was one hundred and fifty-two thousand, two hundred and thirty-seven pounds, fifteen shillings, four pence. In 1754 an act annexed the forfeited estates of the Jacobites who had been out, or many of them, inalienably to the crown. The estates were restored in 1784. Meanwhile the profits were to be used for the improvement of the Highlands. If submissive tenants received better terms and larger leases than of old, Jacobite tenants were evicted for not being punctual with rent. Therefore, on May 14th, 1752, some person unknown shot Campbell of Glenure, who was about evicting tenants on the lands of Lockheil and steward of Argyle and Appen. Campbell rode down from Fort William to Balachulish Ferry, and when he had crossed it said, I am safe now I am out of my mother's country. But as he drove along the old road through the woods of Lettermore, perhaps a mile and a half south of Balachulish House, the fatal shot was fired. For this crime James Steward of the Glen's was tried by a Campbell jury at Inverary, with the Duke on the bench, and was of course convicted, and hanged on the top of a knoll of Balachulish Ferry. James was innocent, but Alan Brecksteward was certainly an accomplice of the man with the gun, which, by the way, was the property neither of James Steward nor of Steward of Fannis Clock. The murderer was anxious to save James by vowing the deed, but his kinsfolk, saying, they will only hang both James and you, bound him hand and foot, and locked him up in the kitchen on the day of James's execution. Alan lay for some weeks at the house of a kinsman in Rannick, and escaped to France, where he had a fight with James Mormon Gregor, then a spy in the service of the Duke of Newcastle. The murder of the Red Fox caused all the more excitement, and is all the better remembered in Lockaber and Glencoe, because agrarian violence and revenge for eviction has scarcely another example in the history of the Highlands. CHAPTER XXVIII. CONCLUSION. SPACE DOES NOT PERMIT AN ACCOUNT OF THE ASSIMILATION OF SCOTLAND TO ENGLAND IN THE YEARS BETWEEN THE 45 AND OUR OWN TIME. Moreover, the history of this age cannot well be written without a dangerously close approach to many burning questions of our day. The history of the Highlands, from 1752 to the emigration witnessed by Dr. Johnson, 1760 to 1780, and of the later evictions in the interest of sheep farms and deer forests, has never been studied as it ought to be in the rich manuscript materials which are easily accessible. The great literary renaissance of Scotland, from 1745 to the death of Sir Walter Scott, the years of Hume, a pioneer in philosophy and in history, and of the Reverend Principal Robertson, with him and Hume, given professed, very modestly, that he did not rank. The times of Adam Smith, of Burns and of Sir Walter, not to speak of the Reverend John Holm, that foremost tragic poet, may be studied in many a history of literature. According to Voltaire, Scotland led the world in all studies, from metaphysics to gardening. We think of what, and add engineering. The brief and inglorious administration of the Earl of Butte at once gave openings in the public service to Scots of Ability, and excited that English hatred of those northern rivals which glows in Churchill satires, while this English jealousy aroused that Scottish hatred of England, which is the one passion that disturbs the placid letters of David Hume. The later alliance of Pitt with Henry Dundas made Dundas far more powerful than any secretary for Scotland had been since Lauderdale, and confirmed the connection of Scotland with the services in India. But politically, Scotland, till the reform bill, had scarcely a recognisable existence. The electorate was tiny, and great landholders controlled the votes, whether genuine or created by legal fiction, faggot votes. Municipal administration in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was terribly corrupt, and reform was demanded. But the French Revolution, producing associations of friends of the people who were persecuted and grievously punished in trials for sedition, did not afford a fortunate moment for peaceful reforms. But early in the nineteenth century, Geoffrey, editor of the Edinburgh Review, made it the organ of liberalism, and no less potent in England than in Scotland, while Scott, on the Tory side, led a following of Scottish penman across the border in the surface of the Quarterly Review. With Blackwood's magazine and Wilson, Hogg, and Lockhart, with Geoffrey and the Edinburgh, the Scottish Metropolis almost rivaled London as a literary capital. About eighteen-eighteen, Lockhart recognized the superiority of the Whig Whits in literature, but against them all, Scott is a more than sufficient set-off. The years of stress between Waterloo, eighteen-fifteen, and the reform bill, eighteen-thirty-two, made radicalism, fostered by economic causes, the enormous commercial and industrial growth, and the unequal distribution of its rewards, perhaps even more pronounced north than south of the Tweed. In eighteen-twenty the radical war led to actual encounters between the yeomanry and the people. The roughianism of the Tory paper, the Beacon, caused one fatal duel, and was within an inch of leading to another, in which a person of the very highest consequence would have gone on the sod. For the reform bill the mass of Scottish opinion, so long not really represented at all, was as eager as for the Covenant. So triumphant was the first Whig or radical majority under the new system that Geoffrey, the Whig Pontiff, perceived that the real struggle was to be between property and no property, between capital and socialism. This circumstance has always been perfectly clear to Scott and the Tories. The watchword of the eighteenth century in literature, religion, and politics had been no enthusiasm. But throughout the century, since seventeen-forty, enthusiasm, the return to nature, had gradually conquered till the rise of the Romantic School with Coleridge and Scott. In religion the enthusiastic movement of the Westleys had altered the face of the Church in England, while in Scotland the Moderates had lost position, and zeal or enthusiasm pervaded the Kirk. The question of lay patronage of livings had passed through many phases since Knox wrote, It pertaineth to the people and to every several congregation to elect their minister. In eighteen-thirty-three, immediately after the passing of the reform bill, the return to the primitive Noxian rule was advocated by the evangelical or high-flying opponents of the Dr. Chalmers, a most eloquent person, whom Scott regarded as truly a man of genius, was the leader of the movement. The veto act, by which the votes of a majority of heads of families were to be fatal to the claims of a patron's presentee, had been passed by the General Assembly. It was contrary to Queen Anne's patronage act of seventeen-eleven. A measure carried, contrary to Harley's policy, by a coalition of English Churchmen and Scottish Jacobite members of Parliament. The rejection under the veto act of a presentee by the Church of Hakturator was declared illegal by the Court of Session and the Judges in the House of Lords, May eighteen-thirty-nine. The Strathbogie in Borglio, with two presbyteries, one taking its orders from the Court of Session, the other from the General Assembly, eighteen-thirty-seven to eighteen-forty-one, brought the Assembly into direct conflict with the law of the land. Dr. Chalmers would not allow the spiritual claims of the character to be suppressed by the State. King Christ's crown honors were once more in question. On May eighteen-th, eighteen-forty-three, the followers of the principles of Knox and Andrew Melville marched out of the Assembly into Tanfield Hall, and made Dr. Chalmers moderator, and themselves the Free Church of Scotland. In eighteen-forty-seven the hitherto separated synods of various dissenting bodies came together as united Presbyterians, and in nineteen-o-two they united with the Free Church as the United Free Church, while a small minority, mainly Highland, of the former Free Church, now retains that title, and apparently represents Knoxian ideals. Thus the Knoxian ideals have modified even to this day the ecclesiastical life of Scotland, while the Church of James I, never by persecution extinguished, Neck, Tommen, Consumbator, has continued to exist and develop, perhaps more in consequence of love of the Liturgy than from any other cause. Meanwhile, and not least in the United Free Church, extreme tenacity of dogma has yielded place to very advanced biblical criticism, and Knox, could he revisit Scotland with all his old opinions, might not be wholly satisfied by the changes wrought in the course of more than three centuries. The Scottish universities, discouraged in almost destitute of pious benefactors since the end of the sixteenth century, have profited by the increase of wealth and a comparatively recent outburst of generosity. They always provided the cheapest, and now they provide the cheapest and most efficient education that is offered by any homes of learning of medieval foundation. Thank you for your time. Thank you.