 Thanks a lot and let me focus on the two aspects in particular, and it will be, I mean, looking for those questions, I mean, what kind of nature the Enlightenment has. The first one will be the Euro crisis and the consequent institutional change within the European Union, and another angle will be how the European Union can maintain credibility in the face of its own economic and social challenges. But let me start making two remarks about the European Union of today and the financial crisis. First, it is a very different Union from the Union of 2003, and it is continuing to change and change for the better. That has been made clear a couple of times also this morning. The deepening of integration that has been spurred on by the financial crisis has meant that the majority of member states are working to put in place a European banking union with a central bank supervision, a European fiscal union with a stricter control over national budget and deficits, and a European Union with more joint decisions making on economic but also social policies. Second, this deepening of integration is not just a solution to our internal problems. It is also guarantees to Europe's relevance in the world, a globalized world where a size matters. That is why the interaction of the two policies that have accompanied the European Union from the outset and it is deepening integration on one side and enlargement on the other side is so important. As rising powers like China and India take a great role in the world, it's important that together in the European Union of more than half a billion people, we count for more. Together we can face the challenges of globalization, financial crisis and climate change to name but a few. Alone, we count for less. And talking about globalization, I think we need to better understand the impact of the globalization on us, because I'm hearing many often the politicians attributing a number of the current challenges of the European Union to enlargement. Not understanding that enlargement is not a part of a problem but a part of the solution and actually what we are facing are the consequences of globalization. And we better use this opportunity or become a victim of those processes. I also want to underline the importance of addressing economic criteria early in the enlargement process. The European Union is undergoing far-reaching changes to its economic governance and enlargement countries need to be informed, involved and associated as closely as possible to the process that will help them to get sound financial rules and budgets in place before they join. There is a growing gap, growing gap between what is being debating, decided in Brussels and interned in practice on one side and what we negotiated within the framework of certify of chapters. The gap is growing and it's in our interest to close it and it's our interest that the member state, the new member states join the European Union undergoing already some experience through the European semester and being up to the expectation as far as the competitiveness. Turning to the question about credibility, it is very important to recall that the enlargement process is based on strict conditionalities. You made that point quite clear. Enlargement is not a free right. It is a carefully structured process with the rule of law at its center and each step forward is based on real progress achieved on the ground and agreed by all the actors. The new approach to negotiations in the policy areas of judiciary and fundamental rights as well as justice, freedom and security. It's a case in point. Tackling these areas early in the negotiations gives maximum time to enlargement countries to establish the necessary legislation, institutions and what's even more and more important, solid track records of the implementations before the negotiations are closed. This ensures that reforms are deeply rooted and irreversible fostering stability and reducing the risks of illegal immigration and infiltration of criminality. To give you an example on how seriously we take this work, let me mention the peer review exercise on chapters 23 and 24. Those are the chapters I've referred to, the Fundamental Freedoms, Judiciary, Justice, Freedom and Security. Those two chapters and it's in relation to Montenegro. There have already been nearly 100 meetings on issues such as asylum migration, border management, judicial reforms and fundamental rights and the fight against corruption. And this is a huge change. The Croatia was actually the first country to face the chapter 23 and it faced that chapter actually in the final stage of the negotiations and still it has been able to do it in a credible way. Now Montenegro is addressing those two chapters, not only 23 but also 24, from the very beginning of this process. And those chapters will be opened throughout the negotiations process with the possibility of having also interim benchmark. So the member states will have their finger much clear on the accession negotiation and I don't see there any clash in the competences between the member states and the commission. After all this is a member states run process, an intergovernmental one where we need to ensure not only the preparations of the candidate countries but also comfort of the member states that the European Union extending its membership is not going only to be larger but also stronger. Member states and I can clearly say that are very credible in their approach to enlargement. If the candidate countries are credible in delivering on membership criteria the member states act on it but we should do something about reform fatigue. Enlargement fatigue is a word which is being used sometimes. I compare it to a yeti, we talk about it but no one has seen it. And indeed when it comes to the reaction from the member states to the credibility from the candidate countries can always give you only the examples of a credible answer from the member states. So this double credibility really works. But talking about fatigue one has to be indeed very careful about reform fatigue. As we mentioned this morning about the lengths of the process and the lengths of the process of the enlargement without a clear steer and a clear goal at the end is a perfect recipe for the reform fatigue. How to fight it? We need to continue to prioritize the rule of law. Support efforts to ensure stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy and not to forget economic criteria. And let me conclude with a few words about the impact of the economic crisis on the western Balkans and what can be done to help economic recovery. Unemployment across the region is high in rising. The young are particularly affected. Returning to a sustainable growth path will remain challenging for many countries in the region. The commission is committed to assisting the governments in their measures for recovery. And let me put this in the following concrete terms. First, the commission will continue using the western Balkans investment framework as an important platform for cooperation with the international financial institutions and ensure that loans support investment in key areas such as transport, energy, climate change, social sector and SMEs. And you have already talked and we could continue to talk about also regionalization of this approach. Regional economic cooperation is indeed a cornstone of recovery. As a second point, the benefits of trading under the central European free trade agreements are clear. Trade flows can be further deepened and expanded through the planned liberalization of services and better conditions for foreign investors through improving the infrastructure and logistic throughout the region. Third, the commission has started a new dialogue on employment and social programs. The process will oblige participating countries to jointly identify priority reforms with the commission, implement them and then regularly monitor progress. We would hope that these priorities would then be addressed through more national and IPA funds to finance the weak social situation. Now I should make political correct conclusions, but I would rather favor the following provocative point. Let me stress once again that the driving force I see nowadays is indeed globalization. The globalization when we're size matters. We are tested by the globalization and as I said, the question is, will there be benefit from it? And the European has all the preconditions to benefit. Or indeed if we start to look only in words whether we would not become a victim of it. Now, it's important that after paying so much attention to the economic union, fiscal union, the blueprint on the economic and monetary union, how to develop further. That we also discuss the political union and the future of the European Union. Now the commission is going to present its ideas before the election to the European Parliament. And it's too soon to say what direction it will go. But I hope that whatever final shape it will have, it will be enlargement friendly framework. It will bring a number of the questions. The question number one, are we talking about still requiring from other candidate countries the same amount of the AKI, which is currently negotiating by the member states? In other words, Euro, Schengen, and everything what is there. The second question is, depending how we answer the first question, isn't the time for the European Union on a different orbits, as some say, or multilayered the European Union, the one which gives the possibility of those who want to go deeper, to go deeper. And others without any discriminations to join them when they think the time is ripe, but at the same time offering the membership to the countries just beyond the Western Balkans. Because where is the border of enlargement? The border of limits of the enlargement are where the Article 49 meets the consensus of the member states. That's sort of the most precise geographical description of the limits of enlargement. And the last point, in that process, we need to strengthen the democratic legitimacy. Currently, as we are trying to squeeze the current treaties as much as we could, strengthening this integration of the economic and fiscal areas, I only wish we have the same approach, also squeezing the most from the treaties as far as the democratic legitimacy. And without that, any project of the political union would not be sustainable. Thank you.