 Lula da Silva of the Workers' Party emerged victorious in the historic elections held in Brazil on October 30th. With almost 50.9% of the votes, Lula, a trade unionist who was also president from 2003 to 2010, defeated incumbent Jair Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party who got around 49.1% in the runoff election. His campaign for this election was driven by the left, people's movements, trade unions, and radical and progressive forces across the country. In this two-part interview series, we speak to João Pedro Stegile of the Landless Rural Workers' Movement about the implications of Lula's victory for Brazil and the world and the challenges he will have to surpass in order to fulfill his election promises. Throughout these months, the crisis has deepened a lot, both economic, social, and environmental crimes, and the same political crisis. This led to the fact that the social classes have taken different behaviors in relation to the elections. The main one was the change that took place in the bourgeoisie, because the bourgeoisie had put Bolsonaro in the government. Bolsonaro does not have his own strength, he has a group of fanatics, but they do not have organized social forces, because there is in Brazil a movement of fascist masses. He is a result of the crisis that in 2018 the bourgeoisie put him in the government. And now the bourgeoisie has changed its position. A little party only supported Bolsonaro, and even its greater support, in terms of resources, was the extreme right-wing of the United States, of the Republicans, of Beino, which is said to have sent 40 million dollars, in addition to teams, people, to manipulate the social networks. A large part of the bourgeoisie wanted a third life, neither Lula nor Bolsonaro, but they did not manage to make it viable. And a larger part of the bourgeoisie opted for Lula. That then changed the correlation of forces in society. The same happened with the middle class, the small bourgeoisie. 90% had supported Bolsonaro, now 90% support Lula. And in the working class now, the same. In 2018, even among the meditations of the working class as unionists, central unionists and left-wing parties, we were divided. And now we are united by Lula. Although part of the poorest working class, who lives in the periphery, who is influenced by the Pentecostals, also voted for Bolsonaro. So I wanted to convey to you that, despite the short electoral victory, however, in Brazilian society, there is a wide spectrum of social and popular forces that support Lula. And that is why its victory is more than electoral. Its victory is a political, social victory that gives us enough strength to start the necessary changes in the country. Well, Bolsonaro managed to become a leader using all the possible resources in those four years of an extreme right. But who are those militants of the extreme right? They are a sentence where 10% of the middle class, white, reactionary, right-wing, who follow their leader, Bolsonaro. But they are not even the majority in the middle class in general. What happened? They are very influenced by that international articulation that exists in the entire world of the extreme right. That is the great novelty of the last six years, that the extreme right in the world began to be articulated in several countries and to be helped. And they have the same characteristics. And that is why they adopt the same tactics. So they lost the elections and, oriented by this international articulation, applied here what they had applied in Bolivia and what they had applied in the United States with the defeat of Truff. What happened? Both in Bolivia and the United States, their leaders are in jail. And they did not achieve the support of the majority of the people. The same thing happened here. Immediately after the defeat, those radicalized sectors, although they are minority, tried to sweep the roads with the support of the police sectors, which was the same thing that happened in Bolivia and the United States. But the Brazilian society, due to its efforts and the same businessman, all of them, the vast majority, put themselves against it. And that created a greater isolation of Bolsonaro. That is, Bolsonaro could not take advantage of the 58 million votes. He put those votes in the latrine, because in two days the public opinion of all Brazil turned against them, due to the closure of the roads. To the point that Bolsonaro had to go to the TV and ask them to leave. Then, group of them went to the barracks, like what, calling the military to give a blow, to prevent Lula's possession. But all of these are traces of despair, of an extreme right that, in reality, does not have social strength. Because if they had that organized social strength, they would have already given the blow before the elections. And not now, because there are more and more isolation. There are many challenges. The first challenge is that the popular forces have to maintain a unity, as well as we built in the campaign outside Bolsonaro, as well as we have built an organizational process that we call popular committees, that we have managed to organize around 7,000 popular committees in the whole country. Our will is that these committees are not electoral, they are permanent committees, and that then the ideological struggle continues in society, acting on the networks. And the first task now is to deal with our bases. What would be an emergency plan that Lula has to implement in the first four months of government, from January to April? That emergency plan has to cover the main problems that the people live, with concrete measures that help solve the needs and above all, it indicates to the people that there are changes, not only of the president, but of the politics in the country. Thus, we defend that we have to have concrete measures to face hunger, to produce food quickly. There the peasant will have an important role. We have to have measures to face unemployment, that reaches 70 million people in Brazil. To do that, we have to take back the construction of housing for the people, because this is also a way to recover the industry and employment, and we have to invest and make a lot of money in education so that young people can return to school and, above all, to university. In this crisis, three million young people abandoned the studies and closed their inscriptions in universities, because they had no way to survive. So we have to recover that youth that wants to study but does not have the resources. And we have to invest a lot in the only public health system, which is called SUS, because from other investments in public health, you can hire more value professionals, you can deliver more medicines to the people, and so you can resolve the serious health problems that we have in this moment in the country. So those are, in general, some concrete measures that, in these weeks, we have already begun to debate and coordinate so that the popular committees can debate and, at some point, until December, we can present these proposals to the new president of Lula. Personally, I believe that, that even the easiest changes to make and more visible with the new president or new government, Lula, will be in the international field. Because Lula has an internationalist vision, he can become a great international leader and join the efforts of President Xi of China, Francisco, who is a leader for Europe and the Western Christian world. And Lula then emerges here in Latin America as also a leader. He, in the previous governments, had visited 88 countries, had opened doors for relations with Africa, with Asia, with the Arab world. So I believe that Lula's policy towards the global south will be very effective in two directions. First, in relation to Latin America. We have a new correlation of forces. The great countries are with progressive governments like Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina and Brazil. And that allows a correlation of forces that we can resume. The unitary processes that had started before and that have been stopped in the last four years. I refer to the CELAC to be a necessary alternative to the OEA that, despite the changes in the governments, continues to be manipulated by the United States, to transform it into a great bloc of South America. I believe that the South America has to return to an economic bloc of South America. And to promote other initiatives like the Bank of South and projects of Latin American integration. At the level of the global south, I believe that the main instrument that Lula will potentialize and recover are the BRICS. The BRICS for now are five countries, but there is political will of the Russians to expand the BRICS and hopefully it will transform into a powerful economic bloc to confront the imperialism of the fall of the United States and not be aware of what the Europeans think. So, Argentina has already expressed the will to enter Saudi Arabia, Algeria. So, I believe that Lula will push that many governments can participate in the BRICS and expand their participation. That is why it would transform into a very important economic bloc. Just as Lula is committed to building a new international currency. Because the dollar only serves the interests of the gringos. The euro is in decline. So, there is a need to build an international currency. It is not about changing the Chinese currency. It is about building a new monetary reference that can serve as a parameter for commercial relations without any country having the right to invest in currency as is the case of the euro and the dollar. That is a way of exploiting the global south. And I believe that Lula will also push several mechanisms to defend nature and expand trade in the global south. Whether in Latin America or in Africa or in Asia. So, I am very optimistic with the changes that Lula will surely push in international relations.