 Book II. VII. About the beginning of April they heard of Captain Standish's arrival and sent a boat to fetch him home with the things he had brought. He was welcome, but the news he brought was sad in many regards, not only as to the losses which their friends had suffered, but also the tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, was dead, which saddened them much and not without cause. Their adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming hither, but the Lord had appointed him a better place. An account of his death is given in these few lines written to the Governor and Mr. Brewster. A letter from Roger White at Leiden to Governor Bradford and William Brewster at New Plymouth. Loving and kind friends, I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands or miscarry as my other letters have done, but because of the Lord's dealing with us here I have had a great wish to write to you, knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joys and sorrows as we do with you. This is to give you to understand that it has pleased the Lord to take out of this veil of tears your and our loving and faithful pastor and my dear and reverent brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began to sicken on Saturday morning, yet next day, being the Lord's day, he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker, but was without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him, but he grew weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the last. He fell sick on February 22nd, and departed this life on March 1st. He suffered from a continual inward ague, but was free from infection, so that all his friends came to see him. If either prayers or tears or care could have saved his life he had not gone hence. But he, having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work which the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the Lord in eternal happiness. Once his going our church lacks a governor, yet we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close together in peace and quietness, and so hope to do, though we are very weak. We wish, if such were the will of God, that you and we were again united, either there or here. But seeing it is the will of the Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till it pleased the Lord otherwise to dispose. As for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old King James, who departed this life about a month ago, and here they have lost the old Prince Grave Maurice, both having departed this life since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new King, Charles, of whom there is great hope. Here they have put Prince Henry in his brother's place. Thus with my love remembered I take leave and rest, your assured loving friend, Roger White, Leiden, April 28th, 1625. Thus these two great princes and the colonists' old pastor left this world about the same time. Death makes no difference. Captain Standish further brought them notice of the death of their early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord took away also this year, and who had been their right hand with their friends, the adventurers, and for many years had undertaken all their business with them to great advantage. He had written to the Governor but a few months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Shirley, one of the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the point of death, praising his love and helpfulness in everything, and much bemoaning the loss his death would be to them, for he was the stay and life of the whole business, also that he proposed to come over this year and spend the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote of another's illness knew not his own death was so near. It shows that a man's ways are not in his own power, but in his hands, who has the issue of life and death. Man may propose, but God doth dispose. Their other friends from Leiden wrote many sad letters to them, lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and though they would gladly come to them, they saw no probability of it, but concluded that all their hopes were at an end, and besides many being aged began to drop away by death. They were greatly perplexed and not without cause, but they took courage, and the Lord so helped them, whose work they had in hand, that now when they seemed at the lowest ebb they began to rise again, and being stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by his divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained, but their example was both honored and imitated by others, as the sequel will show if the Lord spare me life and time to unfold it. Having now no fishing business or other things to attend to besides their trading and planting, they set themselves to follow them with the best industry they could. The settlers finding that their spare corn was a commodity worth six shillings of bushel spared no pains in sowing it. The Governor and those appointed to manage the trade, for it was still retained for the general benefit, and none were allowed to trade for themselves, cooperated. So lacking goods to trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been at Monaghan and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth was to break up, and many useful goods were to be sold, the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a boat and some hands and went there. Mr. David Thompson, who lived at Piscataquois, learning their purpose took the opportunity to go with them, but lest their competition for the goods should raise the prices, they agreed to buy them all and divide them equally between them. They also bought some goats, which they distributed amongst the colonists as they thought fit in exchange for corn. Their share of the goods came to above four hundred pounds sterling. That same spring a French ship had been wrecked at Sagodoc, containing many bisque rugs and other commodities which had fallen into the hands of these people and some fishermen at Damaris Cove Islands who had been taken into partnership, and these extras increased their share of the purchase to five hundred pounds. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly with beaver and goods they had got the winter before, and what they had obtained that summer. Mr. Thompson, having somewhat exceeded his resources, asked them to relieve him of some of his purchase, but they declined to take any but the French goods, and on the understanding that the merchant who was selling them, and who was a Bristol man, would take their bill to be paid next year, to which both parties agreed. By this means they were well furnished with articles for trading, and were able to take up some of their previous engagement, such as the money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of former debts. Both these goods and their corn when harvested they traded profitably, and were able to meet their engagements punctually and get some clothing for the people, and still had some supplies in hand. But soon they began to be emulated, and others went and supplied the Indians with corn, and beat down the price, giving them twice as much as they had done, and undertrated them with other articles too. This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave him instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as good terms as he could, for which composition Captain Standish had paved the way the year before. They enjoined him not to conclude absolutely till they knew the terms and had well considered them, but to arrange preliminaries as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to them. They also gave him commission under their hands and seals to raise some money, provided it did not exceed the sum specified, for which they engaged themselves, and instructed him how to expend it for the use of the plantation. Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voyages in a small open boat, especially during the winter, they began to think how they could get a small penis. It was the more necessary, since others were paying the Indians half as much corn again as they had formerly given, and in such a small boat they could not carry a quantity sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder among them, nor did they know how to get one at present, but they had an ingenious man who was a house carpenter, who had worked under the ship-builder who died when he was building their boats. So at their request he tried his skill, and took one of the biggest of their shallops, sawed her across the middle, lengthened her about five or six feet, strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel suitable for their use. They got her finished and fitted with sails and anchors for the coming year, and she did them service for seven years. Thus passed the affairs of this year. CHAPTER VIII At the usual season of the arrival of ships, Mr. Allerton returned, and brought some useful goods with him according to the orders given him. As commissioned he had raised two hundred pounds, which he got at thirty percent. They got the goods safely home and in good condition. He told them also how with much ado he had arranged for a settlement with the adventurers, with the help of several of their faithful friends there. Of the agreement or bargain he had brought a draft with a list of their names and next, drawn by the best counsel of law they could get, to make it binding. The body of it I insert here. To all Christian people, greeting, etc., whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last several persons whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule here unto annexed, adventurers to New Plymouth in New England in America agreed, in consideration of the sum of one thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid, in manner and form following, to sell and make sale of all the stocks, shares, lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said adventurers and their fellow adventurers to New Plymouth afore said, in any way accruing or belonging to the generality of the said adventurers afore said, as well as for any sum or sums of money or merchandise at any time, here to fore-adventured or dispersed by them howsoever. For the better setting forth and expression of the said agreement, the parties to these presents subscribing, do for themselves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell, and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, merchandise, and chattels, to them belonging as afore said, to Isaac Allerton, one of the planters resident at New Plymouth afore said, assigned and sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, and to such other planters at New Plymouth afore said, as the said Isaac, his heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by writing or otherwise think fit to join or partake in the premises, their heirs and assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner and form, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may do or perform. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc., to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, or in any way belonging, the said adventurers do warrant and defend unto the said Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, their heirs and assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said Isaac Allerton does, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant to and with the adventurers, whose names are here and to subscribed, their heirs, etc., well and truly to pay, or cause to be paid, to the said adventurers, or five of them which were at that meeting afore said, nominated and deputed, Viz, John Pocock, John Beauchamp, Robert Keane, Edward Bass, and James Shirley, merchants, their heirs, etc., to and for the use of the generality of them, the sum of eighteen hundred pounds of lawful money of England, at the place appointed for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royal Exchange in London, by two hundred pounds yearly, and every year, on the Feast of St. Michael, the first payment to be made, AD 1628. Also the said Isaac is to endeavor to procure and obtain from the planters of New Plymouth afore said, security, by several obligations, or writings obligatory, to make payment of the said sum of eighteen hundred pounds in form of fore said, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimony whereof, to this part of these presents, remaining with the said Isaac Allerton, the said subscribing adventurers have set their names, and to the other part remaining with the said adventurers the said Isaac Allerton has subscribed his name, the 15th November, 1626, in the second year of his Majesty's reign. John White, John Pocock, Robert Keane, Edward Bass, William Hobson, William Pennington, William Quarles, Daniel Pointon, Richard Andrews, Newman Rooks, Henry Prowning, Richard Wright, John Ling, Thomas Goff, Samuel Sharp, Robert Holland, James Shirley, Thomas Mott, Thomas Fletcher, Timothy Hatherly, Thomas Brewer, John Thornid, Miles Knowles, William Collier, John Ravel, Peter Gudburn, Emmanuel Ultham, John Beauchamp, Thomas Hudson, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Ward, Fran Newbald, Thomas Heath, Joseph Tilden, William Perrin, Eliza Knight, Thomas Coventry, Robert Alden, Lawrence Anthony, John Knight, Matthew Thornhill, Thomas Millsop. This agreement was approved by all the plantation and consented to, though they did not know just how to raise the payment and meet other engagements and supply the yearly wants of the colony, since they were forced to raise money or purchase goods at such high interest to supply themselves with necessities. However, they undertook it, and seven or eight of the chief members became jointly bound for the payment of the 1800 pounds on behalf of the rest at the day's set. It was a great risk as things stood at present. At the return of their agent it was absolutely confirmed on both sides, and the bargain was fairly engrossed on parchment, and many things put into better form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could get, and to prevent forfeiture of the whole for non-payment on any of the days it ran, thus, to forfeit thirty shillings a week if they missed the time. Now there were some unsuitable people among them from the first who came from England, and others sent later by some of the adventurers, concerning whom the governor and counsel had seriously to consider how to settle things in regard to this new bargain in respect of the distribution of things both for the present and future. For the present, unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able to do nothing but would endanger everything. So they decided to include all in the partnership, i.e. either heads of families or single young men of ability who were free and able to be helpful to the Commonwealth. For, first, they had need of men for defense and carrying on business, secondly most of them had borne their part in former miseries and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater prosperity if the Lord were pleased to give it. So they called the company together and conferred with them, and came to the conclusion that the trade should be managed as before to help to pay the debts, and all eligible persons should be enrolled as purchasers, single free men to have a single share, and every father of a family to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there were members of his family, i.e. to say one for himself, one for his wife, and one for every child that he had living with him. As for servants they had none, except what their masters gave them out of theirs, or their desserts should gain them from the company afterwards. The shares were allotted accordingly, and everyone was to pay his proportion towards the purchase and all other debts which the profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave satisfaction to all. The cattle they had were divided first in this proportion, a cow to six persons or shares, and two goats to the same, the stock being first equalized in value according to age and quality, and then drawn for by lots. Pigs, though more numerous, were dealt with similarly. Then they agreed that every person or share should have twenty acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment were instructed to begin first on one side of the town, up to a certain distance, and then on the other side, similarly, and to include only tillable land, or at least such of it as was along the water side, as most of it was, and to leave the rest as common land. They were all to agree as to the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid dissatisfaction afterwards, for the same reason they agreed by mutual consent before any lots were drawn, that those whose land was nearest the town should choose a neighbor or two whom they would allow to plant corn with them for four years, and afterwards they should be allowed to use as much of theirs for the same period if they wished. Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres in bread along the water side and four acres in length, excepting nooks and corners which were to be measured to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were they for many years after because of the scarceness of meadow land. If they had been given out now it would have hindered later developments, so each season everyone was shown where to mow according to the proportion of cattle he had and the fodder he required. This distribution gave general satisfaction and settled men's minds. They gave the Governor and four or five leading men among them the houses they lived in, the other houses were valued and equalized fairly, and everyone kept his own, so that he who had a better house made some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the valuation. One thing which occurred at the beginning of the previous winter I have deferred mentioning till now, so that I might handle it all together. A ship with goods and many passengers aboard, bound for Virginia, lost herself at sea, either through the incompetence of the captain or his illness, for he was so ill with scurvy that he could only lie at the cabin door and give directions, and it seemed he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew. Or perhaps the fear and unrulyness of the passengers made them steer a course between the southwest and the northwest, so that they might make land for sooner. They had been six weeks at sea and had no water or beer or wood left, having burned up all their empty casks. One of the passengers had a hog's head of wine or two, which was almost used up, and they feared they would be starved at sea or wiped out by disease, and so they ran this desperate course. But it pleased God that though they either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else ran stumbling over them in the night they knew not how, they made right towards a small blind harbor which lies about in the middle of Manimoic Bay, to the south of Cape Cod, and about high water they touched upon a bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, the sea being smooth, so they put out an anchor. But towards the evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough that their cable broke and they were beaten over the bar into the harbor, where they saved their lives and their cargo, though much was injured by salt water, for in the storm they had sprung the butt end of a plank or two and beat out their oakum. But they were soon over and ran on to a dry flat within the harbor, close by the beach. So at low water they got out their goods and dried those that were wet, and saved most of their things without any great loss, nor was the ship so badly damaged but that she might be mended and made serviceable again. But though they were glad that they had saved their lives, when they had refreshed themselves a little, they began to realize their condition, and not knowing where they were or what they should do they lost heart. Shortly after they saw some Indians coming to them in canoes which made them stand upon their guard. But when they heard some of the Indians speak English to them they were relieved, especially when they asked if they were the governor of Plymouth's men, or friends of theirs, and offered to guide them to the English settlement or carry their letters. They feasted these Indians and gave them many presents and sent two of their men and a letter with them to the governor, and begged him to send a boat to them with some pitch and oakum and spikes and various other necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to help them with some corn and several other things they wanted, to enable them to continue their voyage to Virginia. They promised to pay for anything they received in any goods which they had aboard. After the governor had been informed by the messengers of their condition he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed, and as the other more responsible members of the colony were away trading, he went himself and took some trading goods, too, to buy corn from the Indians. It was no season of the year to go outside the cape, but knowing where the ship lay he coasted along the lower side of the bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is not much above two miles overland to the bay where they were, and he had Indians ready to carry over anything to them. They were very glad of his arrival, and of the things to mend their ship and other necessaries. He also brought them as much corn as they wanted, and some of their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided and very grateful for the courtesies shown them. After the governor left them he went into some other harbors near there, and loaded his boat with corn which he traded, and then went home. He had not been home many days before he received word from them that in a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the ship after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again, and so beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to see. So their request was that they might have leave to come to them and live with them till they could convey themselves to Virginia. If they might have means to transport their goods, they would pay for it and for anything else with which the plantation could provide them. Considering their distress all their requests were granted, and all help rendered them, their goods transported and they themselves accommodated in their houses as well as they could. The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a Mr. Sibsy, who had a number of servants belonging to them, many of them Irish. Some others had a servant or two each, but most of the people were themselves servants and were engaged by the two men mentioned above who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived and were settled the masters asked for some land to employ their servants upon, since it was likely to be the latter end of the year before they could get passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was ripe, they would sell it standing. So they had ground allotted in convenient places, and Fells and some of them grew a great deal of corn which they sold at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid servant who kept his house and did his household affairs, and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was suspected of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them were questioned as to this, but nothing could be proved and so they stood upon their justification, so they were dismissed with admonition. But afterwards it appeared she was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away with her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Anne and afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts, but he could get no passage and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced to come back and submit himself. So they packed him away and those that belonged to him at the first opportunity, and dismissed all the rest as soon as they could, as there were many undesirable people among them, though they were also some who behaved themselves very well all the time they stayed. And the plantation benefited by selling them corn and other provisions in exchange for clothing of which they had a variety, such as cloth, perpetuans and other stuffs, besides stockings and shoes and such like goods which the planters stood in need of. So the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took them away at the latter end of the summer. Several of them have since acknowledged their gratitude from Virginia. So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the settlers decided to build a small penis at Manomet, a place on the sea twenty miles to the southward of them, towards which ran a creek, so that they could convey their goods to within four or five miles of it, and then transport them over land to their vessel, and so avoid rounding Cape Cod with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could make voyages southward in much shorter time and with far less danger. For the safety of their vessel and goods they built a house and kept some servants there, who also planted corn and kept swine, and were always ready to go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory and profitable enterprise. With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to England again, giving him full power under their hands and seals to conclude the former bargain with the adventurers, and sent them bonds for the payment of the money. They also sent what beaver they could spare to meet some of their engagements and to defray his expenses, but the high rates of interest left them little margin. He had orders to procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on the river Kennebec for the settlers at Piscataqua and other places to the eastward of them, and also the fishing-ships competed with them for the trade of the Indians, and threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them from their abouts, and they found they were so well furnished with goods for the purpose that they might take all the trade from them. They thought it essential to prevent this, and at least to preserve free trade for themselves in localities which they themselves had first discovered and developed. This year they received letters and messengers from the Dutch colony sent to them from the Governor there, written both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded to the south of them several years before they came, but had made no settlement there till four or five years after their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as follows, it being their custom to be full of complementary titles. I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous titles from the body of the letter. The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the settlers at New Plymouth. Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent lords, the Governor and counselors residing at New Plymouth are very dear friends. The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your lordship's worshipful, wise and prudent happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health in soul and body. We have often before this wished for an opportunity to congratulate you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings and the government of your colony there. The more so since we also have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony here, and because our native country is not far from yours, and our forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance with your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the hands of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed by the king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against our common enemy, the Spaniard, who seeks to usurp the lands of other Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended monarchy over all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the consciences of so many hundred thousand souls which God forbid. It appears that some of our people who happened to go northward in their boat met some Indians who told them that they were within half a day's journey of your plantation and offered to take letters to you, so we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines bearing our good will and service to you in all friendly kindness and neighborhood. If it should happen that any goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable to you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate you either for beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at present that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver or otter or such for ready money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer, whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your answer, we will depute someone to deal with you at any place you may appoint. In the meantime, we pray the Lord to take you, our honored friends and neighbors, into his holy protection. By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc., Isaac de Rosieres, Secretary. From Manhattan in the Fort of Amsterdam, March 9th, 1627. To this they answered as follows. From the settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch colony at New Amsterdam. To the honored, etc. The Governor and Council of New Plymouth wishes, etc., we have received your letters expressing your good will and friendship towards us, but with over-high titles, more than is our right, or it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good will and congratulations of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them with many thanks, accepting them as a great honor to us, and a sure proof of your love and good neighborhood. This is also to give your worships to understand that it is no small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself, as you say, strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both and our native countries. Now though this were sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighborhood in all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations for the courteous treatment we received in your country, having lived there for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do to this day, for which we and our children after us are bound to be grateful to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own forever. Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with you if your rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like to know what price you give for beaver per pound and otter per skin, and on what percent you will deal for other commodities and what you can supply us with, also what other goods from us would be acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what prices you will give, etc. We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your language, and take it in good part. Through want of practice we cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand everything as full as we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His mercies' sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious keeping and protection. By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth, your worship's very good friends and neighbors, etc., New Plymouth, March 19th. After this there was much correspondence and other intercourse, and they traded profitably together for several years, till other things interrupted it, as will appear afterwards. Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the Governor and some of the principal members seriously considered how best to discharge the many obligations which lay so heavily upon them, and also how, if possible, to bring over some of their friends at Leiden who wished so much to come to them and whose company they desired equally. To effect this, the leading men of the colony resolved upon a venturesome course not knowing how to accomplish their objects otherwise. This was that they should purchase the trade of the settlement, now owned jointly by the settlers as a body, and by the adventurers for a certain period, and in that time to undertake to pay the eighteen hundred pounds, and all the rest of the debts of the plantation then owing, which amounted to about six hundred pounds more, the trade of the settlement to revert to the common ownership at the end of the period. Upon coming to this resolution they called the settlers together, and made it clear to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time. But there are other objects they were obliged to conceal, only privately consulting some of their most trusted friends about it. So after some discussion with the colonists it was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on the following condition. Articles of agreement between the colony of New Plymouth of the one part, and William Bradford, Captain Miles Standish, Isaac Allerton, etc., of the other part, and such others as they shall think good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other furs and commodities, etc., made July, 1627. One. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, that the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Miles Standish, and Isaac Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presence covenant and agreed to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of all debts due for the purchase or otherwise on the date of these presents. Two. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the penis lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the Bass Boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of the said company, with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn, wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the same upon account. Three. That the above said parties have the whole trade to themselves, their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to come to begin the last day of September next ensuing. Four. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts, each member of the colony promises and covenants yearly to pay or cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term of the above said six years, three bushels of corn or six pounds of tobacco at the choice of the parties. Five. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend fifty pounds per annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony's use, to be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel. Six. That the end of the said term of six years the whole trade shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before. Seven. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties after they have acquainted their friends in England with these covenants, do there upon resolve to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said colony according to the true meaning and intent of these presents, they are then upon notice given to stand in full force, otherwise all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as usual. Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England, and had orders to arrange with some of their special friends there to join with them in this trade upon the above conditions, and also to impart to them confidentially the other object that induced them to take this course, that is, to bring over some of their friends from Leiden, if possible, and to tell them that if any of them would join with them they would thankfully accept their partnership, and finally, by letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of accomplishing it advantageously for all concerned. CHAPTER IX After Mr. Allerton's arrival in England, he informed the adventurers of his commission to make the purchase of the trade of the colony for six years, and upon delivery of the bonds for the yearly payments it was finally concluded, and a deed engrossed in parchment was delivered to him under their hands and seals confirming it. He also arranged with some special friends among them, as instructed, to participate in the purchase and to supply them with money at better rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here a letter from Mr. Shirley to the Governor throwing light on what followed. James Shirley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. Goff with the barrel of Otterskins, for which I got a bill of store, and sold them for seventy-eight pounds twelve shillings zero-pence sterling, and Mr. Allerton has received the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write, that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but for the working stock you will require, which you cannot raise at six or eight percent as here but must pay thirty, forty, and even fifty percent. Were not your profits considerable, and God's blessing on your honest endeavors more than ordinary, you could not long be masters of your affairs, and this it seems your honest and able agent Mr. Allerton has seriously considered. He tells me that you are willing to permit me and some few others to join with you as partners in the purchase. I thank you and all the rest, and gladly accept, and though absent, shall willingly be at such expense as you and the rest think proper. This year I am prepared to forego the fifty pounds due and the two years increase for the venture, which comes in all to eighty pounds, without making any condition for the profit, you with all the rest to bear the risk outward and homeward. I have persuaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do the same, so that you will not have to bear the high rate of the previous two years. We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us what you please, and according as God shall bless us. Whatever course I take Mr. Beauchamp is willing to do the same, and though he may have seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now new molded. I also see by your letter that you desire me to be your agent here. I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and upright men, that I have resolved to do you all the good that lies in my power. So if you please to select so inadequate a man to perform your business, I promise to do the best I can with the ability the Lord has given me. And wherein I fail, blame yourselves that you did not make a better choice. As I am not in good health, and we are all mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate Mr. Beauchamp with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and advisable for you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the salary that induces me to undertake your business. Thus commending you and yours and all God's people to the guidance and protection of the Almighty, I ever rest your faithful, loving friend James Shirley, London, November 17th, 1628. With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney to be sealed and returned to them, authorizing them to act as their agents, as some trouble arose about it afterwards I will insert it. To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting, no ye that we, William Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth in New England in America, Isaac Allerton, Miles Standish, William Brewster and Edward Winslow of New Plymouth aforesaid, merchants, due by these presents for us and in our names, make substitute and appoint James Shirley, Goldsmith, and John Beauchamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawful agents, factors, substitutes, and assigns, as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, merchandise whatsoever, as to our said substitutes or either of them, or to the city of London, or other place of the realm of England, shall be sent, transported, or come from us or any of us, as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the said goods, wares, and merchandise, so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credit, or otherwise in such manner as to our said agents and factors jointly, or to either of them severally shall seem proper. And further we make and ordain our said substitutes and assigns jointly and severally for us, and to our uses and accounts, to buy and consign for us and to us to New England afore said, such goods and merchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence as by our said assigns, or either of them shall be thought fit. And to recover, receive, or demand for us and in our names all such debts and sums of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging to us, or any of us, by any ways or means, and to acquit, discharge, or compound for any debt or sum of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or owing by any person or persons to us or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to do, perform, and execute every act and thing which to our said assigns, or either of them shall seem proper to do, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person present. And whatsoever our said agents and factors jointly or severally shall do, or cause to be done in or about the premises we will and do, and each of us does ratify, allow, and confirm, by these presence. In witness whereof we have here and to put our hands and seals, dated November 18, 1628. This was accordingly confirmed by the above-named, and four more of the principal members, under their hands and seals, and delivered to them. Mr. Allerton had formerly received authority under their hands and seals for transacting their business, raising money, etc., and this deed he still retained while he was employed on these affairs. Their complete trust in him and their other friends made them remiss in cancelling such previous deeds, which was a disadvantage to them later, as will appear in due course. Mr. Allerton, having settled everything satisfactorily, returned to the colony in the early spring of the year with their supplies for trading, the fishermen with whom he came being accustomed to sail in the winter and get here betimes. He brought a fair stock of goods for the settlement, not subject to such high interest, and an account of the beavers sold and of the money expended for goods and the payment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements except to Mr. Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews, and from them he also brought an account which amounted to not above 400 pounds, for which he had given bonds. He had also made the first payment for the purchase due this year, vis 200 pounds, and brought them the bond for it, duly cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except 400 pounds odd, and the balance of the yearly purchase money. They had some other debts over here, but they were without interest, and they were in a position to discharge them when they were due. To this past the Lord had brought things for them. Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends referred to above, with some others who wished to join them in the trading and in the purchase, intended that a reasonable number of the congregation at Leiden should be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord pleased to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent for Kennebec, but it was so inadequate that they were obliged to endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, and also that which they had at home at great expense as will appear. Either too Mr. Allerton had done them good and faithful service, would that he had so continued, or that they had now ceased employing him any longer in England. But of this more afterwards. Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected a house in the most convenient place for trade up the river, and stocked it with goods for that purpose, both for winter and summer. Not only with corn, but with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded to them, such as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, etc. What they could not procure from England they bought from the fishing-ships, and so carried on their business as well as they could. This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind letters from the colony they sent a variety of goods, such as sugar, linen, hull and finer and coarser stuffs, etc. Their secretary de Razier came with them in their bark to Manomet, to the house the settlers had established there. He brought attendance, and his coming was heralded by trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him on to new Plymouth, as he could not travel so far over land, so they sent a boat to Manoenskuset, and brought him to the plantation with most of his people. After some few days' entertainment he returned to his bark, and some of the leading settlers went with him and bought some of his goods. After this beginning they often sent over to them, and had intercourse for many years. Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good deal of tobacco in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc., and tobacco was profitably traded with them by the new Plymouth colony, till the Virginians learned of the Dutch settlement. But what became most profitable in time was the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum. They bought fifty pounds worth of it from the Dutch, who told them how much they sold of it at Fort Orange, and assured them that they would find it so at Kennebec. At first they could not sell it, in fact it was two years before they cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the Indians further inland began to know of it, for many years they could scarcely get enough for them. This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their trade with the fishermen, and in the main also with the scattered settlers. It was strange to see the great change it wrought in a few years among the Indians themselves. The natives of these parts and in Massachusetts hitherto had none or very little of this wampum, except the satchums and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for ornament. It was, however, largely made and used by the Narragansets and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while the Indians here were poor and beggarly, and had no use for it. Nor did the English of New Plymouth or any of the other settlements until told of it by the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, the local Indians took to it too, and learned how to make it, gathering the shells from the shores. It has remained a current commodity now for about twenty years, and it may prove a drug in time. In the meantime it makes the tribes hear about rich and powerful and proud, and provides them with arms and powder and shot, through the depravity of some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, and likely to be the ruin of many. Hitherto the Indians round here had no guns or other arms but their bows and arrows, nor for many years after. They scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them, and the very sight of one, though out of kilter, was a terror to them. But the Indians to the east who had dealings with the French got guns from them, and in time our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, followed their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king's majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, commanding that no sort of arms or munitions should be traded to the Indians by his subjects. Some three or four years before this there came over one, Captain Walliston, a man of fine qualities, with three or four others of some distinction, who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions and other necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched upon a place within Massachusetts which they called after their captain, Mount Walliston. Among them was one Mr. Morton, who it seems had some small share with them in the enterprise, either on his own account or as an agent, but he was little respected amongst them and even slighted by the servants. Having remained there some time, and not finding things answer their expectations, Captain Walliston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where he hired out their services profitably to other employers. So he wrote up to Mr. Radsell, one of the chief partners who was acting as their merchant, to bring another party of them to Virginia for the same purpose. With the consent of Radsell he appointed one, Fitcher, as his deputy, to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them should return. But Morton, in the other's absence, having more craft than honesty, he had been a kind of petty-fogger of Fernival's Inn, watched his opportunity when rations were scarce with them, got some drink and other junkets and made them a feast, and after they were merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel. You see, says he, that many of your comrades have been taken to Virginia, and if you stay till this Radsell returns you too will be carried off and sold as slaves with the rest. So I would advise you to oust this Lieutenant Fitcher, and I, having a share in this settlement, will take you as partners, and you will be free from service, and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and support and protect one another, and so on. This advice was easily received, so they drove out Lieutenant Fitcher and would not allow him to come amongst them, forcing him to get food and other relief from his neighbors till he could get passage to England. They then fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and profane life. Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, as it were, a school of atheism. As soon as they acquired some means by trading with the Indians, they spent it in drinking wine and strong drinks to great excess, as some reported ten pounds worth in a morning. They set up a maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days at a time, inviting the Indian women for their consorts, dancing and frisking together like so many fairies, or furies, rather, to say nothing of worse practices. It was as if they had revived the celebrated feasts of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad Bacchanalians. Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry verses and rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and others to the detraction and scandal of some persons, affixing them to his idle or idle maypole. They changed the name of the place, and instead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they called it Marymount, as if this jollity would last forever. But it did not continue long, for shortly after, Morton was sent back to England, as will appear. In the meantime, that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Indicott, arrived from England, bringing over a patent under the broad seal for the government of Massachusetts. Visiting this neighborhood, he had the maypole cut down and reprimanded them for their profaneness, admonishing them to improve their way of living. In consequence, others changed the name of their place again, and called it Mount Dagon. In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, Morton, hearing what profit the French and the fishermen had made by trading guns, powder, and shot to the Indians, began to practice it hereabouts, teaching them how to use them. Having instructed them, he employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness on foot and nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted and knowing the haunts of all sorts of game, with the result that, when they saw what execution a gun would do and the advantage of it, they were mad for them and would pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows but baubles in comparison. And here I must be wailed the mischief that this wicked man began in this district, and which, continued by men that should know better, has now become prevalent, notwithstanding the laws to the contrary. The result is that the Indians are stocked with all kinds of arms, fouling pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have molds to make shots of all sorts, musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan and geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they often have powder and shot when the English lack it and cannot get it, yet having been bought up and sold to those who trade it to the Indians at a shilling per pound, for they will buy it at any price. This goes on while their neighbors are being killed by the Indians every day, or are only living at their mercy. They have even been told how gunpowder is made, and all the materials that are in it, and that they are to be had in their own land, and I am confident that if they could only get salt peter, they would make gunpowder itself. Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and English have lately been killed by Indians thus furnished, and no remedy is provided, nay the evil has increased, the blood of their brothers has been sold for profit, and in what danger all these colonies are is too well known. Oh, that princes and parliaments would take some timely steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it by exemplary punishment of some of those gained thirsty murderers, for they deserve no better title, before their colonies in these parts are wiped out by the barbarous savages armed with their own weapons by these traitors to their country, but I have forgotten myself, and have been too long on this digression, now to return. Morton having taught them the use of guns sold them all he could spare, and he and his associates determined to send for large supplies from England, having already sent for over a score by some of the ships. This being known, several members of the scattered settlements hereabouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New Plymouth, who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to prevent the further growth of this mischief, and to suppress Morton and his associates. Those who joined in this action, and afterwards contributed to the expense of sending him to England, were from Piscataquois, Namkeeg, Winnosimit, Wiesegaskusit, Nantaskit, and other places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, and weighing their reasons and the common danger, were willing to help, though they themselves had least cause for fear. So to be short, they first decided to write to Morton jointly, in a friendly and neighborly way, requesting him to desist, and sent a messenger with the letter to bring his answer. But he was so overbearing that he scorned all advice. He asked what it had to do with them. He would trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, with many other scurrilous remarks full of disdain. So they sent to him again, and bade him be better advised and more temperate in his terms, that the country would not bear the injury he was doing, it was against their common safety and against the king's proclamation. He answered as haughtily as before, that the king's proclamation was no law, and asking what was the penalty. They replied, more than he could bear, his majesty's displeasure. But he persisted, and insolently said that the king was dead, and his displeasure with him, that if they came to molest him, let them look to themselves, he would be prepared for them. So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. They resolved to proceed, and unanimously requested the governor of New Plymouth to send Captain Standish and sufficient men to seize Morton. This was accordingly done, but he defended himself stiffly, closed his doors, armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table, and if they had not been overarmed with drink, more harm might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but they got nothing but scoffs from him. At length, fearing they would wreck the house, some of his crew came out, intending not to yield, but to shoot, but they were so drunk that their guns were too heavy for them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged and almost half filled with powder and shot, tried to shoot Captain Standish, but he stepped up to him and put aside his gun and took him. No harm was done on either side, except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his nose upon the point of a sword that someone held in front of him, on entering the house, but all he lost was a little of his hot blood. Morton they took to New Plymouth, where he was kept till a ship went from the Isle of Shoals to England. In this he was dispatched to the Council of New England, with letters giving information of his behaviour, entrusted to a representative sent at their common expense to inform their honours more particularly and to prosecute him. But Morton fooled this man after he had left here, and though he went to England nothing was done to him. He was not so much as rebuked so far as was heard, and he returned the following year. Some of the worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the more decent were permitted to live in the house till he was heard from, but I have been too long about so unworthy a person and so bad a cause. This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as minister to the colony, whether upon his own initiative or at the insistence of some friends there I do not know, but he was not sent by the orders of the church, for they had been so bitten by Mr. Leiford that they wished to know well whom they were inviting beforehand. His name was Mr. Rogers, but they discovered that he was crazed in the brain, so they were obliged to go to the expense of sending him back again the next year. Besides the cost of bringing him out, which was not small by Mr. Allerton's account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc., Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man over, for they had expenses enough already. In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some small quantities of goods upon his own account, and sold them for his private benefit, which was more than anyone had hitherto ventured to do, but as he had done them good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, it was passed over. But this year he brought over a greater quantity, and they were intermixed with the goods of the colony, and all packed together, so that it could not be said which were theirs and which were his, so if any mischance had happened at sea he could have laid the whole loss on them if he had wished, and it seemed to result that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, he claimed, was his. He also began to sell to others outside the settlement, which, considering their agreement, they disliked. But love thinks no evil, nor is suspicious, so they took his fair words for excuse, and decided to send him to England again this year, considering how well he had done formerly, and how well he stood with their friends there, and particularly as some of their friends from Leiden were to be sent for, the arrangements for which he could or might assist in. It was also thought that, as the patent for Kennebec must be extended, as well as the one here, he would best be able to effect it, having begun it. So they gave him instructions and sent him to England once more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on their account, except fifty pounds worth of hose, shoes, and linen, according to the conditions, besides some trading goods to a certain value, and in no case was he to exceed his instructions or run them into further expense. He was to arrange that their trading goods came over early, and whatever was sent on their account should be packed by itself, and marked with their mark, and no other goods were to be mixed with them. In fact he requested them to give him such instructions as they thought fit, and he would follow them to prevent any jealousy or further trouble. So they thought they had provided satisfactorily for everything. CHAPTER X Mr. Allerton arrived safely in England and delivered the letters to their friends there, acquainting them with his instructions. He found them willing to join in the trading partnership, and in the expense of sending over the Liden people, some of whom had already left Holland and were prepared to come over. So they were sent off before Mr. Allerton was ready to leave. They took passage on the ships that came to Salem, which brought over many godly persons to begin the settlements and churches of Christ there, and in the Bay of Massachusetts. So their friends here were rewarded for their long delay with double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now, when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted, but with them came other godly friends and Christian brethren to plant a still larger harvest unto the Lord for the increase of his churches and people in these parts. It was to the astonishment of many and almost to the wonder of the world that from so small a beginning such great things should ensue, as in due time was manifested, and that there should be a resting place for so many of the Lord's people here, when so sharp a scourge had come upon their own nation, but it was the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. I will here insert some of their friends' letters which best express their own attitude towards these proceedings. Two letters from James Shirley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, with this there are many more of our friends from Leiden coming over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body, is the fulfilment in part of our purpose, so strongly opposed by some of the former adventurers. But God has His working in these things which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent some servants in the ship Talbot, that sailed lately, but the Leiden contingent come in the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly, have, with your good will, joined your partnership, etc. May 25, 1629. Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have been sold by your friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been in Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts of the Low Countries. I see also the agreement you have made with the main body of the settlers, and think you have done very well, both for them, for you, and for your friends at Leiden. Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherly, and myself, so thoroughly approve of it, that we are willing to join you, and, God directing us, will assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed, had you not taken this course, I do not see how you could ever have accomplished the end originally aimed at. We know it must cause further delay in realizing profits, for most of those who we sent in May, and those now sailing, though honest and good people, are not likely to be helpful at present. Indeed, for some time they will be an expense to you and us. Had you not taken this wise and astute course, the main body of your colonists would probably have grudged their coming. Again, as you say well in your letter, the burden being now on the shoulders of only a few, you will manage it the better, having no discontent or contradiction, but all lovingly joined together in affliction and counsel, so that God will no doubt bless and prosper your honest labors and endeavors. So in all respects I consider you have been marvelously discreet and well-advised, and have no doubt it will give all parties satisfaction. I mean all who are reasonable and honest men, and make conscience of fulfilling their obligations to the uttermost, not with regard to their own private interests, so much as the accomplishment of the good object for which this enterprise was first started. Thus desiring the Lord to bless and prosper you and all yours, honest endeavors, I rest your unfaigned and ever-loving friend, James Shirley, London, March 8, 1629. I have mentioned here the coming of both these companies from Leiden, though they actually came at two different times. The former party, numbering thirty-five persons, sailed in May, and arrived here about August, 1629. The latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived here the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according to Mr. Allerton's accounts, came to above five hundred fifty pounds, in addition to their transportations from Salem and the Bay, where they and their goods were landed, visced their transportation from Holland to England, and their expenses while there, and their passages out here, with clothing provided for them. I find in the account for the one party one hundred twenty-five yards of cursey, one hundred twenty-seven ls of linen, sixty-six pairs of shoes, with many other particulars. The cost of the other party is reckoned by families, some fifty pounds, some forty pounds, some thirty pounds, more or less, according to numbers, etc. Besides all this expense their friends here had to provide corn and other provisions for them till they could reap a crop, which was some time. Those that came in May had to be maintained upwards of sixteen to eighteen months, the others proportionately. All they could do in the meantime was to build houses and prepare land for planting next season. The expenses of maintaining them all this time was little less than the former some. I make special note of this for various reasons. First to show a rare example of brotherly love and Christian care in performing their promises to their brethren. Secondly to prove that there was more than the work of man in these achievements, thus successfully to have persuaded such able friends to join them in the enterprise, and to stand by them so faithfully in the face of such risks, most of them never having seen their faces to this day. It must needs be, therefore, the special work of God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay all their engagements and others unjustly put upon them through unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they sustained, all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased to give me life and time. In the meantime I cannot help but wonder at his ways and works towards his servants, and humbly desire to bless his holy name for his great mercies hitherto. The Leiden people having come over, and several members of the general body of the settlers seeing how great the expense was likely to be, began to murmur at it, notwithstanding the burden lay on other men's shoulders, especially at paying the three bushels of corn a year, according to the agreement, but to satisfy them it was promised that if they could do without it they would not demand it of them, and it never was paid as will appear. Mr. Allerton's proceedings about the enlarging and confirming of the patents, both at home and at Kennebec, are best explained in another letter of Mr. Shirley's. Though much time and money was expended, he left it unaccomplished this year, and came without them. James Shirley in England to the New Plymouth Colony. Most worthy and loving friends. Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through Mr. Pierce. But till our main business, the patent, was granted, I could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so turmoil about it that I neither would nor could have undertaken it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds, but the Lord so blessed his labors that he obtained the love and favor of important men of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of Warwick and Sir Ferdinand Gorge's all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, and more besides which I leave him to relate. Then he sued to the King to confirm their grant, and to make you a corporation, and so to enable you to make and execute laws as freely as the government of Massachusetts. This the King graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor, but as Festus said to Paul, with no small sum of money obtained I this freedom, for by the way many riddles had to be solved, and many locks must be opened with the silver, nay, the golden key. Then it came to the Lord Treasurer to have his warrant for making you custom-free for a certain time, but he would not do it, and referred it to the council table. And there Mr. Allerton attended day by day when they sat, but could not get his petition read, and as Mr. Pierce was waiting with all the passengers at Bristol, he was forced to leave the further prosecution of it to a solicitor. But there is no fear nor doubt but that it will be granted, for the chief of them are friendly, but he should certainly return by the first ship that comes, for if you had disconfirmed you would be in a position to govern with the power befitting your rank, and the position God has called you to, and to stop the mouths of the base and scurrilous individuals who are ready to question and threaten you in every action. Besides, if you are freed of customs dues for seven years inward and twenty-one outward, the expense of the patent will be soon covered, and there is no doubt of ultimately obtaining it. But such things must work by degrees they cannot be hastened. So we, I write on behalf of all our partners here, beg you to urge Mr. Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this important business, which will be so much for your good, and I hope for that of your posterity for many generations to come. Thus much of this letter it was dated March 19th, 1629, but the fact of the matter was, as came out later, it was Mr. Allerton's object to have an opportunity to be sent over again for purposes of his own, and with that idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of the patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause about the customs, which was Mr. Allerton's and Mr. Shirley's device, it having passed the king's hand. But covetousness never brings anything home, as the proverb says, and this opportunity being lost it was never accomplished, though a great deal of money was vainly and lavishly expended on it, but of this more in its place. I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton gave them great and just offence by bringing over the unworthy Morton, who had been sent home only the year before for his misdemeanors. He not only brought him over, but into the very town, as if to beard them, and lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secretary till he was forced to send him away. So he returned to his old nest in Massachusetts, where it was not long before his misconduct gave them proper cause to apprehend him, and he was again sent by them a prisoner to England, where he lay a good time at Exeter Jail. For besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of the murder of a man who had ventured money with him when he first came to New England. A warrant had been sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him, by virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts sent him to England, and as punishment for his misdemeanors there, they demolished his house, so that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got free again, and wrote an infamous and scurrilous book full of lies and slanders against many godly men of the country in high position, and of profane columnaries against their names and persons and the ways of God. After several years, when the war was at its height in England, he returned to the country and was imprisoned at Boston, for the book and other things having grown old in wickedness. As for the rest of Mr. Allerton's instructions in joining him not to exceed the fifty pounds worth of goods before mentioned, nor to bring any but trading commodities, he ignored them, and brought over many other kinds of retail goods, selling what he could by the way on his own account, and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs. Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses that they had expanded so much on the Liden people, the patent, etc. As regards exceeding his instructions, he laid the responsibility on Mr. Shirley, etc. He promised that next year they should have whatever trading goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and though Mr. Shirley had written somewhat bearing out his statements, he was probably overruled by Mr. Allerton to do so. The following is a still further extract from his former letter bearing on this. I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our debts, which I confess are great and need to be carefully watched, but let us not fulfill the proverb to spend a shilling on a purse and put sixpence in it, nor think by the expenditure of fifty pounds a year to raise means to pay our debts, you need to be well supplied and fully provided, and chiefly lovingly to agree. This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between Mr. Allerton and the adventurers in England about these things, and that they had more regard for his opinion than for the advice sent from here. This troubled them greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being loath to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was that Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their reverend elder, Mr. Brewster, who was beloved and honored by them, taking great pains in dispensing and teaching the word of God to them, and whom they were loath to grieve in any way, so they bore with much for that reason. Again Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr. Shirley, with such applause of his wisdom, care, and faithfulness, that as things stood none seemed so fit to send as he, besides though private gain I feel sure was one cause of Mr. Allerton's doings, I think, or at least charity, leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully with his partners here in the main. But things fell out otherwise and missed their aim, and the settlement in general suffered considerably in consequence, as will appear. Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton's and his friends, unknown to the other partners here, until it was so far proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanction it and to join with them, though they did not like it and mistrusted the outcome. It is explained in another extract from Mr. Shirley's letter, as follows. I wish to acquaint you that we had thought good to become partners in a separate venture with one Edward Ashley, a man I think some of you know, but it only concerns the place for which he has a patent in Mr. Beauchamp's name. For this purpose we have supplied him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to join us as partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing how anxious Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply him, expecting good profits, we thought it important that we should not to miss such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man, thought it better to join with those who already had a settlement to back him there than with strangers. It is not known that you are in the partnership, but only we for, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, myself, and Mr. Hatherly, who entered upon it in view of the great loss we have already sustained in the first plantation there. But, as I said before, if you wish to join with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new contract, nor was he willing to do anything without your consent. Mr. William Pierce joined with us because of landing Ashley and his goods there. He has a new boat with him, and boards to make another, with four or five strong fellows, one of whom is a carpenter. In case you are not willing to join us, fearing the expense and doubting the success, we beg you to afford him all the help you can, either with men, goods, or boats, and we will pay you for anything that he has. We wish you to keep the accounts separate, even if you join us, because there are partners in this enterprise who are not in the other. So charge him with the men's wages, boat hire, or goods, and anything you receive from him, charge to the colony. Now, loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley's project, we having found the money to stock this business and the other, it seems reasonable that you should bear your share of the stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in God, by his blessing and your honest endeavor, it may soon be paid, but the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us all to make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let everyone put his shoulder to the burden and it will be I know you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory answer. None of us would have risked this, except as a support to your own enterprise. There is no likelihood of doing any good by attempting to buy the debts for the purchase of the old adventurer's shares. I know some would not forego their interest, so let it run its course. It is arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will be, according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and affections may still be united and knit together, and so we rest your ever-loving friends, James Shirley, Timothy Hatherly, Bristol, March 19, 1629. This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part of Mr. Allerton's instructions, and in many instances it might have been done to advantage for ready cash, but Mr. Shirley disliked it. The Ashley Enterprise troubled them much, for though he had ability enough to manage the business, he was known to be a very profane young man, and he had for some time lived among the Indians as a savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and customs, and in the meantime acquiring their language, so they feared he might not keep straight though he promised better things. As soon as he landed at the place intended, called Penobscot, some forescore leagues from this place, he wrote and afterwards came desiring to be supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other things. They bethought them that these were their chief commodities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would thus be greatly to the prejudice of their own trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not join the partnership, they should still have to supply him. On the other hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership and to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends in England, and might possibly lose them. Again Ashley and Mr. Allerton, laying their crafty wits together, might get supplies elsewhere, and whether they joined in it or not, they knew Mr. Allerton would do so, and then he would swim as it were between both to the prejudice of both, but especially of themselves. They had reason to think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a fit tool, so to prevent worse mischief they resolved to enter the new partnership, and gave him supplies of what they could, and kept a watch on his doings as well as they could. To do so more effectively they associated with him as an equal as it were, and not merely as a servant, a steady young man who had come from Leiden, and as he was discreet and could be trusted, they were able to give him such instructions as kept Ashley within bounds. So they replied to their friends in England that they accepted their offer and joined with them in Ashley's enterprise, but told them what their fears were in regard to him. When they had received full account of all the goods sent over to them that year, they saw they were very short of trading goods, and that Ashley was far better supplied than themselves. They were even forced to buy supplies from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, cursey, and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dispose of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over here, instead of sending it home to help discharge their debts. This vexed them greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured them that next year they should have whatever they wrote for. Their engagements for this year were large indeed, when they came to know them, which was not till two years after, and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large sums at Bristol at fifty percent again, which he insisted he was forced to do, otherwise he could have got no goods transported by the fishing ships in the spring, such was their ill will towards the trade of the colony. But whether this was any more than an excuse some of them doubted. However, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must bear it, as they did many other heavy loads before the end. This necessity of paying fifty percent, and the difficulty of having their goods transported by the fishing ships early in the year during the best season for trade, put them upon another project. Mr. Allerton, after the fishing season was over, secured a bargain in salt, at a good fishing place, and bought it. It came to about one hundred thirteen pounds, and shortly after he might have got thirty pounds clear profit for it without any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other partners coming that way from Kennebec in the bark, met Mr. Allerton, and persuaded him not to sell the salt, but suggested keeping it for themselves and hiring a ship in the West Country to come fishing for them on shares, as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and a dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing salt they might load her full of trading goods without paying freight, and receive them in plenty of time which would be greatly to their advantage. On arrival at New Plymouth this plan was discussed, and approved by all but the Governor, who was against it, as they had always lost by fishing. But the rest were strongly in favour of it, believing that they might make good profits by the fishing, and even if they should only save a little, or actually lose something by it, the advantage of getting early supplies would be ample return. So he gave way, and it was referred to their friends in England to allow or disallow it. Of this, more in its place. Considering what had to be done about the patents and in what state it had been left, and owing to Mr. Shirley's earnest wish to have Mr. Allerton come over to finish it and complete the accounts, etc., it was decided to send him over again this year, though it was with some fear and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises to perform all their business according to their directions, and to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full instructions, and with long letters to Mr. Shirley and the rest, both about Ashley's business and their own, stating how essential it was that they be supplied with trading commodities, what they had suffered through want of them, and of what little use other goods were in comparison. They fully explained about the fishing ship that was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply both them and Ashley, and the advantages to be gained. It was left to their decision to hire and fit her out or not, but under no circumstances to send one unless she were loaded with trading goods. But what happened will appear in the account of next year's doings. I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of this year. A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family had come over to the Bay of Massachusetts and lived at present with some straggling people at Nantasket. A boat from here putting in there on one occasion, he earnestly begged them to give him and his family passage to New Plymouth with such effects as they could take. He had heard that it was likely he might procure house-room here for some time, till he might decide to settle here if permitted, or elsewhere as God should dispose. He was weary of being in that uncouth place and in such a poor house that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So as he was a grave man and they understood he had been a minister, they brought him, though they had no orders to do so. He was kindly entertained here, and housed, and later he had the rest of his goods and servants sent for and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards he was chosen to the ministry and remained there several years. It was mentioned before that several of those who came from Leiden sailed in ships that went to Salem where Mr. Endicott had chief command. Diseases which had developed among the passengers at sea infected those ashore and many died. Some of scurvy, others of an infectious fever which was amongst them for some time, though our people, through God's goodness, escaped it. Whereupon Mr. Endicott wrote for help, understanding that one of them at New Plymouth had some skill as a physician, and had cured several of scurvy and others of various diseases by letting blood and other means. So he sent to the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them. The Governor complied and wrote to him, receiving a letter in reply. This letter, though brief, shows the beginning of their acquaintance, and as a manifestation of the truth and of the ways of God, I thought it fitting and profitable to insert here. Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Rightworthy sir, it is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the same household should be strangers. I assure you I do not desire it, nay, to speak more plainly I cannot be so to you. God's people are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and the same seal, and have in the main one and the same heart, guided by one and the same spirit of truth, and where this is there can be no discord. Nay, there must needs be sweet harmony, and so I pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be united with you by a heavenly and unfaithful love, bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, and fastening our eyes always on him who is able to direct and prosper all our ways. I am much beholden to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice at what I hear from him of your attitude towards the outward form of God's worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have maintained and professed ever since the Lord in his mercy revealed himself unto me, though very different from the common report of you that has been spread about. But God's children must look for no less here below, and it is the great mercy of God that he strengthens them to go through with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In the meantime I humbly take my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessed protection and rest. Your assured loving friend, John Indicott, Namkeeg, May 11th, 1629. A second letter received this year shows the progress of their church affairs at Salem, which was the second church erected in these parts. Afterwards the Lord established many more in several places. Charles got at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, I make bold to trouble you with a few lines to inform you how it has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us, how, notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has pleased God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to his word in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our Governor to set apart July 10th as a solemn day of humiliation for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the day was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the election, which was held in this way. The persons nominated who had been ministers in England were questioned concerning their calling. They acknowledged there was a two-fold calling, the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it. The second an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers joined together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God, every male member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now we being satisfied that these two men were so qualified as the apostle tells Timothy, a bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to teach, etc. I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip, what should hinder him from being baptized, seeing there was water, and he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we might not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen pastor and Mr. Higginson teacher, and they, accepting the choice, Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton with prayer. After this there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Since then, Thursday, being as I take it the 6th of August, has been appointed for another day of humiliation for the choice of elders and deacons and for ordaining them. And now, good sir, I hope that you and the rest of God's people with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that herein a right foundation was laid, and that these two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door and not at the window. Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, and so rest, at your service in what I may, Charles Gott, Salem, July 30th, 1629. CHAPTER X Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good parcel of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay for the goods he had from here, but let them stand charged against him, and drew still more. Though they knew his object well enough, they let him go on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to the beaver they received there and sold, which appealed to them as businessmen, and Mr. Allerton's high praise of him, they were more eager to supply him than the colony, and even somewhat disparaged it in comparison. They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her with a captain and men to transport his corn and provisions, of which he used large quantities, for the Indians of those parts grew no corn, and at harvest time, when the corn here is ready, the weather is so bad and the season so dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose. This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely supplies in the fishing-ship which they expected, and for which they had been at the expense of keeping a dock. But no ship came, nor were any goods heard of. Later they learned that supplies had been sent to Ashley by a fishing-ship which puzzled them, the more so that they had received no letters from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Shirley. However, they carried on their business as well as they could. At last they heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at the Bay of Massachusetts, with passengers and goods. They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would have something for them. But he told them he had nothing, and that a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks beating at sea, she met with such foul weather that she was forced to return to England, and the season being over she gave up the voyage. Nor had he heard much about goods in her for the settlers, or that she belonged to them, though he had heard something of that kind from Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, in which he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the eastward, and was bringing goods, etc. These reports troubled them and much astonished them. Mr. Winslow, having been eastward, brought similar news with more particulars, and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive till late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved to send Mr. Winslow to England with what beaver they had ready, to see how their business stood, being dubious about it, especially Mr. Allerton's behavior. They wrote letters and gave him such instructions as they thought proper, and if he found things unsatisfactory, he was to discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing any more for them in the business, and he was to see how the accounts stood, etc. About the middle of summer arrives Mr. Hatherly, one of the partners at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come over in the ship that was sent fishing, called the Friendship. They sent to him at once, not doubting that now their goods had come, and they would know how everything stood. They found the news was true that this ship had been so long at sea, and her provisions had been so largely consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the voyage. He himself had been sent over by the rest of the partners to see how things went here. He was at Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had bought, called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail, when that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from Barnstable, and told him of the return of the fishing ship Friendship and what had happened. He, not knowing what to do, the ship lying there at his expense ready to set sail, got Mr. Hatherly to go and discharge her and take order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherly somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being there, and not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he came, but he said he heard he had arrived by the White Angel, to Eastward, and expected to meet him there. He told them there was not much for them in the Friendship, only two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets came to be examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads remained, the rest having been drunk up under the name Leakage. For the rest the ship was laden with goods for various gentlemen and others who had come to settle in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the ton. This was all the satisfaction they could get at present. They took this small lot of goods and returned with the news, and a letter as obscure as follows. James Shirley in England to the colonists at New Plymouth. Gentlemen, partners, and loving friends, briefly thus we have this year fitted out both a fishing-ship and a trading-ship, the latter we have bought and so have dispersed a great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading-ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties, fishing for bass and trading, and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we have begged our mutual friend Mr. Hatterley to go over with him, knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should die as God forbid, the survivor would keep the accounts and the other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money as they will acquaint you. When it was only four or five hundred pounds apiece, we did not trouble much about it, but left it to you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite thanks both from you and us for his pains. But now that our ventures are double, nay, treble for some of us, we have decided to send over our friend Mr. Hatterley, whom we pray you to entertain kindly. The main object of sending him is to examine the accounts and report on the condition of the business, but all of which we beg you to inform him fully. I will not promise, but shall endeavour to obtain the grant of your patent as desired, and that ere long. Pray do not take anything unkindly. I have not written out of suspicion of any unjust dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest, yours in what I may, James Shirley, March 25, 1630. It is not surprising that these things troubled them. First there was this fishing-ship which had been fitted out, laden with other goods and scarcely any of theirs, though their main object was that he should bring them ample supplies, and their special orders were not to fit out a ship except for this purpose. And now to have the expenses charged to their account, though clean contrary to their orders, was a mystery they could not understand, the more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and her provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be bought, and sent out on business never thought of by any here, much less intimated to their friends in England either by word or letter, was equally inexplicable. Bass fishing was never favoured by them, and as soon as ever they heard of this project they foresaw a loss. As for Mr. Allerton's trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. Thirdly, that their friends should complain of disbursements, and yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed very strange. All these important projects being wrapped up in a brief and obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherly arrived. In the meantime Mr. Winslow had gone to England, and the rest of them were forced to follow their employments as best they could. At length Mr. Hatherly and Mr. Allerton came, and finding those at the settlement very depressed about it, Mr. Allerton told them that the White Angel did not belong to them, and had not been bought on their account. They need not have anything to do with her unless they wished. Mr. Hatherly confirmed this, and said that they wanted him to put in his share but he had refused. However he questioned whether they would not charge her to the general account if there were a loss, which he now saw was likely, seeing that Mr. Allerton had proposed the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told them they need not be anxious, and he produced her accounts, which showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed six hundred pounds. On the failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold goods out of her in England, and applied the money to the second voyage, which together, with such goods and implements as Mr. Allerton would need for fishing, such as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount to nearly four hundred pounds. As for this second voyage it would show a profit on the freight of the goods and the sale of some cattle which would be paid for partly here and partly by bills in England. So the total loss, which would not be much over two hundred pounds, would be all they would have to bear on this account. Mr. Hatherly also told them he was sent over as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by, that they would not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone unless they wished, but what he, Mr. Hatherly, did alone they would guarantee. So they sold him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave them possession of them, and a statement was drawn up in writing, and confirmed under both Mr. Allerton's and Mr. Hatherly's hands to the above effect. Mr. Allerton being best acquainted with the people, sold all such goods as he had no need of for fishing, as nine shallop sales made of good new canvas and the roads for them, all new and several such useful things for beaver by Mr. Hatherly's permission. Thus they thought they had well provided for themselves. However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for entering upon this project doubting its success. Mr. Allerton brought to the town after he had sold what he could elsewhere, a great quantity of other goods, besides trading commodities, as linen, bed tics, stockings, tape, pens, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they wished. But they told him they had forbidden him before to bring any such things on their account, as it would injure their trade and reduce their returns. But he and Mr. Hatherly said if they would not take them, they would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they could not sell otherwise. They told them they might if they had instructions to do so. These goods came to upwards of five hundred pounds. Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing, and Mr. Hatherly, as ordered, after examining the affairs of the settlement, about all of which they informed him fully, asked for a boat to go and visit the trading-house at Kennebec and Ashleigh at Penobscot. They accordingly supplied him with a boat and min for the voyage, and acquainted him thoroughly with everything. He was fully satisfied, and now saw plainly that Mr. Allerton played his own game, not only to the great detriment of the partners at the colony who employed and trusted him, but to that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing them against the settlement, assuring them that they would never be able to recoup themselves for their great expenses if they would not follow his advice and support his projects. Mr. Hatherly disclosed besides a further scheme in connection with this ship, the White Angel. It appeared that as she was well fitted with good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight at sea in which she came off victorious, they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she had brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with fish, she would go to Oporto, and there be sold freight, ordnance, and all. But this was prevented partly by the advice given by their friends here to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherly, showing how it might ruin their friends in England who were men of property, should it become known, and in the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed it and protested against it, and partly by their ill success, for they had arrived too late to do any good with the fishing, and had brought such a drunken crew that neither Mr. Allerton nor anyone else could keep them in order, as Mr. Hatherly and everyone could see to their shame. He also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherly returned, for trading powder and shot to the Indians. He was apprehended by those in authority, who would have confiscated over a thousand weight of beaver, but that the governor here showed a bond under Ashley's hand, to the amount of five hundred pounds not to trade any arms or ammunition to the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was proved besides that he had committed uncleanness with Indian women, things feared at the outset. So their goods were freed, but he was sent home in custody. To make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in the fleet by means of friends he was set at liberty, and intended to come over again, but the Lord prevented it, for he had an offer made to him by some merchants to go to Russia, owing to his skill in the beaver trade, which he accepted, and on returning home was drowned at sea. This was his end. Mr. Hatherly, fully conversant with the State of Affairs, was satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood between Mr. Allerton and the Colony. In fact he discovered that Mr. Allerton had got the better of him, too, and had taken possession of the things for which Mr. Hatherly stood jointly responsible to the partners here, as concerned the friendship, besides most of the freight money, and some of his own private property. Not this, however, more will appear in due course. He returned to England and they sent a good quantity of beaver with him to the rest of the partners, so both he and it were very welcome to them. Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs, and returned with his white angel, being no longer employed by the settlement. But these troubles were not ended till many years after, nor fully realized for a long time, being folded up in obscurity and kept in the clouds to the great loss and vexation of the Colony. In the end, for peace's sake, they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them almost to their undoing, as will appear if God give me life to finish this history. They sent letters by Mr. Hatherly to the partners in England to show them how they had settled with Mr. Hatherly and Mr. Allerton for the friendship's account, and that they both affirmed that the white angel did not belong to them in any way, and that therefore their account must not be charged with it. They also wrote to Mr. Winslow, their agent, that he too should protest against it in their names, should any such thing be intended, and that they would never permit it. They also signified that they dismissed Mr. Allerton wholly from being their agent, or from having anything to do with any of their business. This year John Billington the Elder, one of those who came over first, was arraigned, and both by grand and petty jury found guilty of willful murder by plain and notorious evidence, and was accordingly executed. This, the first execution among them, was a great sadness to them. They took all possible pains in the trial, and consulted Mr. Winthrop, and the other leading men at the Bay of Massachusetts recently arrived, who concurred with them that he ought to die, and the land be purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often been punished for misconduct before, being one of the profanest families among them. They came from London, and I know not by what influence they were shuffled into the first body of settlers. The charge against him was that he waylayed a young man, one John Newcomen, about a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he died. Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into my hands concerning the proceedings of their reverent friends at the Bay of Massachusetts, who had lately come over, I thought it not amiss to insert them here before concluding this year. Sir, being at Salem on Sunday, the 25th of July, after the evening service, Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston and those at Charlestown, visiting them with sickness and taking many from amongst them, the righteous suffering with the wicked in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into consideration what was to be done to pacify the Lord's wrath, etc. It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness, and to that end the sixth day, Friday, of this present week, has been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and seek him in his ordinances. On that day such godly persons as are amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end of the service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice it, vis that they solemnly enter into Covenant with the Lord to walk in his ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day live at three different places, each settlement having men of ability among them, they decided to form themselves into three distinct bodies, not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of officers, or to the admission of others to their society, except a few well known to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession of faith such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the church at New Plymouth to set apart the same day, for the same purpose, beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction from them, and to establish and direct them in his ways. And though the time be short, we pray you to be instigated to this godly work, as the cause is so urgent, whereby God will be honored, and they and we shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort. Be you kindly saluted, et cetera, your brethren in Christ, et cetera, Salem, July 26, 1630. A member of the New Plymouth settlement, staying at Charlestown to a friend at New Plymouth. Sir, I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many dead, the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have entered into Church Covenant. The first four were the Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson. Since then five more have joined, and others are likely to follow daily. The Lord increased them both in number and in holiness for his sake. There is a gentleman here, Mr. Cottington, a Boston man, who told me that Mr. Cotten's advice at Hampton was that they should take counsel of those at New Plymouth, and should do nothing to offend them. There are many honest Christians desire us to see us, some because of the love they bear us, and the good opinion they have of us, others to see if we are so unworthy as they have heard. We have a name for holiness, and love towards God and his saints. The Lord make us more and more worthy of it, and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel of God. Amen. Your loving brother, etc. Charles Town, August 2nd, 1630 Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown by his hand who made all things out of nothing, and gives being to all things that are, and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light in kindled here has shown too many, yea, in a sense to our whole nation, that the glorious name of Jehovah have all the praise.